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.v2./6 ^ 

THE 

UNDERGROUM) RAIL ROAD. 

A RECORD 

OP 

Facts, ^^uthentic Narratives, Letters, &c., 
Narrating the Hardships Hair-breadth Escapes and Death Straggles 

OP THE 

Slaves in their efforts for Freedom, 

AS RELATED 

BY THEMSELVES AND OTHERS, OR WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR; 



TOGETHER WITH 

SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND 

MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERb, 

OF THE ROAD. 

'■ -^ BY ' ( 



WILLIAM STILL, 

For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman 

of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of 

the Underground E,ail Road. 

Illustrated with 70 fine Engravings hy BenselL Schell and others, and 
Portraits from Photographs from Life. 



Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. — Detlt. xxiii. 16. 



SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION. 

PHILADELPHIA: 
POUTEK & COA.TES, 

822, CHESTNUT STREET. 

1872. 



\ 



E 



4-'- 



Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871, by 

AVM. STILL, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



JAS. B. RODGERS CO. 

Elcctrotypcrs & Priutcrt, 

52 ft 54 North 6th Street, Philad's. 



\' 



oSJ 






I)>EI)>I€A TIOWc 

TO THE 

FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, TO HEROIC FUGITIVES AND THEIR 

POSTERITY IN THE UNITED STATES, 

THESE MEMORIALS OF THEIR LOVE OF LIBERTY 

ARE INSCRIBED 

By the AUTHOR. 



PREFACE. 



Wiereas, The position of William Still in the vigilance committee connected with the 
" Underground Rail Road," as its corresponding secretary, and chairman of its active 
sub-committee, gave him peculiar facilities for collecting interesting facts pertainmg to 
this branch of the anti-slavery service ; therefore 

Resolved, That the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society request him to compile and 
publish his personal reminiscences and experiences relating to the " Underground 
Rail Road." 

In compliance with this Resolution, unanimously passed at the 
closing meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society held 
last May in Philadelphia, the writer, in the following pages, wil- 
lingly and he hopes satisfactorily discharg-es his duty.. 

In these Records will be found interesting narratives of the 
escapes of many men, women and children, from the prison- 
house of bondage ; from cities and plantations ; from rice swamps 
and cotton fields; from kitchens and mechanic shops; from 
Border States and Gulf States; from cruel masters- and mild mas- 
ters; — some guided by the north star alone, penniless, braving the 
perils of land and sea, eluding the keen scent of the blood-hound 
as well as the more dangerous pursuit of the savage slave-hunter ; 
some from secluded dens and caves of the earth, where for months 
and years they had been hidden away waiting for the chance to 
escape ; from mountains and swamps, where indescribable suifer- 
ing from hunger and other privations had patiently been endured. 
Occasionally fugitives came in boxes and chests, and not infre- 
quently some were secreted in steamers and vessels, and in some 
instances journeyed hundreds of miles in skiffs. Men disguised in 
female attire and women dressed in the garb' of men have under 
very trying circumstances triumphed in thus making their way 
to freedom. And here and there> when all other modes of escape 
seemed cut off, some, whose fair complexions have rendered them 
indistinguishable from their Anglo-Saxon brethren, feeling that 
they could endure the yoke no longer, with assumed airs of im- 



2 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

portance, such as they had been accustomed to see their masters 
show when traveling, have taken the usual modes of conveyance 
and have even braved the most scrutinizing inspection of slave- 
holders, slave-catchers and car conductors, who were ever on the 
alert to catch those who were considered base and white enou'^li 
to practice such deception. Passes have been written and used 
by fugitives, with their masters' and mistresses' names boldly 
attached thereto, and have answered admirably as a protection, 
when passing through ignorant country districts of slave regions, 
where but few, either white or colored, knew how to read or write 
correctly. 

Not a few, upon arriving, of course, hardly had rags 
enough on them to cover their nakedness, even in the coldest 
weather. 

It scarcely needs be stated that, as a general rule, the passengers 
of the U. G. R. R. were physically and intellectually above the 
average order of slaves. 

They were determined to have liberty even at the cost of life. 

The slave auction block indirectly proved to be in some respects 
a very active agent in promoting travel on the U. G. R. R., just 
as Jeff. Davis wa-s an agent in helping to bring about the downfall 
of Slavery. The horrors of the block, as looked upon through 
the light of the daily heart-breaking separations it was causing to 
the oppressed, no pen could describe or mind imagine; hence it 
will be seen that many of the passengers, whose narratives will be 
found in this work, ascribed their first undying resolution to strike 
for freedom to the auction block or to the fear of soon having to 
take their chances thereon. But x)ther agencies were at work in 
the South, which in various ways aided directly or tacitly the 
U. G. R. R. cause. 

To refer in detail to any considerable number of these agents 
would be impossible, if necessary. Some there were who nobly 
periled their all for the freedom of the oppressed, whose sufferings 
and deeds of bravery must have a fitting place in this volume. 

Where in history-, modem or ancient, could be found a more 
Christlike exhibition of love and humanity, of whole-souled devo- 
tion to freedom, than was proven in the character of the hero, 
Seth Concklin, who lost his life while endeavoring to rescue from 
Alabama slavery the wife and children of Peter Still? 



PREFACE. 3 

So also do the heroic and fiiithfiil services of Samuel D. Burrls 
demand special reference and commemoration, for his connection 
with the U. G. R. R. cost him not only imprisonment and the 
most barbarous treatment, but likewise the loss of his freedom. 
He was sold on the auction block. 

Here too come the overwhelming claims o*f S. A. Smith, who 
at the sad cost to himself of many of the best years of his life in 
the Richmond penitentiary, boxed up Henry Box Brown and 
others in Richmond, and committed them to Adams' Express 
office, to be carried in this most extraordinary manner to freedom. 

We must not omit from these records the boldness and the 
hazard of the unparalleled undertakings of Captains Drayton, 
Lee, Baylis, &c. 

While the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia was in no wise 
responsible for the suffering incurred by many of those who 
helped the slave, yet in order to show how men were moved 
to lend an ear to those hungering and thirsting for freedom, and 
to what extent the relentless spirit of Slavery would go in wreak- 
ing vengeance upon them — out of the many who were called upon 
to suffer thus, the individual cases here brought forward must 
suffice. Without introducing a few of such incidents the records 
would necessarily be incomplete. 

Those who come after us seeking for information in regard 
to the existence, atrocity, struggles and destruction of Slavery, 
will have no trouble in finding this hydra-headed monster 
ruling and tyrannizing over Church and State, North and 
South, white and black, without let or hindrance, for at least 
several generations. Nor will posterity have any difficulty in 
finding the deeds of the brave and invincible opposers of Slavery, 
who in the language of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, declared without 
concealment and without compromise : "I am in earnest, I will 
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single 
inch — and I will be heard." 

While this resolute spirit actuated the hearts of all true aboli- 
tionists, it was a peculiar satisfaction and gratification to them to 
know that the slaves themselves were stru2i:o;linQ; and huno:ering 
for deliverance. Hence such evidence from this quarter never 
failed to meet with hearty sympathy and aid. But here the 
enemy was never willingly allowed to investigate. 



PREFACE. 3 

So also do the heroic and fiiithful services of Samuel D. Biirris 
demand special reference and commemoration, for his connection 
with the U. G. R. R. cost him not only imprisonment and the 
most barbarous treatment, but likewise the loss of his freedom. 
He was sold on the auction block. 

Here too come the overwhelming claims o-f S. A. Smith, who 
at the sad cost to himself of many of the best years of his life in 
the Richmond penitentiary, boxed up Henry Box Brown and 
others in Richmond, and committed them to Adams' Express 
office, to be carried in this most extraordinary manner to freedom. 

We must not omit from these records the boldness and the 
hazard of the unparalleled undertakings of Captains Drayton, 
Lee, Baylis, &c. 

While the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia wiis in no wise 
responsible for the suffering incurred by many of those who 
helped the slave, yet in order to show how men were moved 
to lend an ear. to those hungering and thirsting for freedom, and 
to what extent the relentless spirit of Slavery would go in wreak- 
ing vengeance upon them — out of the many who were called upon 
to suffer thus, the individual cases here brought forward must 
suffice. Without introducing a few of such incidents the records 
would necessarily be incomplete. 

Those who come after us seeking for information in regard 
to the existence, atrocity, struggles and destruction of Slavery, 
will have no trouble in finding this hydra-headed monster 
ruling and tyrannizing over Church and State, North and 
South, white and black, without let or hindrance, for at least 
several generations. Nor will posterity have any difficulty in 
finding the deeds of the brave and invincible opposers of Shivery, 
who in the language of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, declared without 
concealment and without compromise : "I am in earnest, I will 
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single 
inch — and I will be heard." 

While this resolute spirit actuated the hearts of all true aboli- 
tionists, it was a peculiar satisfaction and gratification to them to 
know that the slaves themselves were struggling and hungering 
for deliverance. Hence such evidence from this quarter never 
failed to meet with hearty sympathy and aid. But here the 
enemy was never willingly allowed to investigate. 



4 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

The slave and his particuhir friends could only meet in private 
to transact the business of the Underground Rail Road ground. 
All others were outsiders. The right hand was not to know what 
the left hand was doing. 

Stockholders did not expect any dividends, nor did they re- 
quire special reports to be published. Indeed prudence often 
dictated that even the recipients of our favor should not know 
the names of their helpers, and vice versa they did not desire to 
know theirs. 

The risk of aiding fugitives was never lost sight of, and the safety 
of all concerned called for still tongues. Hence sad and thrilling 
stories w^ere listened to, and made deep impressions ; but as a uni- 
versal rule, friend and fugitive parted with only very vivid recollec- 
tion of the secret interview and with mutual sympathy; for a length 
of time no narratives were written. The writer, in common with 
otherSj took no notes. But after the restoration of Peter 
Still, his own brother (the kidnapped and the ransomed), after 
forty years' cruel separation from his mother, the wonderful 
discovery and joyful reunion, the idea forced itself upon his 
mind that all over this wide and extended country thousands of 
mothers and children, separated by Slavery, were in a similar 
way living without the slightest knowledge of each other's where- 
abouts, praying and weeping without ceasing, as did this mother 
and son. Under these reflections it seemed reasonable to hope 
that by carefully gathering the narratives of Underground Rail 
Road passengers, in some way or other some of the bleeding and 
severed hearts might be ur/ited and comforted; and by the use that 
might be made privately, if not publicly, of just such facts as would 
naturally be embraced in their brief narratives, re-unions might take 
place. For years it was the writer s privilege to see many travelers, 
to receive from their own lips the most interesting and in many 
cases exceedingly thrilling accounts of their struggles for liberty, 
and to learn who had held them in bondage, how they had been 
treated, what prompted them to escape, and whom that were near 
and dear to them they had left in chains. Their hopes, fears and 
Bufferings were thus recorded in a book. It scarcely need be 
added with no expectation, however, that the day was so near 
when these things could be published. 

It is now a source of great satisfaction to feel that net 



PREFACE. 5 

only these numerous narratives may be published, but that in 
connection therewith, for the completeness of tlie work, many in- 
teresting private letters from fugitives in Canada, slaves in the 
South, Underground Rail Road conductors and stockholders, and 
last and least, from slaveholders, in the bargain — all having a 
direct bearing on the mysterious road. 

In the use of these various documents, the writer begs to assure 
his readers that the most scrupulous care has been taken to 
furnish artless stories, simple facts, — to resort to no coloring 
to make the book seem romantic, as he is fully persuaded that 
any exaggerations or additions of his own could not possibly 
equal in surpassing interest, the original and natural tales given 
under circumstances, when life and death seemed about equally 
balanced in the scale, and fugitives in transit were making their 
way from Slavery to Freedom, with the horrors of the Fugitive 
Slave-law staring them in the face. 

Thousands were either directly or indirectly interested in this en- 
terprise, and in all probability two generations will pass away before 
many who are now living witnesses to the truth of these recorda 
will cease to bring vividly to mind the hour and circumstance 
when for the first time they were led to resort to this road to 
escape the " barbarism" of Slavery. 

Far be it from the writer to assume, however, that these 
Records cover the entire Underground Rail Road operations. 
Many local branches existed in different parts of the country, 
which neither time nor limit would allow mention of in this 
connection. Good men labored and suffered, who deserve to be 
held in the highest admiration by the friends of Freedom, whose 
names may be looked for in vain in these pages ; for which reason 
some may be inclined to complain. With respect to these 
points it may here be remarked that in gathering narratives 
from unwritten sources — from memorj^ simply — no amount of 
pains or labor could possibly succeed in making a trustworthy his- 
tory. The writer has deemed it best, therefore, to confine himself 
to facts coming within his personal knowledge, and to the records 
of his own preserving, which, by the way, are quite too voluminous 
to be all used in this work. Frequent abridgements and omissions 
must be made. 

The waiter is fully conscious of his literary imperfections. The 



6 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

time allotted him from other pressing duties is, moreover, exceed- 
ingly limited. Nevertheless he feels that he owes it to the 
cause of Freedom, and to the Fugitives and their posterity in par- 
ticular, to bring the doings of the U. G. R. R. before the jDublic 
in the most truthful manner; not for the purpose of amusing 
the reader, but to show wliat efforts were made and what suc- 
cess was gained for Freedom under difficulties. That some 
professing a love of liberty at this late date will be disposed to 
criticise some of the methods resorted to in aiding in the escape 
of fugitives as herein recounted, may be expected. While the 
writer holds the labors of Abolitionists generally in very grateful 
appreciation, he hopes not to be regarded as making any inv^idious 
discriminations in favor of the individual friends of the slave, 
whose names may be brought out prominently in this work, as it 
is not with the Anti-Slavery question proper that he is dealing, 
but simply the Underground Rail Road. In order, therefore, 
fittingly to bring the movements of this enterprise to light, 
the writer could not justly confine himself to the Acting 
Committee, but felt constrained to bring in others — Friends — 
who never forsook the fugitive, who visited him in prison, 
clothed him when naked, fed him when hungry, wept with 
him when he wept, and cheered him with their warmest sym- 
pathies and friendship. In addition to the names of the Act- 
ing Committee, he has felt constrained to beg the portraits of the 
following stockholders and advisers of the Road, whose names 
will be found on the next page, and in thus presenting a brief 
sketch of their labors, he feels that the true friends of the slave in 
recognizing them in this connection with many of the once Fugi- 
tives (now citizens), will regard it as a tribute to the Anti-Slavery 
cause rather than the individuals themselves. 

WILLIAM STILL. 
Philadelphia, January, 1872. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



THE AUTHOR fbontispiecb. 

PAGB 

PETER STILL — " THI. KIDNAPPED AND THE RANSOMED" 37 

CHARITY STILL TWICE ESCAPED FROM SLAVERY 37 

DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN 50 

DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL '. 53 

RESURRECTION OF HENRY BQX BROWN 83 

RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN 88 

PASSMORE WILLIAMSON 95 

JANE JOHNSON 95 

ESCAPING FROM PORTSMOUTH, VA 98 

TWENTY-EIGHT FUGITIVES ESCAPING FROM EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND 102 

ESCAPING FROM ALABAMA ON TOP OF A CAR 107 

CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT 121 

A BOLD STROKE FOR FREEDOM CONTEST WITH FIRE-ARMS 125 

ABRAM GALLOWAY 150 

THE MAYOR AND POLICE OF NORFOLK SEARCHING CAPTAIN FOUNTAIN'S 

SCHOONER 167 

MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING AS JO W^RIGHT 183 

JOHN HENRY HILL 191 

DRY-GOODS MERCHANT SEARCHING THE CARS 215 

ESCAPE WITH A LADY, AS HER COACHMAN, WITH MASTER'S HORSE AND 

CARRIAGE 216 

SIX ON TWO HORSES 220 

UP A TREE 237 

SAMUEL GREEN SENTENCED TO THE PENITENTIARY FOR TEN YEARS FOR 

HAVING A COPY OF " UNCLE TOM's CABIN " IN HIS HOUSE 250 

LEAR GREEN ESCAPING IN A CHEST 283 

ESCAPE OF ELEVEN PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND IN TWO CARRIAGES... 302 

THE CHRISTIANA TRAGEDY 351 

WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT 368 

7 



8 ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PACK 

MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE: 

,N. W. DEPEE 400 

JACOB C. WHITE 400 

CHARLES WISE 400 

EDWIN H. COATES 400 

KNIFING HIS VICTIM 423 

LIVING IN A HOLLOW TREE 424 

" IN A CAVE 425 

A NARROW ESCAPE 453 

SUSPENDED BY THE HANDS WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE 470 

CROSSING THE BAY 482 

BREAKING HIM IN 495 

MOTHER ESCAPING WITH SEVEN CHILDREN 512 

FIGHT IN CHESAPEAKE BAY •• . 528 

JOHN W. DUNGEE 542 

MARY MILBURN (SECRETED IN A BOX) 558 

HEAVY WEIGHTS — ARRIVAL OP A PARTY AT LEAGUE ISLAND 560 

SKETCHES AND PORTRAITS OF STATION-MASTERS, PROMINENT ANTI-SLAVERY 
MEN, AND SUPPORTERS OF THE U. G. R. R. : 

ABIGAIL GOODWIN 622 

THOMAS GARRETT 62? 

DANIEL GIBBONS 622 

LUCRETIA MOTT , 622 

J. MILLER M'KIM 654 

WILLIAM H. FURNESS 654 

■WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON 654 

LEWIS TAPPAN 654 

ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER 688 

WILLIAM WRIGHT 688 

DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 688 

ROBERT PURVIS • 688 

JOHN HUNN 720 

SAMUEL RHOADS 720 

WILLIAM WHIPPER 720 

SAMUEL D. BURRI8 720 

CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 724 

GRACE ANNA LEWIS "748 

MRS, FRANCES E. W. HARPER 748 

JOHN NEEDLES 748 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

SETHCONKLIN 23 

UNDERGROUND RAILROAD LETTERS. 

From Thomas Garrett — G. A. Lewis— E. L. Stevens — Sydney Howard Gay — John 
Henry Hill — J. Bigelowe — Ham and Eggs — Rev. H. Wilson — Sheridan Ford — 
E. F. Pennypacker— J. C. Bustill — Slave secreted in Richmond — G, S. Nelson — 
John Thompson — Wm. Penn 39 

WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES 
Came boxed up via Erricson line of Steamers 46 

WESLEY HARRIS alias ROBERT JACKSON, CRAVEN MATTERSON 
AND TWO BROTHERS 48 

CLARISSA DAVIS 
Arrived in Male Attire 60 

ANTHONY BLOW alias HENRY LEVISON 

Secreted Ten Months — Eight days on the Steamship City of Richmond bound for 
Philadelphia , 61 

PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND. 
Eye knocked Out 64 

ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS AND WILLIS REDICK. 

Hearts full of joy for Freedom — Very anxious for Wives in Slavery G4 

JOSEPH HENRY CAMP 

Sold, the day he escaped, for Fourteen Hundred Dollars — Slave Trader loses his 
Bargain 66 

SHERIDAN FORD 
Secreted in the Woods — Escapes in a Steamer 67 

JOSEPH KNEELAND alias JOSEPH HUDSON 

Young Master had a "Malignant Spirit" 68 

9 



10 CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

EX PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTOCRATIC 
ARTICLE 69 

EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN 

BUTLER. 

" Two Thousand Dollars Reward" offered 70 

HENRY PREDO 
Daniel Hughes, Thomas Elliott, and five others betrayed into Dover Jail 72 

MARY EPPS ALIAS EMMA BROWN, JOSEPH AND ROBERT 

ROBINSON. 

A Slave Mother Loses her Speech at the Sale of her Child... Bob Escapes from his 
Master, a Trader, with Fifteen Hundred Dollars in North Carolina Money 74 

GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. FLETCHER AND ; 
MARIA DORSEY -.^-H 

HENRY BOX BROWN 
Arrived by Adams Express 81 

TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J. H. WHEELER'S SLAVES, 
JANE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS f 

THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. * 
Sixty Passengers came in one Month — Twenty-eight in one Arrival — Great Panic 
and Indignation Meeting — Interesting Correspondence from Masters and Fugi- 
tives 97 

A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. 
Cordelia Loney, Slave of Mrs. Joseph Caheill, (widow of the late Hon. Joseph Caheill, 
of Virginia) — Cordelia's Escape from her Mistress in Philadelphia 112 

ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM 

PETERSBURG. 
Touching Scene on Meeting their Old Blind Father at the U. G. R. R. Depot 117 

ROBERT BROWN alias THOMAS JONES. 
Crossing the River on Horseback in the Night 121 

ANTHONY LONEY alias WILLIAM ARMSTEAD AND CORNELIUS 
SCOTT 122 

SAMUEL WILLIAMS alias JOHN WILLIAMS 12^ 

BARNABY GRIGBY alias JOHN BOYER. AND MARY ELIZABETH HIS ,Qg 
WIFE, FRANK WANZER alias ROBERT SCOTT, EMILY FOSTER"' 
ALIAS ANN WOOD 



CONTENTS. 11 

\ PAGS 

WILLIAM JORDAN alias WILLIAM PRICE 129 

JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. 
Two Passengers via Liverpool 132 

WILLIAM N. TAYLOR. 
"One Hundred Dollars Reward" 134 

LOUISA BROWN, JACOB WATERS, AND ALFRED GOULDEN 135 

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE. 

Jefferson Pipkins alias David Jones, Louisa Pipkins, Elizabeth Brit, Harriet Brown, 
alias Jane Wooton, Gracy Murry alias Sophia Sims, Edward Williams alias Henry 
Johnson, Charles Lee alias Thomas Bushier 136 

SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROxM DIFFERENT PLACES, 
lenry Anderson, Charles and Margaret Congo, Chaskey Brown, William Henry 
Washington, James Alfred Frisley, Charles Henry Salter, Stephen Taylor, Charles 
Brown, Charles H. Hollis, Luther Dorsey 137 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 
Jeremiah W, Smith and wife Julia 141 

EIGHT ARRIVALS. 
James Massey, Perry Henry Trusty, George Rhoads, James Rhoads, George Wash- 
ington, Sarah Elizabeth Rhoadd, and Child, Mary Elizabeth Stevenson 143 

CHARLES THOMPSON, 
Carrier of "The National American" 146 

BLOOD FLOWED FREELY. 
.A^ram Galloway and Richard Eden — Secreted in a Vessel Loaded with Spirits of 
Turpentine — Shrouds Prepared to Prevent being Smoked to Death — Abram a Sol- 
dier under Father Abraham — Senator of North Carolina 150 

JOHN PETTIFOOT. 

" One Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered — McHenry and McCulloch Anxious 
About John 153 

EMANUEL T. WHITE. 
" Would rather Fight than Eat" 154 

THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. 
J Letter from "J.B." — Letters from E. L. Stevens. ..Great Anxiety and Care 155 

ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER. 
ISAj^y- Little Girl and Husband left Behind —Three Hundred Dollars Reward Offered 157 



12 CONTENTS, 

SAMQEL W. JOHNSON. 

PAGR 

Arrival from the Richmond Daily Dispatch Office — "T^ncle Tom's Cabia" turned 
Sam's Brain — Affecting Letters loS 

FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE. 
Stephen Amos alias Henry Johnson, Harriet alias Mary Jane Johnson, and their 
four children, Ann Rebecca, William H., Elizabeth and Mary Elieu loO 

ELIJAH HILTON, 

From Richmond—" Five Hundred Dollars Reward" offered by R. J. Christian... Grate- 
ful letter from Canada 101 

SOLOMON BROWN 
Arrived per City of Richmond — Letter from Canada containing expressions of Grati- 
tude 163 

WILLIAM HOGG alias JOHN SMITH. 
Traveler from Maryland — William was much troubled about his Wife left behind — 
Letter from Canada 164 

TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. 
Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley Sold — Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire 164 

CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK^ 
Twenty-one Passengers secreted in Captain Fountain's Boat — Mayor and Posse of 
Officers on the Boat searching for U. G. R. R. Passengers 165 

ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. 
Matilda Mahoney — Dr. J. W. Pennington's Brother and Sons — Great Adventure to 
deliver a Lover 172 

FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. « 

Ann Maria W^eems alias Joe Wright — Great Triumph — Arrival on Thanksgiving 
Day — Interesting letters from J. Bigelow 177 

FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 
John Henry, Hezekiah and James Hill IS'' 

FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE. 

Archer Barlow, alias Emet Robins — Samuel Bush o/ms William Oblebee — John Spen- 
cer and his son William and James Albert — Robert Fisher— Nathan Harris — 
Han.iel Waples — Rosanna Tonnell, a/ias Maria Hyde — Mary Ennis alias Licia 
Hemmit and two Children— Lydia and Louisa Caroline 203 

SAM, ISAAC, PERRY. CHARLES AND GREEN. 
" One Thousand Dollars Reward" 208 



) 
' CONTENTS. 13 

PAGE 

FROM RICHMOND AND NORFORK, VA. 
William B. White, Susan Brooks, and Wm. Henry Atkinson 211 

FOUR ARRIVALS. 
Charlotte and Harriet escape in deep Mourning — White Lady and Child with a Col- 
ored Coachman — Three likely Young Men from Baltimore — Four large and two 
Small Hams — U. G. R. R. Passengers Travelling with their Master's Horses and 
Carriage — Six Passengers on two Horses, &c 214 

FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASH- 
INGTON, D. C. AND SOUTH CAROLINA 223 

CHARLES GILBERT, 
Fleeing from Davis, a Negro Trader — Secreted under a Hotel — Up a Tree — Under a 
Floor— In a Thicket— On a Steamer 235 

LIBERTY OR DEATH. 
Jim Bowlegs alias Bill Paul 240 

. SALT-WATER FUGITIVE 242 

SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD. 
Ten Years in the Penitentiary for having a Copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his 
House 246 

AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM. 
V-In Love with a Slave — Gets him off to Canada — Follows him — Marriage, &c 250 

"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE. 
The Escape of a Dentist on the U. G. R. R. &c 254 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 
From Loudoun County, Va., Norfolk, Baltimore, Md., Petersburg, Va., &c 259 

HEAVY REWARD. 
" Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered 272 

SLAVE-TRADER HALL IS FOILED. 
Robert McCoy alias William Donar, and Elizabeth Sanders, arrived per steamer 274 

THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. 
A Bill providing additional Protection for the Slave Property of Citizens of this Com- 
monwealth o^y 

ESCAPING IN A CHEST. 
" One Hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward"— Lear Green 281 

ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS AND KIT NICKLESS 284 



14 CONTENTS. 

I 
) 

ARRIVAL OF FIVE FROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND. 

PAGE 

Cyrus Mitchell alias John Steel, Joshua Handy alias Hambleton Ilamby, Charles 
Button alias William Ptobinson, Ephraim Hudson alias John Spry, Francis Molock 
alias Thomas Jackson 2So 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT AUGUST 1st, 1So5. 
Francis Hilliard and Others 287 

DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK. 
Thomas Madden 294 

PETER MATHEWS alias SAMUEL SPARROWS. 
"I might as well be in the Penitentiary as in Slavery." 295 

"MOSES" ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS 296 

ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT." 
John Atkinson 299 

WILLIAM BUTCHER alias Wm. T. MTCHELL. 
" He was abuseful" 300 

"WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS" 301 

ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES. 
Harriet Shephard, and her five Children with five other Passengers 302 

EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED. 
Washington Somlor alias James Moore 304 

ARTHUR FOWLER alias BENJAMIN JOHNSON 305 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 
About the 1st of June, 1855— Emory Roberts and others 305 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY 1st, 1855. 
Verenea Mercer and others 309 

SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES. 
James GriflSn alias Thomas Brown 31^ 

CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. 
Names of Passengers '^'■'^ 

OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR'S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, &c 320 



CONTENTS. 15 

HEAVY REWARD. 

PAGE 

Three Hundred Dollars Reward — " Tom" gone 304 

CAPT. F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTICLES" ON BOARD 325 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS, LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BE- 
GINNING OF JANUARY, 1856. 
Joseph Cornish and others 33^ 

PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855. 
Thomas J. Gooseberry and others goo 

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850. 
" An Act Respecting Fugitives from Justice, and Persons Escaping from the Servi- 
ces of their Masters." o.ig 

THE SLAVE HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY IN 

SEPTEMBER, 1851. 
"Treason at Christiana" oic 

WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 
Female Slave in Male Attire, fleeing as a Planter, with her Husband as her Body 
Servant .- 0,0 

ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. 
Lewis Cobb and Nancy Brister 0-7 

PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA, [By Schooner.] 
Major Latham, William Wilson, Henry Goram, Wiley Madison, and Andrew Shep- 
herd .^^f. 

THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET. 
Passed over the U. G. R. R. in the Fall of 1856 3S2 



ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856. 
Charles Hall and others 



383 



FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS. 
Mother and Child from Norfolk, Va., &c 3g(3 

PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. 
William Henry MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, &c 3SS 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND o^q 

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, &c., 1857. 
George Carroll, Randolph Branson, John Clagart and William'Royan 391 



16 CONTENTS. 

ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. 

PAGK 

Israel Todd and Bazil Aldridge 392 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 
Ordee Lee and Richard J. Booce. 393 

ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857. 
Silas Long and Solomon Light — " The Mother of Twelve Children" — Old Jane 
Davis 394 

BENJAMIN ROSS AND HIS WIFE HARRIET 
Fled from Caroline County, Eastern Shore of Maryland, June, 1857 395 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 39G 

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857 397 

ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, IN 1857 399 

ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857 401 

ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857 403 

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 40(5 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 408 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 409 

ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSSROADS AND ALEXANDRIA 410 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 411 

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va 412 

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 413 

FOUR ABLE BODIED " ARTICLES" IN ONE ARRIVAL. 1857 414 

ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, Md., 1857 41G 

FIVE PASSENGERS, 1847 418 

ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD COUNTY, Md., 1857 419 

ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, Md., 420 

ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857 421 

ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857 422 



CONTENTS. 17 



PACK 
7 



ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS 42 

ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857 409 

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857 409 

MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857 43O 

ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D. C 43O 

HON. L. McLANE'S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS 
VIA THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD— WILLIAM KNIGHT, ESQ 
LOSES A SUPERIOR "ARTICLE." ' 431 

ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD COUNTY, 1857 434 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 434 

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1857 435 

ARRIVAL FROM HOOPERVILLE, Md., 1857 437 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 439 

ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANNE COUNTY, 1858 440 

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE 44^ 

ARRIVED FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858 44I 

ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, Va., 1857 440 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 443 

ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858 444 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 444 

ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858 445 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 449 

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858 45O 

ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858 45I 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 450 

ARRIVAL FROM BELLAIR 454 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 455 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 459 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 461 



j8 CONTENTS. 

PAnr, 

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1858 ^^'- 

ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858 462 

483 
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON. 1858 ^^'^ 

4G4; 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA. 1858 

ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION '• ^"^'^ 

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858 "^'^^ 

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858 ' 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 ^'^ 

ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE 473 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 

ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858 : 477 - 

ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858 478 

ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, Va., 1S58 4.8 

ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT 480 

481 
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF 

ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY. Md.. 1858 

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858 " 4^*^ 

ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858 48o 

ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858 487 

ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858 4SS 

491 
SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859 

493 
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859 

495 
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858 

4Q7 
ARRIVAL FROil RICHMOND, 1859 *^ 

499 
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 

500 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859 



CONTENTS. 19 

PAGE 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 502 

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859 , 502 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859 503 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLA.ND, 1859 504 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859 506 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 507 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF CO- 
LUMBIA 508 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA 509 

ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859 511 

ARRIVAL FROM TAPS' NECK, Mc, 1859 511 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 512 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.... 514 

ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS 516 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860 519 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860 521 

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860 523 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 524 

ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860 525 

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860 526 

CROSSING THE BAY IN A BxiTTEAU 528 

ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER COUNTY, 1860 530 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860 532 

TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860 532 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND ■. 533 

A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP 534 

TO WHOM IT MIGHT CONCERN 535 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 536 



20 CONTENTS. 

PAGR 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 18o9 539 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND 541 

" AUNT HANNAH MOORE." 547 

KIDNAPPING OF RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER— MURDER OF 
JOSEPH C. MILLER, IN 1851 AND 1852 551 

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854 555 

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK ' 55S 

ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA ^ 559 

THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS 5GC. f 

HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD— INTEREST- 
ING LETTERS 584 

PAMPHLET AND LETTERS 584 

LETTERS TO THE WRITER 003 

WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857 608 

ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE 610 

PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES 613 

ABIGAIL GOODWIN 617 

THOMAS GARRETT 623 \ 

\ 
I 

DANIEL GIBBONS 642 | 

LUCRETIA MOTT G49 

JAMES xMILLER McKIM 654 ' 

WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D 659 | 

i 

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON GG.") | 

I 
LEWIS TAPPAN OSO j 

ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER 688 

WILLIAM WRIGHT (191 

DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 695 

THOMAS SHIPLEY 698 

ROBERT PURVIS. 711 



CONTENTS. 21 

JOHN HUNN 712 

SAMUEL RHOADS 719 

GEORGE CORSON 7L'l 

CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 723 

WILLIAM WHIPPER 735 

ISAAC T. HOPPER ■ 740 

SAMUEL D. BURRIS 74G 

MARIANN, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS 748 

CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE 753 

FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER 755 



THE 



UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



SETH CONCKLIN. 



In the long list of names who have suifered and died in the cause of 
freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor 
family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin's, whose noble 
and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery. Except 
John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found with respect 
to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be sacrificed for the de- 
liverance of the oppressed. 

By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman, 
containing the story of Peter Still, " the Kidnapped and the P/ansomed," — 
how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy six years 
old ; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to serve under 
the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his parents' whereabouts; 
how the intense love of liberty and desire to get back to his mother had un- 
ceasingly absorbed his mind through all these years of bondage; how, amid 
the most appalling discouragements, prompted alone by his undying deter- 
mination to be free and be reunited with those from whom he had been sold 
away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by extreme economy, from doing 
over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars, the amount of money required 
for his ransom, which, with his freedom, he, from necessity, placed unre- 
servedly in the confidential kee})ing of a Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom 
he had known for a long time and could venture to trust, — how he had fur- 
ther toiled to save up money to defray his expenses on an expedition in 
search of his mother and kindred; how, when this end was accomplished, 
with an earnest purpose he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart 
throbbing for his old home and people, he turned his mind very privately to- 
wards Philadelphia, where he hoped, by having notices read in the colored 
churches to the effect that "forty -one or forty-two years before two little boys* 

* Sons of Levin and Sidney — the last names of his parents he was too young to remember. 



24 TUB UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

were kidnapped and carried South " — that tlic memory of some of the oldor 
members might recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided 
in his ardent efforts to become restored to thera. 

And, furtiiermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in Pliiladcl- 
pliia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the first man whom 
Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown brother (whom he had 
never seen or heard of), who made the discovery that he was the long-lt>s! 
boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped in sadness so long, and 
for whom his mother had shed so many tears and offered so many prayers, 
during the long years of their se[)aration ; and, finally, how this self-ran- 
somed and restored captive, notwithstanding his great success, was destined 
to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow for his wife and children, whom he had 
left in Alabama bondage. 

Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not 
to feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in bonds 
as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wholly insen- 
sible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than when- 
ever the claims of the suffering and the wronged aj)pealed to him, to respond 
unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his nearest kin or 
the greatest strangers, — it mattered not to what race or clime they might be- 
long, — he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, owning all such Us his neigh- 
bors, volunteered his services, without pay or reward, to go and rescue the 
wife and three children of Peter Still. 

The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was literally 
laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed whom 
he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with. At this 
juncture even Peter was not prepared to.accept this projjosal. He wante<l 
to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as he had ever 
desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken to the idea of 
having them rescued in the way suggested by Concklin, fearing a failure. 

To J. M. McKim and the writer, the bold scheme for the deliverance of 
Peter's fjimily was alone confided. It was never submitted to the Vigilanc<! 
Committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter belonging 
thereto. On first reflection, the very idea of such an undertaking seemed 
perfectly appalling. Frankly was he told of the great dangers and difli- 
cultics to be encountered through hundreds of miles of slave territory. Seth 
■was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves to escape, had 
fallen victims to the relentless Slave Power, and had either lost their 
lives, or been incarcerated for long years in penitentiaries, where no friendly 
aid could be afforded them ; in short, he was plainly told, that without a 
very great chance, the undertaking would cost him his life. The occasion 
of this interview and conversation, the seriousness of Concklin and the utter 
failure in presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to create the slightest 
apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sense of fear or 



SETII CO^'CKLIN. 25 

hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer. The plaa 
was, however, allowed to rest for a time. 

In the meanwliile, Peter's mind was continnally vacillating between Ala- 
bama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the North. 
Said a brother, " If you cannot get your family, what will you do ? Will 
vou come North and live with your relatives?" "I would as soon go out 
of the world, as not to go back and do all I ciin for them," was the prompt 

reply of Peter. 

The problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles 
quite formidable lay in the way. Alabama laws utterly denied the right of 
a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. The right of slave 
masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was positively 
prohibited by law. With these reflections weighing upon his mind, having 
stayed away Irom his wife as long as he could content himself to do, he took 
his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face toward Alabama, to embrace 
his family in the prison-house of bondage. 

His approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe 
to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal Jew master, and one 
other friend— a slave— where he had been, the prize he had found, or any- 
thing in relation to his travels. To his wife and children his return was 
unsjreakably joyous. The situation of his family concerned him with ten- 
fold more weight than ever before. 

As the time drew near to make the offer to his wife's master to purchase 
her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening the ire 
of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public sentiment 
were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the slave. Indeed, 
as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in those days a man 
would have stood about as good a chance for his life in entering a lair of 
hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would, in talking about 
freedom. 

He conclurlod, therefore, to say nothing about buying. The plan proposed 
by Scth Concklin was told to N^na, his wife ; also what he had heard from 
Ills brother about the Underground Rail Road,— how, that many win 
could not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were 
daily escaping to Canada. Although the wife and children had never 
tasted the pleasures of fi-eedom for a single hour in their lives, they hated 
slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband and 
father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked like deliver- 
ance. 

So Peter proposed to Vina, that she should give him certain small 
articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as memo- 
rials, and, in case Concklin or any one else should ever come for her from 
him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send back, by 



26 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

Nvlioever was to befriend them, tlie cape, so that she and the children might 
not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the sign, (cape). 

Again Peter returned to PhiUidelphia, and was now willing to accept the 
oiFer of Concklin. Ere long, the opportunity of an interview was had, 
and Peter gave Seth a very full description of the country and of his family, 
and made known to hin<, that he had very carefully gone over with his 
wife and children the matter of their freedom. This interview interested 
Concklin most deeply. If his own wife and children had been in bondage, 
scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them. 

For the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to make a 
start. True he had two sisters in Philadelphia for whom he had always che- 
rished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this mo- 
mentous mi&sion. For full well did he know that it was not in human 
nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one of 
these sisters, Mrs. Supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist. 

Having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to look 
back, — not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them as 
though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. What had become 
of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in Alabama to rescue 
this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. On leaving 
home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of apparel with 
one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time ; this sum he con- 
sidered ample to start with. Of course he had very safely concealed about 
him Vina's cape and one or two other articles which he was to use for his 
identification in meeting her and the children on the plantation. 

His fii-st thought was, on reaching his destination, after becoming 
acquainted with the family, being fliniiliar with Southern manners, to have 
them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat for 
Cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly assume the 
part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of slaves, and in 
tliis way he hoped to reach Cincinnati direct, before their owner had fairly 
discovered tiieir escape. 

But alas for Southern irregularity, two or three days' delay after being 
advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers ; hence 
this plan was abandoned. What this heroic man endured from severe 
struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on water 
and on foot, hungry and fatigued, n)wing his living freight for seven days 
and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be parallele<l in the annals of the 
Underground Kail Road. 

The following interesting letters penned by the hand of Concklin con- 
vey minntdv his last struggles and charartoristically rej)rescnt the singleness 
of heart which iiujK'llcd him to sacrifice his life for the slave — 



\ 



SETH CONCKLIN. 27 

Eastpoet, Miss., Feb. 3, 1851. 

To Wm. Still : — Our friends in Cincinnati have failed finding anybody to assist me on 
my return. Searching the country opposite Paducah, I find that the whole country fifty 
miles round is inhabited only by Christian wolves. It is customary, when a strange negro 
is seen, for any white man to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of 
the State of Illinois to Paducah, Ky., and lodge such stranger in Paducah jail, and there 
claim such reward as may be offered by the master. 

There is no regularity by the steamboats on the Tennessee Pviver. I was four days 
getting to Florence from Paducah. Sometimes they are four days starting, from the time 
appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for returning by steamboat. The distance 
from the mouth of the river to Florence, is from between three hundred and five to three 
hundred and forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more. 

I arrived at the shoe shop on the plantation, one o'clock, Tuesday, 2Sth. William and 
two boys were making shoes. I immediately gave the first signal, anxiously waiting 
thirty minutes for an opportunity to give the second and main signal, during which time 
I was very sociable. It was rainy and muddy — my pants were rolled up to the knees. I 
was in the character of a man seeking employment in this country. End of thirty minutes 
gave the second signal. 

William appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable; Peter and 
Levin at the Island ; one of the young masters with them ; not safe to undertake to see 
them till Saturday night, when they would be at home ; appointed a place to see Vina, 
in an open field, that night; they to bring me something to. eat; our interview only four 
minutes ; I left ; appeared by night ; dark and cloudy ; at ten o'clack appeared William ; 
exchanged signals ; led me a few rods to where stood Vina ; gave her the signal sent by 
Peter ; our interview ten minutes ; she did not call me " master," nor did she say " sir," 
by which I knew she had confidence in me. 

Our situation being dangerous, we decided that I meet Peter and Levin on the bank 
of the river early dawn of day, Sunday, to establish the laws. During our interview, 
AVilliam prostrated ' on his knees, and face to the ground; arms sprawling; head cocked 
back, watching for wolves, by which position a man can see better in the dark. No house 
to go to safely, traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which William had given me 
for supper ; next day going around to get employment. I thought of William, who is a 
Christian preacher, and of the Christian preachers in Pennsylvania. One watching for 
wolves by night, to rescue Vina and her three children from Christian licentiousness ; the 
other standing ^rect in open day, seeking the praise of men. 

During the four days waiting for the important Sunday morning, I thoroughly surveyed 
the rocks and shoals of the river from Florence seven miles up, where will be my place of 
departure. General notice was taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. Fortu- 
nately there are several small grist mills within ten miles around. No taverns here, as in 
the North ; any planter's house entertains travelers occasionally. 

One night I stayed at a medical gentleman's, who is not a large planter ; another night 
at an ex-magistrate's house in South Florence— a Virginian by birth— one of the late 
census takers; told me that many more persons cannot read and write than is reported ; 
one fact, amongst many others, that many persons who do not know the letters of the al- 
phabet, have learned to write their own names ; such are generally reported readers and 
writers. 

It being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the morning where he 
has lodged, I was under the necessity of staying out all night Saturday, to be able to meet 
Peter and Levin, which was accomplished in due time. When we approached, I gave my 
signal first; immediately they gave theirs. I talked freely. Levin's voice, at first, evi- 
dently trembled. No wonder, for my presence universally attracted attention by the lords 



28 TUE U2sDERGR0UXD BAIL ROAD. 

of the land. Our interview was less tlian one hour ; the laws were written. I to go to 
Cincinnati to get a rowmg boat and provisions ; a first class clipper boat to go with speed. 
To depart from the place where the laws were written, on Saturday night of the first of 
March. I to meet one of them at the same ])lace Thursday night, previous to the fourth 
Saturday from the night previous to the Sunday when the laws were written. We to go 
down the Tennessee river to some place up the Ohio, not yet decided on, in our row boat. 
Peter and Levin are good oarsmen. So am I. Telegraph station at Tuscumbia, twelve 
miles from the plantation, also at Paducah. 

Came from Florence to here Sunday night by steamboat. Eastport is in Mississippi. 
Waiting here for a steamboat to go down ; paying one dollar a day for board. Like other 
taverns here, the wretchedness is indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper to be 
bad ; only one room for everybody, except the gambling rooms. It is difficult for me to 
write. Vina intends to get a pass for Catharine and herself for the first Sunday in March. 

The bank of the river where I met Peter and Levin is two miles from the plantation. I 
have avoided saying I am from Philadelphia. Also avoided talking about negroes. I 
never talked so much about milling before. I consider most of the trouble over, till I 
arrive in a free State with my crew, the first week in March ; then will I have to be wiser 
than Christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. I do not consider it safe to keep 
this letter in my possession, yet I dare not put it in the post-office here ; there is so little 
business in these post-offices that notice might be taken. 

I am evidently watched ; everybody knows me to be a miller. I may write again when 
I get to Cincinnati, if I should have time. The ex-magistrate, with whom I stayed in 
South Florence, held three hoitrs' talk with me, exclusive of our morning talk. Is a man 
of good general inforinp,tion ; he was exceedingly inquisitive. " I am from Cincinnati, for- 
merly from the Stale of New York." I had no opportunity to get anything to eat from 
seven o'clock Tuesday morning till six o'clock Wednesday evening, except the hoe cake, 
and no sleep. 

Florence is the head of navigation for small steamboats. Seven miles, all the way up to 
my place of departure, is swift water, and rocky. Eight hundred miles to Cincinnati. I 
found all things here as Peter told me, except the distance of the river. South Florence 
contains twenty white families, three warehouses of considerable business, a post-office, 
but no school. McKicrnon is here waiting for a steamboat to go to New Orleans, so we 
are in company. 

Peikceton, Gibson county, Indiana, Fkb. IS, 185L 
To Wm. Still: — The plan is to go to Canada, on the Wabash, opposite Detroit. There 
are four routes to Canada. One through Illinois, commencing above and below Alton ; 
one through to North Indiana, and the Cincinnati route, being the largest route in the 
United States. 

I intended to have gone through Pennsylvania, but the risk going up the Ohio river 
has caused me to go to Canada. Steamboat traveling is universally condemned; though 
many go in boats, consequently many get lost. Going in a skid is new, and ia approved 
of in my case. After I arrive at the mouth of the Tennessee river, I will go up the Ohio 
seventy -five miles, to the mouth of the Wabash, then up the Wabash, forty-four miles to 
New Harmony, where I shall go ashore by night, and go thirteen miles east, to Charles 
Grier, a farmer, (colored man), who will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen 
miles to David Stormon, near Princeton, who will take the command, and I be released. 

David Stormon estimates the expenses from his house to Canada, at forty dollars, with- 
out which, no sure protection will be given. They might be instructed concerning tho 
course, and beg their way through without money. If you wi.sh to do wliat should be 
done, you will send me fifty dollars, in a letter, to Princeton, Gibson county, Inda , so as 



SETH CONCKLIN. 29 

to arrive there by the 8th of March. Eight days should be estimated for a letter to arrive 
from Philadelphia. 

The money to be State Bank of Ohio, or State Bank, or Northern Bank of Kentucky, 
or any other Eastern bank. Send no notes larger than twenty dollars. 

Levi CofRn had no money for me. I paid twenty dollars for the skiff. No money to 
fTft back to Philadelphia. It was not understood that I would have to be at any expense 

seeking aid. 

One half of my time has been used in trying to find persons to assist, when I may 
arrive on the Ohio river, in which I have failed, except Stormon. 

Havino- no letter of introduction to Stormon from any source, on which I could fully 
rely, I traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his stability. I have found many 
Abolitionists, nearly all who have made propositions, which themselves would not compi/ 
with, and nobody else would. Already I have traveled over three thousand mili^s. Tw) 
thousand and four hundred by steamboat, two hundred by railroad, one hundred by 
stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skiff. 

I have yet five hundred miles to go to the plantation, to commence operations. I have 
been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three nights out, two of which I got per- 
lectly wet. If I had had paper money, as McKmi desired, it would have been destroyed. 
I have not been entertained gratis at any place except Stormon's. I had one hundred and 
twenty-six dollars when I left Philadelphia, one hundred from you, twenty-six mine. 

Telegraphed to station at Evansville, thirty-three miles from Stormon's, and at Vin- 
clure's, twenty-five miles from Stormon's. The Wabash route is considered the safest 
route. No one has ever been lost from Stormon's to Canada. Some have been lost 
between Stormon's and the Ohio. The wolves have never suspected Stormon. Your 
asking aid in money for a case properly belonging east of Ohio, is detested. If you have 
sent money to Cincinnati, you should recall it. I will have no opportunity to use it. 

Seth Concklin, Princeton, Gibson county, Ind. 

P. S. First of April, will be about the time Peter's family will arrive opposite Detroit. 
You should inform yourself how to find ihem there. I may have no opportunity. 

I will look promptly for your letter at Princeton, till the 10th of March, and longer if 
there should have been any delay by the mails. 

In March, as contemplated, Concklin arrived in Indiana, at the place 
designated, with Peter's wife and three children, and sent a thrilling letter 
to the writer, portraying in the most vivid light his adventurous flight from 
the hour they left Alabama until their arrival in Indiana. In this report 
he stated, that instead of starting early in the morning, owing to some un- 
foreseen delay, on the part of the family, they did not reach the designated 
place till towards day, which greatly exposed them in passing a certain town 
which he had hoped to avoid. 

But as his brave heart was bent on prosecuting his journey without 
further delay, he concluded to start at all hazards, notwithstanding the 
dangers he apprehended from passing said town by daylight. For safety 
he endeavored to hide his freight by having them all lie flat down on the 
bottom of the skiff; covered them with blankets, concealing them from ihe 
eifulgent beams of the early morning sun, or rather from the ^' Christian 
^yolves" who might perchance espy him from the shore in passing the 
town. 



30 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

* 

The wind blew fearfully. Concklin was rowing heroically when loud 
voices from the shore hailed him, but he was utterly deaf to the sound. 
Immediately one or two guns were fired in the direction of the skiff, but he 
heeded not this significant call ; consequently here ended this difficulty. 
He supposed, as the wind was blowing so hard, those on shore who hailed 
him must have concluded that he did not hear them and that he meant 
no disrespect in treating them with seeming indifference. Whilst many 
straits and great dangers had to be passed, this was the greatest before 
reaching their destination. 

But suffice it to say that the glad tidings which this letter contained filled 
the breast of Peter with unutterable delight and his friends and relations 
with wonder beyond degree.* No fond wife had ever waited with more 
longing desire for the return of her husband than Peter had for this blessed 
news. All doubts had disappeared, and a well grounded hope was cher- 
ished that within a few short days Peter and his fond wife and children 
would be reunited in Freedom on the Canada side, and that Concklin and 
the friends would be rejoicing with joy unspeakable over this great triumph. 
But alas, before the few days had expired the subjoined brief paragraph of 
news was discovered in the morning Ledger. 

Runaway negroes caught. — At Vincennes, Indiana, on Saturday last, a white man 
and four negroes were arrested. The negroes belong to B. McKiernon of South Florence, 
Alabama, and the man who was running them otf calls himself John H. Miller. The 
prisoners were taken charge of by the Marshall of Evansville. — April 9th. 

How suddenly these sad tidings turned into mourning and gloom the 
hope and joy of Peter and his relatives no pen could possibly describe ; at 
least the writer will not attempt it here, but will at once introduce a wit- 
ness who mot the noble Concklin and the panting fugitives in Indiana and 
proffered them sympathy and advice. And it may safely be said from a 
truer and more devoted friend of the slave they could not have received 
counsel. 

Evansville, Indiana, March 31st, 1851. 

Wm. Still: Dear Sir, — On last Tuesday I mailed a letter to you, written by Seth 
Concklin. I presume you have received that letter. It gave an account ef his rescue of 
the family ot your brother. If that is the last news you have had from them, I have 
very painful intelligence for yon. They passed on from near Princeton, where I saw them 
and had a lengthy interview with them, up north, I think twenty-three miles above Vin- 
cennea, Ind., where they were seized by a partv of men, and lodged in jail. Telegraphic 
dispatches were sent all through the South. I have since learned tliat the Marshall of 
Evansville received a dispatch from Tuscumbia, to look out for them. By some means, 
he and the master, so says report, went to Vincennes and claimed the fugitives, chained 
Mr. Concklin and hurried all off. Mr. Concklin wrote to Mr. David Stormon, Princeton, 
as soon as he was cast into prison, to find bail. So soon as we got the letter and could 
get off, two of us were about setting off to render all possible aid, when we were told they 

* Tn pome nnaccounfable manner this the last letter Concklin ever pcuncJ, perhaps, has been un- 
fortunately lost. 



SETH CONCKLIN. 31 

all had passed, a few hours before, through Princeton, Mr. Concklin in chains. What 
kind of process was had, if any, I know not. I immediately came down to this place, and 
learned that they had been put on a boat at 3 P. M. I did not arrive until 6. Now all 
hopes of their recovery are gone. No case ever so enlisted my sympathies. I had seen 
Mr. Concklin in Cincinnati. 1 had given him aid and counsel. I happened to see them 
after they landed in Indiana. I heard Peter and Levin tell their tale of suffering, she(i 
tears of sorrow for them all ; but now, since they have fallen a prey to the unmerciful 
blood-hounds of this state, and have again been dragged back to unrelenting bondage, I 
am entirely unmanned. And poor Concklin ! I fear for him. When he is dragged back 
to Alabama, I fear they will go far beyond the utmost rigor of the law, and vent their 
savage cruelty upon him. It is with pain I have to communicate these things. But you 
may not hear them from him. I could not get to see him or them, as Vincennes is about 
thirty miles from Princeton, where I was when I heard of the capture. 

I take pleasure in stating that, according to the letter he (Concklin) wrote to Mr. D. 
Stewart, Mr. Concklin did not abandon them, but risked his own liberty to save them. 
He was not with them when they were taken ; but went afterwards to take them out 
of jail upon a writ of Habeas Corpus, when they seized him too and lodged him in prison. 

I write in much haste. If I can learn any more facts of importance, I may write you. 
If you desire to hear from me again, or if you should learn any thing specific from Mr. 
Concklin, be pleased to write me at Cincinnati, where I expect to be in a short time. If 
curious to know your correspondent, I may say I was formerly Editor of the "New Con- 
cord Free Press," Ohio, I only add that every case of this kind only tends to make me 
abhor my (no ! ) this country more and more. It is the Devil's Government, and God 
will destroy it. Yours for the slave, N. R. Johnston. 

P. S. I broke open this letter to write you some more. The foregoing pages were 
written at night. I expected to mail it next morning before leaving Evansville ; but the 
boat for which I was waiting came down about three in the morning ; so I had to hurry 
on board, bringing the letter along. As it now is I am not sorry, for coming down, on my 
way to St. Louis, as far as Paducah, there I learned from a colored man at the wharf that, 
that same day, in the morning, the master and the family of fugitives arrived off the boat, 
and had then gone on their journey to Tuscumbia, but that the ''white man" (Mr. Conck- 
lin) had "got away from them," about twelve miles up the river. It seems he got off the 
boat some way, near or at Smithland, Ky., a town at the mouth of the Cumberland 
River. I presume the report is true, and hope he will finally escape, though I was also 
told that they were in pursuit of him. Would that the others had also escaped. Peter 
and Levin could have done so, I think, if they had had resolution. One of them rode a 
horse, he not tied either, behind the coach in which the others were. He followed ap- 
parently " contented and happy." From report, they told their master, and even their 
pursuers, before the master came, that Concklin had decoyed them away, they coming 
unwillingly. I write on a very unsteady boat. Yours, N. R. Johnston. 

A report found its way into the papers to the effect that "Miller," 
the white man arrested in connection with the capture of the family, was 
found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull frac- 
tured. It proved, as his friends feared, to be Seth Concklin. And in 
irons, upon the river bank, there is no doubt he was buried. 

In this dreadful hour one sad duty still remained to be performed. Up 
to this moment the two sisters were totally ignorant of their brother's where- 
abouts. Not the first whisper of his death had reached them. But they 
must now be made acquainted with all the facts in the case. Accordingly 



32 THE UNDEEGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

*■ 
an interview was arranged for a raeeting. and the duty of conveying this 

painful intelligence to one of the sisters, Mrs. Supplee, devolved upon I\Ir, 

McKirn. And most tenderly and considerately did he perform his mournfid 

task. 

Although a woman of nerve, and a true friend to the slave, an earnest 
worker and a liberal giver in the Female Anti-Slaveiy Society, for a time 
she was overwhelmed by the intelligence of her brother's death. As soon 
as possible, however, through very great effort, she controlled her emo- 
tions, and calmly expressed herself as being fully resigned to the awful 
event. Not a word of complaint had she to make l)ecause she had not 
been apprised of his movements; but said repeatedly, that, had she known 
ever so much of his intentions, she would have been totally powerless in 
\ opposing him if she had felt so disposed, and as an illustmtion of the true 
character of the mau, from his boyhofxl up to the day he die<l for his fellow- 
man, she related his eventful career, and reealled a number of instances 
of his heroic and daring deeds for others, sacrificing his time and ohaw 
periling his life in the cause of those who he considered were suffering 
gross wrongs and oppression. Hence, she conchided, tl>at it was only 
natural for him in this case to have taken the stojis he did. Now and 
then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and most re- 
markable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory seemed 
quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to recall 
vividly the chief events connected with his past history. Thus his agency in 
this movement, which cast him his life, could readily enough be accounte<l 
for, and the individuals who listened attentively to the story were prepared 
to fully appreciate his character, for, prior to offering his services in this 
miftion, he had been a stranger to them. 

The following extract, taken from a letter of a subsequent date, in addi- 
tion to the above letter, throws still further light \\\^n the heart-rending 
affair, and shows Mr. Johnston's deep sympathy with the suffered and the 
oppressed generally — 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. N. R. JOHNSTON. 

My heart bleed3 when I think of those poor, hunted and heart-broken fugitives, though 
a most intprestin- fam-lv, taken back to bondage ten fold worse than Egyptian. And 
then poor Conrklin ' How mv heart expanded in love to him, as he told rae his adven- 
turo. h)8 trials his toils, his fears and his hopes ! After hearing all, and then seeing and 
communing' with the familv, now joyful in hopes of soon seeing their husband and father 
in the lan.l of frpedom ; now in terror lest the human blood-hounds should be at their 
heels I felt as though I could lay down my life in the cause of the oppressed. In that 
hour or two of intercourse with Peter's family, my heart warmed with love to them. I 
never saw more interesting young men. They would make Remonds or Douglasses, if 
thev had the same opportunities. 

While I was with them. I was elated with joy at their escape, and yet, when I heard 
their tale of woe, especially that of the mother, I could not suppress tears of deepest 
emotion. 



\ 



^# 



SETH CONCKLmm/jk 33 



"• My joy was short-lived. Soon I heard of their capture. The telegraph had been the 
means of their being claimed. I could have torn down all the telegraph wires in the land. 
It was a strange dispensation of Providence. 

On Saturday the sad news of their capture came to my ears. We had resolved to go 
to their aid on Monday, as the trial was set for Thursday. On Sabbath, I spoke from 
Psalm sii. 5. " For the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now 
will I arise," saith the Lord: "I will set him in safety from hiin that puffeth at (from 
them that would enslave) him." When on Monday morning I learned that the fugitives 
had passed through the place on Sabbath, and Concklin in chains, probably at the very 
time I was speaking on the subject referred to, my heart sank within me. And even yet, 
I cannot but exclaim, when I think of it— 0, Father! liow long ere Thou wilt arise to 
avenge the wrongs of the poor slave! Indeed, my dear brother, His ways are very mys- 
terious. We have the consolation, however, to know that all is for tho best. Our 
Kedeemer does all things well, i When He hung upon the cross, His poor broken hearted 
disciples could not understand the providence; it was a dark time to them ; and yet that 
was an event that was fraught with more joy to the world than any that has occurred or 
could occur. Let us stand at our post and wait God's time. Let us have on the whole 
armor of God, and fight for the right, knowing, that though we may fall in battle, the 

victory will be ours, sooner or later. 

********** 

May God lead you into all truth, and sustain you in your labors, and fulfill your prayers 
and hopes. Adieu. N. R. Johnston. 

LETTERS FROM EEVI COFFIN. 
The following letters on the subject were received from the untiring and 
devoted friend of the slave, Levi Coffin, who for many years had occupied in 
Cincinnati a similar position to that of Thomas Garrett in Delaware, 
a sentinel and watchman commissioned of God to succor the fleeing bond- 
man — 

Cincinnati, 4th mo., 10th, 1851. 

Friend Wm. Still: — We have sorrowful news from our friend Concklin, through the 
papers and otherwise. I received a letter a few days ago from a friend near Princeton, 
Ind., stating that Concklin and the four slaves are in prison in Vincennes, and that their 
trial would come on in a few days. He states that they rowed seven days and nights in 
the skiff, and got safe to Harmony, Ind., on the Wabash river, tlieiice to Princeton, and 
were conveyed to Vincennes by friends, where they were taken. T!ie papers state, that 
they were all given up to the Marshal of Evansville, Indiana. 

We have telegraphed to different points, to try to get some information concerning 
them, but failed. The last information is published in the Times of yesterday, though quite 
incorrect in the particulars of the case. Inclosed is the slip containing it. I fear all is 
over in regard to the freedom of the slaves. If the last account be true, we have some 
hope that Concklin will escape from those bloody tyrants. I cannot describe mv feelings 
on hearing this sad intelligence. I feel ashamed to own my country. Oh ! what shall I 
say. Surely a God of justice will avenge the wrongs of the oppressed. 

Thine for the poor slave, Levi Coffin. 

N. B. — If thou hast any information, please write me forthwith. 

Cincinnati, 5th mo., 11th, 1851. 
Wm. Still: — Dear Friend — Thy letter of 1st inst., came duly to hand, but not being 
able to give any further information concerning our fridnd, Concklin, I thought best to 
wait a little before I wrote, still hoping to learn something more definite concerning him. 
3 



V 



34 THE JMWERGROUND BAIL ROAD. 

We that became acquainted wiui Seth Concklin and his hazardous enterprises (here at Cin- 
cinnati), who were very few, have felt intense and inexpressible anxiety about them. 
And particularly about poor Seth, since we heard of his falling into the hands of the ty- 
rants. I fear that he has fallen a victim to their inhuman thirst for blood. 

I seriously doubt the rumor, that he had made his escape. I fear that he was sacrificed. 

Language would fail to express my feelings ; the intense and deep anxiety I felt abou' 
them for weeks before I heard of their capture in Indiana, and then it seemed too much tc 
bear. ! my heart almost bleeds when I think of it. The hopes of the dear family all blasted 
by the wretched blood-houuds in human shape. And poor Seth, after all his toil, and 
dangerous, shrewd and wise management, and almost unheard of adventures, the many 
narrow and almost miraculous escapes. Then to be given up to Indianians, to these 
fiendish tyrants, to be sacrificed. 0! Shame, Shame ! ! 

My heart aches, my eyes fill with tears, I cannot write more. I cannot dwell longer on 
this painful subject now. If you get any intelligence, please inform me. Friend N. R. 
Johnston, who took so much interest in them, and saw them just before they were taken, 
has just returned to the city. He is a minister of the Covenanter order. He is truly a 
lovely man, and his heart is full of the milk of humanity ; one of our best Anti- Slavery 
spirits. I spent last evening with him. He related the whole story to me as he had it 
from friend Concklin and the mother and children, and then the story of their capture 
We wept together. He found thy letter when he got here. 

He said he would write the whole history to thee in a few days, as far as he could. He 
can tell it much better than I can. 

Concklin left his carpet sack and clothes here with me, except a shirt or two he took 
with him. What shall I do with them? For if we do not hear from him soon, we must 

conclude that he is lost, and the report of his escape all a hoax 

Truly thy friend, Levi Coffin. 

Stunning and discouraging as this horrible ending was to all con- 
cerned, and serious as the matter looked in the eyes of Peter's friends with 
regard to Peter's family, he could not for a moment abandon the idea 
of rescuing them from the jaws of the destroyer. But most formidable 
difficulties stood in the way of opening correspondence with reliable persons 
in Alabama. Indeed it seemed impossible to find a merchant, lawyer, doc- 
tor, planter or minister, who was not too completely interlinked ^ith 
slavery to be relied upon to manage a negotiation of this nature. Whilst 
waiting and hoping for something favorable to turn up, the subjoined letter 
from the owner of Peter's family was received and is here inserted precisely 
as it was written, spelled and punctuated — 

McKiernon's Letter. 

South Florence Ala 6 Augest 1851 

Mr Wii-LiAM Still No 31 North Fifth street Philadelphia 

Sir a few days sine mr Lewis Tharenton of Tuscumbia Ala shewed me a letter dated 6 
June 51 from Cincinnati signd samuel Lewis in behalf of a Negro man by the name of 
peter Gist who informed the writer of the Letter that you ware his brother and wished 
an answer to be directed to you as h« peter would be in philadelphi. the object of the 
letter was to purchis from me 4 Negros that is peters wife & 3 children 2 sons & 1 Girl 
the Name of said Negres are the woman Viney the (mother) Eldest son peter 21 or 2 
years old second son Leven 19 or 20 years 1 Girl about 13 or 14 years old. the Husband 
& Father of these people once Belonged to a relation of mine by the name of Gist now 



SETH CONCKLIN. ^ 35 

Decest & some few years since he peter was sold to a man by the Name of Freedraan who 
removed to Cincinnati ohio & Tuck peter with him of course peter became free by the 
volentary act of the master some time last march a white man by the name of Miller 
apperd in the nabourhood & abducted the bove negroes was caut at vincanes Indi with 
said negroes & was thare convicted of steling & remanded back to Ala to Abide the 
penalty of the law & on his return met his Just reward by Getting drownded at the 
mouth of Cumberland River on the ohio in attempting to make his escape I recovered & 
Brau"ht Back said 4 negroes or as You would say coulard people under the Belief that 
peter the Husband was accessery to the offence thareby putting me to much Expense 
& Truble to the amt $1000 which if he gets them he or his Friends must refund these 4 
negroes are worth in the market about 4000 for thea are Extraordinary fine & likely & 
but for the fact of Elopement I would not take 8000 Dollars for them but as the thing 
now stands you can say to peter & his new discovered Eelations in Philadelphia I will 
take 5000 for the 4 culerd people & if this will suite him & he can raise the money I will 
delever to him or his agent at paduca at mouth of Tennessee river said negroes but the 
money must be Deposeted in the Hands of some respectabl person at paduca before I 
remove the property it wold not be safe for peter to come to this countery write me a line 
on recpt of this & let me Know peters views on the above 

I am Yours &c B. McKieenon 
N B say to peter to write & let me Know his viewes amediately as I am determined 
to act in a way if he dont take this offer he will never have an other oppertunity 

B McKlEENON 

WM. still's answer. 

Philadelphia, Aug. 16th, 1851. 

To B. McKiERNON, Esq.: Sir — I have received your letter. from South Florence, 
Ala., under date of the 6th inst. To say that it took me by surprise, as well as afforded 
me pleasure, for which I feel to be very much indebted to you, is no more than true. In 
regard to your informants of myself — Mr. Thornton, of Ala., and Mr. Samuel Lewis, of 
Cincinnati — to them both I am a stranger. However, I am the brother of Peter, referred 
to, and with the fact of his having a wife and three children in your service I am also 
familiar. This brother, Peter, I have only had the pleasure of knowing for the brief space 
of one year and thirteen days, although he is now past forty and I twenty-nine years of 
age. Time will not allow me at present, or I should give you a detailed account of how 
Peter became a slave, the forty long years which intervened between the time he was kid- 
napped, when a boy, being only six years of age, and his arrival in this city, from Alabama, 
one year and fourteen days ago, when he was re-united to his mother, five brothers and 
three sisters. 

None but a father's heart can fathom the anguish and sorrows felt by Peter during the 
many vicissitudes through which he has passed. He looked back to his boyhood and saw 
himself snatched from the tender embraces of his parents and home to be made a slave 
for life. 

During all his prime days he was in the faithful and constant service of those who had 
no just claim upon him. In the meanwhile he married a wife, who bore him eleven children, 
the greater part of whom were emancipated from the troubles of life by death, and three 
only survived. To them and his wife he was devoted. Indeed I have never seen attach- 
ment between parents and children, or husband and wife, more entire than was manifested in 
the case of Peter. 

Through these many years of servitude, Peter was sold and resold, from one State to 
another, from one owner to another, till he reached the forty-ninth year of his age, when, 
in a good Providence, through the kindness of a friend and the sweat of his brow, he re- 



36 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

gained the God-given blessings of liberty. He eagerly sought bis parents and home with 
ail possible speed and pains, when, to his heart's joy, he found his relatives. 

Your present humble correspondent is the youngest of Peter's brothers,'and the first 
one of the family he saw after arriving in this part of the country. I think you could not 
fail to be interested in hearing how we became known to each other, and the proof of our 
being brothers, etc., all of which I should be most glad to relate, but time will not permit 
me to do so. The news of this wonderful occurrence, of Peter finding his kindred, was 
published quite extensively, shortly afterwards, in various newspapers, in this quarter, 
which may account for the fact of "Miller's" knowledge of the whereabouts of the 
" fugitives." Let me say, it is my firm conviction that no one had any hand in per- 
suading " Miller " to go down from Cincinnati, or any other place, after the family. As 
glad as I should be, and as much as I would do for the liberation of Peter's family (now 
no longer young), and his three "likely" children, in whom he prides himself — how much, if 
you are a father, you can imagine ; yet I would not, and could not, think of persuading 
any friend to peril his life, as would be the case, in an errand of that kind. 

As regards the price fixed upon by you for the family, I must say I do not think it 
possible to raise half that amount, though Peter authorized me to say he would give you 
twenty-five hundred for them. Probably he is not as well aware as I am, how diflScult it 
IS to raise so large a sum of money from the public. The applications for such objects are 
so frequent among us in the North, and have always been so liberally m'?t, that it is no 
wonder if many get tired of being called upon. To be sure some of us brothers own some 
property, but no great amount; certainly not enough to enable us to bear so great a 
burden. Mother owns a small farm in New Jersey, on which she has lived for nearly 
forty years, from which she derives her support in her old age. This small farm contains 
between forty and fifty acres, and is the fruit of ray father's toil. Two of my brothers 
own small places also, but they have young families, and consequently consume nearly as 
much as they make, with the exception of adding some improvements to their places. 

For my own part, I am employed as a clerk for a living, but my salary is quite too 
limited to enable me to contribute any great amount towards so large a sum as is de- 
manded. Thus you see how we are situated financially. We have plenty of friends, but 
little money. Now, sir, allow me to make an appeal to your humanity, although we are 
aware of your power to hold as property those poor slaves, mother, daughter and two 

sons. that in no part of the United States could they escape and be secure from your 

claim nevertheless, would your understanding, your heart, or your conscience reprove 

you, should you restore to them, without price, that dear freedom, which is theirs by right 
of nature, or would you not feel a satisfaction in so doing which all the wealth of the 
world could not equal ? At all events, could you not so reduce the price as to place it in 
the power of Peter's relatives and friends to raise the means for their purchase ? At first, 
I doubt not, but that you will think my appeal very unreasonable; but, sir, serious re- 
fli-ction will decide, whether the money demanded by you, after all, will be of as great a 
benefit to you, as the satisfaction you would find in bestowing so great a favor upon those 
whose entire happiness in this life depends mainly upon your decision in the matter. If 
the entire family cannot be purchased or freed, what can Vina and her daughter be pur- 
chased for? Hoping, sir, to hear from you, at your earliest convenience, I subscribe my- 
B,-.]f, Your obedient servant, Wm. Still. 

To B. McKiEENON, Esq. 

Xo reply to this letter was ever received from IMcKiernon. The cause of 
liis reticence can be as well conjectured by the reader as the writer. 

Time will not admit of further details kindred to this narrative. The 
life, struggles, and success of Peter and his family were ably brought before 




PETEK STILL, 

THE KIDNAPPED AND RANSOMED. 




cirAuirv sTii.L, 

TWICE ESCAPED fltOM SLAVERY. Spf [I. :i7 



SETH CONCKLIN. 37 

the public in the "Kidnapped and the Ransomed," being the personal 
recollections of Peter Still and his wife " Vina," after ibrty years of slavery, 
by Mrs. Kate E. R. Pickard ; with an introduction by Rev. Samuel J. May, 
and an appendix by William H. Furness, D. D., in 1856. But, of course, 
it was not prudent or safe, in the days of Slavery, to publish such facts as 
are now brouo-ht to light ; all such had to be kept concealed in the breasts 
of tlie fugitives and their friends. 

The following brief sketch, touching the separation of Peter and his 
mother, will fitly illustrate this point, and at the same time explain certain 
mysteries which have been hitherto kept hidden — 

THE SEPARATION. 

With regard to Peter's separation from his mother, when a little boy, in 
few words, the facts were these : His parents. Levin and Sidney, were both 
slaves on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. " I will die before I submit to 
the yoke," was the declaration of his father to his young master before either 
was twenty-one years of age. Consequently he was allowed to buy himself 
at a very low figure, and he paid the required sura and obtained his " free 
papers" when quite a young man — the young wife and mother remaining 
in slavery under Saunders Griffin, as also her children, the latter having 
increased to the number of four, two little boys and two little girls. But to 
escape from chains, stripes, and bondage, she took her four little children and 
fled to a place near Greenwich, New Jersey. Not a great while, however, 
did she remain there in a state of freedom before the slave-hunters ]:>ursued 
her, and one night they pounced upon the whole fiimily, and, without judge 
or jury, hurried them all back to slavery. Whether this was kidnapping or 
not is for the reader to decide for liimself. 

Safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a 
second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously " kept 
locked up in the garret," until, as they supposed, she was fully "cured of 
the desire to do so again." But she was incurable. She had been a witness 
to the fact that her own father's brains had been blown out by the dis- 
charge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by his 
drunken master. She only needed half a chance to make still greater strug- 
gles than ever for freedom. 

She had great faith in God, and found much solace in singing some of 
the good old Methodist tunes, by day and night. Her owner, observing 
this apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she "seemed better 
contented than ever," concluded that it was safe to let the garret door 
remain unlocked at night. Not many weeks were allowed to pass before 
she resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. This time she had to 
leave the two little boys. Levin and Peter, behind. 

On the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping. 



38 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of God, bade her mother 
good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to Burlington 
Countv, Xevv Jersey, but to a ditlerent neighborhood from that where she 
had been seized. ISiie changed her name to Charity, and succeeded in again 
joining her husband, but, alas, with the heart-breaking thought that she 
had been compelled to leave her two little boys in slavery and one of the 
little girls on the road for the father to go back after. Thus she began 
life in freedom anew. 

Levin and Peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left at 
the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a Soutliern 
market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily weeping, 
was they knew not -where. They were too young to know that they were 
slaves, or to undei-stand the nature of the afflicting separation. Sixteen 
years before Peter's return, his older brother (Levin) died a slave in the 
State of Alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother, Peter. 

No idea other than that they had been "kidnapped" from tlieir mother 
ever entered their minds; nor had they any knowledge of the State from 
whence they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother 
and father, or where they were born. On the other hand, the mother was 
aware that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keep- 
ing the whole transaction a strict family secret. During the forty years of 
separation, except two or three Quaker friends, including the devoted friend 
of the slave, Benjamin Lundy, it is doubtful whether any other individuals 
were let into the secret of her slave life. And when the account given of 
Peter's return, etc., was published in 1850, it led some of the family to 
apprehend serious danger from the partial revelation of the early condition 
of the mother, especially as it was about the time that the Fugitive Slave 
law was passed. 

Hence, the author of "The Kidnapped and the Ransomed" was com- 
pelled to omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the 
"personal recollections of Peter Still" with regard to his being " kid- 
napf)cd." Likewise, in the sketch of Setli Concklin's eventful life, written 
by Dr. W. H. Furncss, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make but bare 
refercMice to his wonderful agency in relation to Peter's family, although he 
wa- fully aware of all the facts in the case. 



LETTERS. 39 



UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD LETTERS. 

Here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting 
letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require. All 
letters will be given precisely as they were written by their respective 
authors, so tliat there may be no apparent room for charging the writer 
\ith partial colorings in any instance. Indeed, the originals, however 
ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in their native simplicity 
possess such beauty and force as corrections and additions could not possibly 
enhance — 

LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT (u. G. R. R. DEPOT). 

Wilmington, 3mo. 23d, 185G. 
Dear Friend, William Still : — Since I wrote thee this morning informing thee of 
the safe arrival of the Eight from Norfolk, Harry Craige has informed me, that he has a 
man from Delaware that he proposes to take along, who arrived since noon. He will 
take the man, woman and two children from here with him, and the four men will get in 
at Marcus Hook. Thee may take Harry Craige by the hand as a brother, true to the 
cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the Rail Road, and worthy of full confidence. 
May they all be favored to get on safe. The woman and three children are no common 
stock. I assure thee finer specimens of humanity are seldom met with. I hope herself 
and children may be enabled to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and 
the rest of their days be happy together. I am, as ever, thy friend, Thos. Garrett. 

LETTER FROM MISS G. A. LEWIS (u. G. R. R. DEPOT). 

Kimberton, October 28th, 1855. 

Esteemed Friend ; — This evening a company of eleven friends reached here, having 
li.'ft their homes on the night of the 26th inst. They came into Wilmington, about ten 
o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and left there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn 
by two horses. They went to Thomas Garrett's by open day-light and from thence were 
sent hastily onward for fear of pursuit. They reached Longwood meeting-house in the 
evening, at which place a Fair Circle had convened, and stayed a while in the meeting, 
then, after remaining all night with one of the Kennet friends, they were brought to 
Downingtown early in the morning, and from thence, by daylight, to within a short dis- 
tance of this place. 

They come from New Chestertown, within five miles of the place from which the nine 
lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored woman who knew of their intended 
flight and of their intention of passing through Wilmington and leaving their horses and 
carriages there. 

I have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to us one of un- 
usual danger. We have separated the company for the present, sending a mother and 
five children, two of them quite small, in one direction, and a husband and wife and three 
lads in another, until T could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to 
the best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, in getting them to 
Canada. The mother and children we have sent off of the usual route, and to a place 
where I do not think they can remain many days. 



40 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

We shall await hearing from you. H. Kimber will be in the city on third day, the 30th 
and any thing left at -iOS Green Street directed to his care, will meet with prompt atten- 
tion. 

Please give me again the direction of Hiram Wilson and the friend in Elmira, Mr. 
Jones, I think. If you have heard from any of the nine since their safe arrival, please let 
us know when you write. Very Respectfully, G. A. Lewis. 

2d day morning, 29th. — The person who took the husband and wife and three lads to 
E. F. Pennypecker, and Peart, has returned and reports that L. Peart sent three on to 
Norristown. We fear that there they will fall into the hands of an ignorant colored man 
Daniel Ross, and that he may not understand the necessity of caution. AVill you please 
write to some careful person there? The woman and children detained in this neighbor- 
hood are a very helpless set. Our plan was to assist them as much as possible, and when 
we get things into the proper train for sending them on, to get the assistance of the hus- 
band and wife, who have no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in 
taking with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. Of the lads, 
or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of accompanying one of the 
older girls — one to whom he is paying attention, they told us. Would it not be the best 
way to get those in Norristown under your own care ? It seems to me their being sent 
on could then be better arranged. This, however, is only a suggestion, 

Hastily yours, G. A. Lewis. 

LETTER FROM E, L. STEVENS, ESQ. 

{T/ie reader will interpret for himself.) 

Washington, D. C, July 11th, 1858. 
My dear Sir : — Susan Bell left here yesterday with the child of her relative, and since 
leaving I have thought, perhaps, you had not the address of the gentleman in Syracuse 
where the child is to be taken for medical treatment, etc. His name is Dr. H. B. Wilbur. 
A woman living with him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the 
child, which, no doubt, will under Providence be the means of its complete restoration to 
health. Be kind enough to inform me whether Susan is with you, and if she is give her 
the proper direction. Ten pacharjes were sent to your address last evening, one of them 
belongs to Susan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may not have 
come to hand. Susan thought she would go to Harrisburg when she left here and stay 
over Sunday, if so, she would not get to Philadelphia till Monday or Tuesday. Please 
acknowledge the receipt of this, and inform me of her arrival, also when the packages 
came safe to hand, inform me especially if Susan's came safely. 

Truly Yours, E. L. Stevens. 

LETTER FROM S. 11. GAY, ESQ., EX-EDTTOR OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY STAN- 
DARD AND NEW YORK TRIBUNE. 

Friend Still: — fhe two women, Laura and Lizzy, arrived this morning. I shall for- 
ward tiiem to Syracuse this afternoon. 

The two men came safely yesterday, but went toGibbs'. He has friends on board the 
boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when found, to his house. 
Those whom you wisli to be particularly under my charge, must have careful directions 
to this office. 

There is now no other sure place, but the office, or Gibbs', that I could advise you to 
send such persons. Those to me, therefore, must come in office hours. In a few days, 
however, Napoleon will have a room down town, and at odd times they can be sent there. 
I am not willing to put any more with the family where I have hitherto sometimes sent 
them. 



LETTERS. 41 

When it is possible I wish you would advise me two days before a shipment of your 
intention, as Napoleon is not always on hand to look out for them at short notice. In 
special cases you might advise me by Telegraph, thus : " One M. (or one F.) this morning. 
W. S." By which I shall understand that one Male, or one Female, as the case may be, 
has left Phila. by the 6 o'clock train — one or more, also, as the case may be. 

Aug. 17th, 1855. Truly Yours, S. H. Gay. 

LETTER FROM JOHN H. HILL, A FUGITIVE, APPEALING IN BEHALF OF A 
POOR SLAVE IN PETERSBURG, VA. 

Hamilton, Sept. 15th, 1856. 
Dear Fp.iend Still : — I write to inform you that Miss Mary Wever arrived safe in this 
city. You may imagine the happiness manifested on the part of the two lovers, Mr. H. 
and Miss W. I think they will be married as soon as they can get ready. I presume 
Mrs. Hill will commence to make up the articles to-morrow. Kind Sir, as all of us is 
concerned about the welfare of our enslaved brethren at the South, particularly our 
friends, we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save j^oor WiUis 
Johnson from the hands of his cruel master. It is not for me to tell you of his case, be- 
cause Miss Wever has related the matter fully to you. All I wish to say is this, I wish 
you to write to my uncle, at Petersburg, by our friend, the Capt. Tell my uncle to go to 
Richmond and ask my mother whereabouts this man is. The best for him is to make his 
way to Petersburg ; that is, if you can get the Capt, to bring him. He have not much 
money. But I hope the friends of humanity will not withhold their aid on the account of 
money. However we will raise all the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery. 
You will please communicate this to the friends as soon as possible. 

Yours truly, John H. Hill. 

LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ. 

Washington, D. C, June 22d, 1854. 

Mr. William Still: — Sir — I have just received a letter from my friend, Wm. Wright, 
of York Sulphur Springs, Pa., in which he says, that by writing to you, I may get some 
information about the transportation of some property from this neighborhood to your city 
or vicinity. 

A person who signs himself Wm. Penn, lately wrote to Mr. Wright, saying he would 
pay $300 to have this service performed. It is for the conveyance of only one small 
package ; but it has been discovered since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected 
without taking two larger packages with it. I understand that the three are to be brought 
to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding merchant in Philadelphia shall 
say he is ready to send on. The storage, etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $300 will be 
promptly paid for the whole service. I think Mr. Wright's daughter, Hannah, has also 
seen you. I am also known to Prof. C. D. Cleveland, of your city. If you answer this 
promptly, you will soon hear from Wm. Penn himself. 

Very truly yours, J. Bigelow. 

LETTER FROM HAM & EGGS, SLAVE (u. G. R. R. AG't). 

Peteesburg, Va., Oct. 17th, 1860. 
Mr. W. Still: — Dear Sir — I am happy to think, that the time has come when we no 
doubt can open our correspondence with one another again. Also I am in hopes, that 
these few lines may find you and family well and in the enjoyment of good health, as it 
leaves me and family the same. I want you to know, that I feel as much determined to 
work in this glorious cause, as ever I did in all of my life, and I have some very good 



42 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

hams on hand that I would like very much for you to have, I have nothing of interest 
to write about just now, only that the politics of the day is in a high rage, and I don't 
know of the result, therefore, I want you to be one of those wide a-wakes as is mentioned 
from your section of country now-a-days, &c. Also, if you wish to write to me, Mr. J. 
Brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me. 
No more at present, until I hear from you ; but I want you to be a wide-a-wake. ^ 
Yours in haste. Ham & Eggs. 

LETTER FROM REV H. WILSON (u. G. R. R. AG't). 

St. Catharine, C. W., July 2d, 1855. 
My Dear Friend, Wm. Still : — Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having arrived 
here safely on Saturday last, and found their " companions in tribulation," who had ar- 
rived before them, I am induced to write and let you know the fact. They are a cheerful, 
happy company, and very grateful for their freedom. I have done the best I could for 
their comfort, but they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can 
do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you as their friend 
and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks. My means of support are so 
scanty, that I am obliged to write without paying postage, or not write at all. . I hope 
you are not moneyless, as I am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am 
much of the time perplexed from lack of means ; but send on as many as you can and I 
will divide with them to the last crumb. 

Yours truly, Hiram Y/ilson. 

LETTER FROM SHERIDAN FORD, IN DISTRESS. 

Boston, Mass., Feb. 15th, 1855. 

No. 2, Change Avenue. 
My Dear Friend: — Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same 
time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so very important that i can 
not but ask not in my name but in the name of the Lord and humanity to do something 
for my Poor Wife and children who lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three 
month i Would open myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince 
you of my cencerity of Purpoest don't shut your ears to the cry's of the Widow and the 
orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows the heart of all 
men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lettle ones 
i cant do any thing Place as i am for i have to lay low Please lay this before the churches 
of Philadelphaise beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my 
freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change with her 
but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffor for the jail in the South 
are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the Slave hunters Says & may 
God interpose in behalf of the demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim deeendent 
i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada 
i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as 
such Plea?(e do all you can and Please ask the Anti Slavery friends to do all they can and 
God will Reward them for it i am shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there 
of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you 
and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon me if the 
necessary sum can be required i will find out^ from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful 
consideration Sheridan W. Ford. 

Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i have not got any 
thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for God knows it 



LETTERS. 43 

is tlia truth i sue for your Pity and all and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor 
Woman and two children. The Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day 
for me and see if the cant do something for humanity. 

LETTER FEOM E. F. PENNYPACKER (u. G. R. R. DEPOT). 

Schuylkill, 11th mo., 7th day, 1857. 

Wm. Still : Respected Friend— ThevQ are three colored friends at my house now, who 

will reach the city by the Phil. &. Reading train this evening. Please meet them. 

Thine, &c., E. F. Pennypackee, 

We have within the past 2 mos. passed 43 through our hands, transported most of them 
to Norristown in our own conveyance. E. F. P. 

LETTER FROM JOS. C. BUSTILL (u. G. R. R. DEPOT), y 

Hasbisbtjeg, March 24, '56. 

Feiend Still : — I suppose ere this you have seen those five large and three small 
packages I sent by way of Reading, consisting of three men and women and children. 
They arrived here this morning at 8J^ o'clock and left twenty minutes past three. You 
will please send me any information hkely to prove interesting in relation to them. 

Lately we have formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society. This is our 
first case, and I hope it will prove entirely successful. 

When you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of in your 
despatches, and any other information in relation to operations of the Underground Rail 
Road. 

Our reason for sending by the Reading Road, was to gain time ; it is expected the owners 
will be in town this afternoon, and by this Road we gained five hours' time, which is a 
matter of much importance, and we may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. In 
great haste, Yours with great respect, Jos. C. Bustill. 

LETTER FROM A SLAVE SECRETED IX RICHMOND. 

Richmond, Va., Oct. 18th, 1860. 
To Me. William Still : — Dear Sir — Please do me the favor as to write to my uncle a 
few lines in regard to the bundle that is for John H. Hill, who lives in Hamilton, C. W. 
Sir, if this should reach you, be assured that it comes from the same poor individual that 
you have heard of before ; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. If you 
write, address your letter John M. Hill, care of Box No. 250. I am speaking of a person 
who lives in P.va. I hope, sir, you will understand this is from a poor individual. 

LETTER FROM G. S. NELSON (u. G. R. R. DEPOT). 

Me. Still : — il/y Dear Sir — I suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the goods did 
not come safe to hand on Monday evening, as you expected — consigned from Harrisburg to 
vou. The train only was from Harrisburg to Reading, and as it happened, the goods had 
to stay all night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the kind, we 
thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could hear from you. There aj-e 
two small boxes and two large ones ; we have them all secure ; what had better be done ? 
Let us know. Also, as we can learn, there are three more boxes still in Harrisburg. An- 
swer your communication at Harrisburg. Also, fail not to answer this by the return of 

mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us. 

G. S. Nelson. 

Reading, May 27, '57. 

We knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all taken by sur- 
prise. When you answer, use the word, goods. The reason of the excitement, is : some 



44 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us by J. Bustill, of Harrisburg. We received 
it, and forwarded it on to J. Jones, Elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt 
of said box ; it got safe to Elmira, as I have had a letter from Jones, and all is safe. 

Yours, G, S. N. 

LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON. 

Mr. Still: — You will oblige me much Iff you will Direct this Letter to Vergenia for 
me to my Mother & iff it well sute you Beg her in my Lettei: to Direct hers to you & you ; 
Can send it to me iff it sute your Convenience I am one of your Chattle. ^'• 

John Thompson, 

Syracuse, Jeny 6th. 

Direction — Matilda Tate Care of Dudley M Pattee Worrenton Farkiear County Ver- 
ginia. 

LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON, A FUGITIVE, TO HIS MOTHER. 

My Dear Mother: — I have imbrace an opportunity of writing you these few lines 
(hoping) that they may fine you as they Leave me quite well I will now inform you how 
I am geting I am now a free man Living By the sweet of my own Brow not serving a 
nother man & giving him all I Earn But what I make is mine and iff one Plase do not 
sute me I am at Liberty to Leave and go some where elce & can ashore you I think 
highly of Freedom and would not exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it I am 
waiting in a Hotel I supose you Pwemember when I was in Jail I told you the time would 
Be Better and you see that the time has come when I Leave you my heart was so full & 
yours But I new their was a Better Day a head, & I have Live to see it I hird when I 
•was on the Underground R. Road that the Hounds was on my Track but it was no go I 
new I was too far out of their Reach where they would never smell my track when I 
Leave you I was carred to Richmond & sold & From their I was taken to North Carolina 
& sold & I Ran a way & went Back to Virginna Between Richmond & home & their 
I was caught & Put in Jail & their I Remain till the oner come for me then I was taken 
& carred Back to Richmond then I was sold to the man who I now Leave he is nothing 
But a But of a Feller Remember me to your Husband & all in quirin Friends & say to 
Miss Rosa that I am as Free as she is & more happier I no I am getting $12 per month 
for what Little work I am Doing I hope to here from you a gain I your Son & ever By 

John Thompson. 

LETTER FROM " WM. PENN " (OF THE BAR). 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 9th, 1856. 

Dear Sir : — I was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours of 6th in- 
stant, and although I have made inquiries, I am unable today, to answer your questions 
satisfactorily. Although I know some of the residents of Loudon county, and have often 
visited there, still I have not practiced much in the Courts of that county. There are 
several of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and possibly, through my 
assistance, your commissions might be executed. If a better way shall not suggest itself 
to you, and you see fit to give me the fads in the case, I can better judge of my ability 
to help you ; but I know not the man resident there, whom 1 would trust with an impor- 
tant suit. I think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some packages left this vi- 
cinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in number, and as I suppose, went through your 
hands. It was at a time of uncommon vigilance here, and to hie it was a matter of ex- 
treme wonder, how and through whom, such a work was accomplished. Can you tell 
me? It is needful that I should know ! Not for curiosity merely, but for the good of others. 



LETTERS. 45 

An enclosed slip contains the marks of one of the packages, which you will read and then 

immediately burn. 

If you can give me any light that will benefit others, I am sure you will do so, 

A traveler here, very reliable, and who knows his business, has determined not to leave 

home again till spring, at least not without extraordinary temptations. 
I thmk, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in Virginia. 

Yours, Wm. p. 

LETTER FROM MISS THEODOCTA GILBERT. 

Skaneateles (Glen Haven) Chuy., 1851. 

William Still:— D^ar Friend and Brother— A thousand thanks for your good, gen- 
erous letter ! 

It was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and anxiety in the success 
and fate of poor Concklin! That he desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind, 
I well understood ; but what particular one, or that he had actually embarked in the en- 
terprise, I had not been able to learn. 

His memorv will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. He certainly dis- 
played more real disinterestedness, more earnest, unassuming devotedness, than those who 
claim to be the sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. What more Saviour-like than 
the willing sa.cnfice he has rendered! 

Never shall I forget that night of our extremest peril (as we supposed), when he came 
and so heartily proffered his services at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of 
William L. Chaplin. 

Such generosity ! at such a moment ! The emotions it awakened no words can bespeak ! 
They are to be sought but in the inner chambers of one's own soul! He as earnestly de- 
vised the means, as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned hira to the task, 
as if it were his own freedom he would have won. 

Through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of soul came out in all 
its lustre ! Heroism, in its native majesty, commanded one's admiration and love! 

Most truly can I enter into your sorrows, and painfully appreciate the pang of disap- 
pointment which must have followed this sad intelligence. But so inadequate are words 
to the consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to syllable one's sympathies. 

I cannot bear to believe, that Concklin has been actually murdered, and yet I hardly 
dare hope it is otherwise. 

And the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what depths of hopelessness and 
woe are they again plunged! But the deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly 
sought and new-found freedom. How long must wrongs like these go unredressed? 
" How long, God, how long?" ....... 

Very truly yours, Theodocia Gilbeet. 



46 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



WILLIAM PEEL, alias WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES. 

ABEIVED PER EKRICSOX LIXE OF STEAMERS, WRAPPED IX STRAW AND BOXED UP, 

APRIL, 1859. 

William is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-looking, 
rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. William had him- 
self boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the Erricson line of 
steamers. He gave the slip to Robert H. Carr, his owner (a grocer and 
commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons: For 
some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every now and 
then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished William that he was 
liable to be in the market any day ; consequently, he preferred the box to 
the auction-block. 

He did not complain of having been treated very badly by Carr, but felt 
that no man was safe wliile owned by another. In fact, he "hated the very 
name of slaveholder." Tlie limit of the box not admitting of straightening 
himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road, suffered indescribable 
misery, and had his faith taxed to the utmost, — indeed was brought to the 
very verge of " screaming aloud " ere relief came. However, he controlled 
himself, though only for a short season, for before a great while an ex- 
cessive faintness came over him. Here nature became quite cxliausted. 
He thought he must "die;" but his time had not yet come. After a severe 
struggle he revived, but only to encounter a third ordeal no less painful than 
the one through which he had just passed. Next a very "cold chill " came 
over him, which seemed almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave 
him intense agony, from whicli he only found relief on awaking, having ac- 
tually fallen asleep in that condition. Finally, however, he arrived at l*hil- 
adelphia, on a steamer, Sabbath morning. A devoted friend of his, expecting 
him, engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. The bill of 
lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew whore the box 
was located on the boat. Although he well knew freight was not usually 
delivered on Sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his friend 
determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from his 
perilous situation. Handing his bill of lading to the proper officer of the 
boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for. The officer 
looked at tlic bill and said, "No, we do not deliver freight on Sunday;" 
but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he would know it if 
he were to see it. Slowly — fearing that too much interest manifested 
might excite suspicion — he replied: "I think I should." Deliber- 
ately looking around amongst all the "freight," he discovered the box, 



WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES. 47 

and said, "I think that is it there." Said officer stepped to it, looked at the 
directions on it, then at the bill of lading, and said, " That is right, take it 
along." Here the interest in these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest 
degree. But the size of the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver 
refused to take it. Nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a 
furniture car. Finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold 
of by the occupant's particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fel- 
low within gave a sudden cough. At this startling circumstance he dropped 
the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if helped 
by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, "Hush, my babe, lie still 
and slumber," with the most apjiarent indifference, at the same time slowly 
making his way from the box. Soon his fears subsided, and it was pre- 
sumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident, or coughing. 
Thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a third time, and 
the Rubicon was passed. The car driver, totally ignorant of the contents of 
the box, drove to the number to which he was directed to take it — left it 
and went about his business. Now is a moment of intense interest — now of 
inexpressible delight. The box is opened, the straw removed, and the poor 
fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, I will venture to say, as mortal never did 
rejoice, who had not been in similar peril. This particular friend was 
scarcely less overjoyed, however, and their joy did not abate for several 
hours ; nor was it confined to themselves, for two invited members of the 
Vigilance Committee also partook of a full share. This box man was 
named Wm. Jones. He was boxed up in Baltimore by the friend who re- 
ceived him at the wharf, who did not come in the boat with him, but came 
in the cars and met him at the wharf. 

The trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was 
achieved. Jones was w^ell cared for by the Vigilance Committee and sent on 
his way rejoicing, feeling that Resolution, Underground Rail Road, and 
Liberty were invaluable. 

On his way to Canada, he stopped at Albany, and the subjoined letter 
gives his view of things from that stand-point— 

Me. Still :— I take this cpportanity of writing a few lines to you hopinj? that tha may 
find you in good health and femaly. i am well at present and doing well at present i am 
i now in a store and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present, i feel very much o 
blige to you and your family for your kindnes to me while i was with you i have got a long 
without any trub le a tal. i am now in albany City, give my lov to mrs and mr miller 
and tel them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my lov to my Brother 
nore Jones tel him i should like to here from him very much and he must write, tel him 
to give my love to all of my perticular trends and tel them i should like to see them very 
much, tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see him for sum thing very per- 
i ticler. please ansure this letter as soon as posabul and excuse me for not writting sooner 
;asi dont write myself, no more at the present. William Jones. 

derect to one hundred 125 lydus. stt 



48 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Ilis good fricnJ returned to Baltimore the same day the box man started 
for the North, and immediately dispatched through the post the following 
brief letter, worded in Underground Kail Road parables : 

Baltimo Apeil 16, 1859. 
W. Still : — Dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing you these few lines 
to inform you that i am well an hoping these few lines may find you enjoying the same 
good blessing please to write me word at what time was it when isreal went to Jerico i am 
very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass over and you and i my brother 
will sing hally luja i shall notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place No more 
at the present but remain your brother N. L. J. 



WESLEY HARRIS,* alias ROBERT JACKSON, AND THE 
MATTERSON BROTHERS. 

In setting out for freedom, Wesley was the leader of this party. After 
two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from 
home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt 
made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. Both fugitives and 
pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other 
weapons used in the contest. 

Wesley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of 
the pursuers, v.-ho with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with 
deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a space 
of about six inches in length. One of Wesley's companions also fought 
heroically and only yielded Avhen badly wounded and quite overpowered. 
The two younger (I)rothcrs of C. Matterson) it seemed made no resistance. 

In order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of 
Wesley Harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then j)enned 
from the lips of this young hero, while on the Underground Rail Road, 
even then in a very critical state. Most fearful indeed was his condition 
when he was brought to the Vigilance Committee in this City. 

UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORD. 

November 2d, 1853. — Arrived: Robert Jackson (shot man), nA'as Wesley 
Harris; age twenty-two years; dark color; medium height, and of slender 
stature. 

Robert was born in Martinsburg, Ya., and was owned by Philip Pendle=^ 
ton. From a boy he had always been hired out. At the first of this year 
he commenced services with jNIrs. Carroll, proprietress of the United States 
Hotel at Harj)er's Ferry. Of Mrs. Carroll he speaks in very grateful 
terms, saying that she was kin<l to him and all the servants, and promised 
them their freedom at her death. She excused herself for not giving them 

* Shot by slavc-huntcrs. 



WESLEY HARRIS. 49 

their freedom on the ground that her husband died insolvent, Icavino- her 
the responsibility of settling his debts. 

But while Mrs. Carroll was very kind to her servants, her manager was 
equally as cruel. About a month before Wesley left, the overseer, for some 
trifling cause, attempted to flog him, but was resisted, and himself flogt'-ed. 
This resistance of the slave was regarded by the overseer as an unpardonable 
oiFence ; consequently he communicated the intelligence to his owner, which 
had the desired effect on his mind as appeared from his answer to the over- 
seer, which was nothing less than instructions that if he should ao-ain 
attempt to correct Wesley and he should repel tlie wholesome treatment, the 
overseer was to put him in prison and sell him. Whether he offended 
again or not, the following Christmas he was to be sold without fail. 

Wesley's mistress was kind enough to apprise him of the intention of his 
owner and the overseer, and told him that if he could help himself he had 
better do so. So from that time Wesley began to contemplate how he 
should escape the doom which had been planned for him. 

" A friend," says he, " by the name of C. Matterson, told me that he was 
going ofi'. Then I told him of my master's writing to Mrs. Carroll con- 
cerning selling, etc., and that I was going off too. We then concluded 
to go together. There were two others — brothers of Matterson — who were 
told of our plan to escape, and readily joined with us in the undertaking. 
So one Saturday night, at twelve o'clock, we set out far the North. After 
traveling upwards of two days and over sixty miles, we found ourselves 
unexpectedly in Terrytown, Md. There we were informed by a friendly 
colored man of the danger we were in and of the bad character of the place 
towards colored people, especially those who were escaping to freedom ; and he 
advised us to hide as quickly as we could. We at once went to the woods 
and hid. Soon after we had secreted ourselves a man came near by and 
commenced splitting wood, or rails, which alarmed us. We then moved 
to another hiding-place in a thicket near a farmer's barn, where we were 
soon startled again by a dog approaching and barking at us. The attention 
of the owner of the dog was drawn to his barking and to where we were. 
The owner of the dog Avas a farmer. He asked us where we were iroinfr. 
We replied to Gettysburg — to visit some relatives, etc. He told us that we 
were running off. He then offered friendly advice, talked like a Quaker, 
and urged us to go with him to his barn for protection. After much per- 
suasion, we consented to go with him. 

"Soon after putting us in his barn, himself and daughter prepared us a 
nice breakfast, -^hich cheered our spirits, as we were hungry. For this 
kindness we paid him one dollar. He next told us to hide on the mow till 
eve, Avhen he w^ould safely direct us on our road to Gettysburg. All, very 
much flitigued from traveling, fell asleep, excepting myself; I could not 
sleep; I felt as if all was not right. 
4 



50 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

"About noon men M^ere heard talking around tlie barn. I woke my com- 
panions up and told them that that man had betrayed us. At first they did 
not believe me. In a moment afterwards the barn door was opened, and in 
came the men, eight in number. One of the men asked the owner of the 
barn if he had any long straw. 'Yes,' was the answer. So up on the 
mow came three of the men, when, to their great surprise, as they pretended, 
we were discovered. The question was then asked the owner of the barn 
by one of the men, if he harbored runaway negroes in his barn? He 
answered, ' No,' and pretended to be entirely ignorant of their being in his 
barn. One of the men replied that four negroes were on the mow, and he 
knew of it. The men then asked us M'here we were going. We told them 
to Gettysburg, that we had aunts and a mother there. Also we spoke of a 
Mr. Houghman, a gentleman we happened to have some knowledge of, 
having seen him in Virginia. We were next asked for our passes. We 
told them that we hadn't any, that we had not been required to carry them 
where we came from. They then said that we would have to go before a 
magistrate, and if he allowed us to go on, well and good. The men all being 
armed and furnished with ropes, we were ordered to be tied. I told them 
if they took me they would have to take me dead or crippled. At that in- 
stant one of my friends cried out — 'AVhere is the man that betrayed us?' 
Spying him at the same moment, he shot him (badly wounding him). Then 
the conflict fairly began. The constable seized me by the collar, or rather 
behind my shoulder. I at once shot him with my pistol, but in consequence 
of his throwing up his arm, which hit mine as I fired, the effect of the load 
of my pistol was much turned aside; his face, however, was badly burned, 
besides his shoulder being wounded. I again fired on the pursuers, but do 
not know whether I hit anybody or not. I then drew a sword, I had 
brought with me, and was about cutting my way to the door, when I was 
shot by one of the men, receiving the entire contents of one load of a double 
barreled gun in my left arm, that being the arm with which I was de- 
fending myself. The load brought me to the ground, and I was unable to 
make further struggle for myself. I was then badly beaten with guns, <S:c. 
In the meantime, my friend Craven, who was defending himself, was 
shot badly in the face, and most violently beaten until he was conquered and 
tied. The two young brothers of Craven stood still, without making the 
least resistance. After we were fairly captured, we were taken to Terry- 
town, which was in sight of where we were betrayed. By this time I had 
lost so much blood from my wounds, that they concluded my situation was 
too dangerous to admit of being taken further; so I was made a prisoner at 
a tavern, kept by a man named Fisher. There my woun<ls were dressed, 
and thirty-two shot were taken fr6m' my arm. For three days I was crazy, 
and they thought I would die. During the first two weeks, while I was a 
prisoner at the tavern, I raised a great deal of blood, and was considered in a 
very dangerous condition — so much so that persons desiring to see me were not 



n 



^ : L 1^:3 1»^ ll iM-lLJLJi i i '' ' ''" 




ROMULUS HALL. r,i 

permitted. Afterwards I began to get better, and was then kept very pri- 
vately — was strictly watched day and night. Occasionally, however the 
cook, a colored woman (Mrs. Smith), would manage to get to see me. Also 
James Matthews succeeded in getting to see me; consequently, as my wounds 
healed, and my senses came to me, I began to plan how to make another 
effort to escape. I asked one of the friends, alluded to above, to o-et me a 
rope. He got it. I kept it about me four days in my pocket; in the mean- 
time I procured three nails. On Friday night, October 14th, T fiistened my 
nails in under the window sill ; tied my rope to the nails, threw my shoes 
out of the window, put the rope in my mouth, then took hold of it with my 
well hand, clambered into the window, very weak, but I managed to let 
myself down to the ground. I was so weak, that I could scarcely walk, but 
I managed to hobble off to a place three quarters of a mile from the tavern 
where a friend had fixed upon for me to go, if I succeeded in making my 
escape. -^There I was found by my friend, who kept me secure till Saturday 
eve, when a swift horse was furnished by James Rogers, and a colored man 
found to conduct me to Gettysburg. Instead of going direct to Gettysburg 
we took a different road, in order to shun our pursuers, as the news of my 
escape had created general excitement. My three other companions, who 
were captured, were sent to Westminster jail, where they were kept three 
weeks, and afterwards sent to Baltimore and sold for twelve hundred dollars 
a piece, as I was informed while at the tavern in Terrytown." 

The Vigilance Committee procured good medical attention and afforded 
the fugitive time for recuperation, furnished him with clothing and a free 
ticket, and sent him on his way greatly improved in health, and strong 
in the faith that, " He who would be free, himself must strike the blow." 
His safe arrival in Canada, with his thanks, were duly announced. And 
some time after becoming naturalized, in one of his letters, he wrote that he 
was a brakesman on the Great Western R. R., (in Canada — promoted from 
the U. G. R. R.,) the result of being under the protection of the British 
Lion. 



DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL— NEW NAME GEORGE WEEMS. 
In March, 1857, Abram Harris fled from John Henry Suthern, who 
lived near Benedict, Charles county, Md., where he was engaged in the 
farming business, and was the owner of about seventy head of slaves. He 
kept an overseer, and usually had flogging administered daily, on males and 
females, old and young. Abram becoming very sick of this treatment, re- 
solved, about the first of March, to seek out the Underground Rail Road. 
But for his strong attachment to his wife (who was owned by Samuel 



52 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Adams, but was " pretty well treated "), he never would have consented to 
"suffer" as he did. 

Here no hope of comfort for the future seemed to remain. So Abram con- 
sulted with a fellow-servant, by the name of . Romulus Hall, alias George 
AVeems, and being very warm friends, concluded to start together. Both 
had wives to " tear themselves from," and each was equally ignorant of the 
distance they had to travel, and the dangers and suiferings to be endured. 
But they " trusted in God " and kept the North Star in view. For nine 
days and nights, without a guide, they traveled at a very exhausting rate, 
especially as they had to go fasting for three days, and to endure very cold 
weather. Abram's companion, being about fifty years of age, felt obliged to 
succumb, both from hunger and cold, and had to be left on the way. Abram 
was a man of medium size, tall, dark chestnut color, and could read and 
write a little aatl was quite intelligent; "was a member of the Mount Zion 
Church," and occasionally officiated as an " exhorter," and really appeared 
to be a man of genuine faith in the Almighty, and equally as mucli in 
freedom. 

In substance, Abram gave the following information concerning his know- 
ledge of affairs on the farm under his master — 

"Master and mistress very frequently visited the Protestant Church, 
but were not members. Mistress was very bad. About three weeks before 
I left, the overseer, in a violent fit of bad temper, shot and badly wounded 
a young slave man by the name of Henry AVaters, but no sooner than he got 
well enough he escaped, and had not been heard of up to the time Abram 
left. About three years before this happened, an overseer of my master was 
found shot dead on the road. At once some of the slaves were suspected, 
and were all taken to the Court House, at Serentow^n, St. Mary's county ; 
but all came off clear. After this occurrence a new overseer, by the name 
of John Decket, was employed. Although his predecessor liad been dead 
three years, Decket, nevertheless, concluded that it was not 'too late' to 
flog the secret out of some of the slaves. Accordingly, he selected a young 
slave man for his victim, and flogged him so cruelly that he could scarcely 
walk or stand, and to keep from being actually killed, the boy told an un- 
trulli, and confessed that he and his Uncle Henry killed Webster, the over- 
seer; whereupon the poor fellow was sent to jail to be tried for his life." 

But Abram did not wait to hear the verdict. He reached the Committee 
safely in this city, in advance of his companion, and was furnished with a 
free ticket and other needed assistance, and was sent on his way rejoicing. 
After reaching his destination, lie wrote back to know how his friend and 
companion (George) was getting along; but in less than three weeks after he 
had passed, the following brief storj' reveals the sad fate of poor Momulu.s 
Hall, who had journeyed with him till exhausted from hunger and badly 
frost-bitten. 

A few days after his younger companion had passed on North, Romulus 



ROMULUS HALL. 53 

was brought by a pitying stranger to the Vigilance Committee, in a most 
shocking condition. The frost had made sad havoc with his feet and legs, 
so much so that all sense of feeling had departed therefrom. 

How he ever reached this city is a marvel. On his arrival medical at- 
tention and other necessary comforts were provided by the Committee, who 
hoped with himself, that he would be restored with the loss of his toes alone. 
For one week he seemed to be improving; at the expiration of this time, how- 
ever, his symptoms changed, indicating not only the end of slavery, but also 
the end of all his earthly troubles. 

Lockjaw and mortification set in in the most malignant form, and for 
nearly thirty-six hours the unfortunate victim suffered in extreme agony, 
though not a murmur escaped him for having brought upon himself in 
seeking his liberty this painful infliction and death. It was wonderful to see 
how resignedly he endured his fate. 

Being anxious to get his testimony relative to his escape, etc., the 
Chairman of the Committee took his pencil and expressed to him his 
wishes in the matter. Amongst other questions, he was asked: "Do you 
regret having attempted to escape from slavery?" After a severe spasm 
he said, as his friend was about to turn to leave the room, hopeless of being 
gratified in his purpose: "Don't go; I have not answered your question. 
I am glad I escaped from slavery!" He then gave his name, and tried 
to tell the name of his master, but was so weak he could not be under- 
stood. 

At his bedside, day and night. Slavery looked more heinous than it had 
ever done before. Only think how this poor man, in an enlightened Chris- 
tian land, for the bare hope of freedom, in a strange land amongst strangers, 
was obliged not only to bear the sacrifice of his wife and kindred, but also 
of his own life. 

Nothing ever appeared more sad than seeing him in a dying posture, and 
instead of reaching his much coveted destination in Canada, going to that 
" bourne whence no traveler returns." Of course it was expedient, even after 
his death, that only a few friends should follow him to his grave. Never- 
theless, he was decently buried in the beautiful Lebanon Cemetery. 

In his purse was found one single five cent piece, his w^hole pecuniary 
dependence. 

This was the first instance of death on the Underground Rail Road in 
this region. 

The Committee were indebted to the medical services of i\\Q well-known 
friends of the fugitive, Drs. J. L. Griscom and H. T. Childs, whose faithful 
services were freely given ; and likewise to Mrs. H. S. Duterte and Mrs. 
Williams, who generously performed the offices of charity and friendship at 
his burial. 

From his companion, who passed on Canada-ward without delay, we re- 



54 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD 

ceived a letter, from which, as an item of interest, we make the following 
extract : 

" I am enjoying good health, and hope when this reaches you, you may be enjoying the 

same blessing. Give my love to Mr. , and family, and tell them I am in a land 

of liberty ! I am a man among men!" (The above was addressed to the deceased.) 

The subjoined letter, from Rev. L. D. Mansfield, expressed on behalf of 
Romulus' companion, his sad feelings on hearing of his friend's death. 
And here it may not be inappropriate to add, that clearlj enough is it to 
be seen, that Rev. Mansfield was one of the rare order of ministers, who 
believed it right "to do unto others as one would be done by" in practice, 
not in theory merely, and who felt that they could no more be excused for 
"falling down," in obedience to the Fugitive Slave Law under President 
Fillmore, than could Daniel for worshiping the "golden image" under 

Nebuchadnezzar. 

Auburn, New Yoek, May 4th, 1857. 

Dear Br. Still : — Henry Lemmon wishes me to write to you in reply to your kind 
letter, conveying the intelligence of the death of your fugitive guest, Geo. Weems. He 
was deeply aflfected at the intelligence, for he was most devotedly attached to him and had 
been for many years. Mr. Lemmon now expects his sister to come on, and wishes you 
to aid her in any way in your power — as he knows you will. 

He wishes you to send the coat and cap of Weems by his sister when she comes. And 
when you write out the history of Weems' escape, and it is published, that you would 
send him a copy of the papers. He has not been very successful in getting work yet. 

Mr. and Mrs. Harris left for Canada last week. The friends made them a purse of $15 
or©20, and we hope they will do well. 

Mr. Lemmon sends his respects to you and Mrs. Still. Give my kind regards to her 
and accept also yourself, Yours very truly, L. D. Mansfield. 



JAMES MERCER, WM. H. GILLIAM, AND JOHN CLAYTON. 

STOWED AWAY IX A HOT BERTH. 

This arrival came by Steamer. But they neither came in State-room nor 
as Cabin, Steerage, or Deck passengers. 

A certain space, not far from the boiler, where the heat and coal dust 
were almost intolerable, — the colored steward on the boat in answer to an 
appeal from these unhappy bondmen, could point to no other place for 
concealment but this. Nor was he at all certain that they could endure 
the intense heat of that place. It admitted of no other posture than lying 
flat down, wholly shut out from the light, and nearly in the same predica- 
ment in regard to the air. Here, however, was a chance of throwing off 
the yoke, even if it co.st them their lives. They con.sidered and resolved to 
try it at all hazards. 

Henry Box Brown's sufferings were nothing, compared to what these men 
submitted to during the entire journey. 



STO WED A WA Y IN A HOT BER TH. 55 

They reached the house of one of the Committee about three o'clock, 
A.M. 

All the way from the wharf the cold rain poured down in torrents and 
they got completely drenched, but their hearts were swelling with joy and 
gladness unutterable. From the thick coating of coal dust, and the effect 
of the rain added thereto, all traces of jiatural appearance were entirely 
obliterated, and they looked frightful in the extreme. But they had placed 
their lives in mortal peril for freedom. 

Every step of their critical journey was reviewed and commented on, 
with matchless natural eloquence, — how, when almost on the eve of suffoca- 
ting in their warm berths, in order to catch a breath of air, they were com- 
pelled to crawl, one at a time, to a small aperture ; but scarcely would one 
poor fellow pass three minutes being thus refreshed, ere the others would 
insist that he should "go back to his hole." Air was precious, but for the 
time being they valued their liberty at still greater price. 

After they had talked to their hearts' content, and after they had been 
thoroughly cleansed aud changed in apparel, their physical appearance could 
be easily discerned, which made it less a wonder whence such outbursts of 
eloquence had emanated. They bore every mark of determined manhood. 

The date of this arrival was February 26, 1854, and the following 
description was then recoi'ded — 

Arrived, by Steamer Pennsylvania, James Mercer, William H. Gilliam 
and John Clayton, from Richmond. 

James was owned by the widow, Mrs. T. E. White. He is thirty-two 
years of age, of dark complexion, well made, good-looking, reads aud 
writes, is very fluent in speech, and remarkably intelligent. From a boy, 
he had been hired out. The last place he had the honor to fill before 
escaping, was with Messrs. Williams and Brother, wholesale commission 
merchants. For his services in this store the widow had been drawing one 
hundred and twenty-five dollars per annum, clear of all expenses. 

He did not complain of bad treatment from his mistress, indeed, he spoke 
rather flivorably of her. But he could not close his eyes to the fact, that at 
one time Mrs. White had been in possession of thirty head of slaves, althou«^h 
at the time he was counting the cost of escaping, two only remained — him- 
self and William, (save a little boy) and on himself a mortgage for seven 
hundred and fifty dollars was then resting. He could, therefore, with his 
remarkably quick intellect, calculate about how long it would be before he 
reached the auction block. 

He had a wife but no child. She was owned by Mr. Henry W. Quarles. 
So out of that Sodom he felt he would have to escape, even at the cost of 
leaving his wife behind. Of course he felt hopeful that the way would open 
by which she could escape at a future time, and so it did, as will appear by 
and by. His aged mother he had to leave also. 



56 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

"Wm. Henry Gilliam likewise belonged to the Widow White, and he had 
been hired to Messrs. White and Brother to drive their bread wagon. 
William was a baker by trade. For his services his mistress had received one 
hundred and thirty-five dollars per year. He thought his mistress quite as 
good, if not a little better than most slave-holders. But he had never felt 
persuaded to believe that she wa§ good enough for him to remain a slave 
for her support. 

Indeed, he had made several unsuccessful attempts before this time to 
escape from slavery and its horrors. He was fully posted from A to Z, but 
in his own person he had been smart enough to escape most of the more 
brutal outrages. He knew how to read and write, and in readiness of 
speech and general natural ability was far above the average of slaves. 

He was twenty-five years of age, well made, of light complexion, and 
might be put down as a valuable piece of property. 

This loss fell with crushing weight upon the kind-hearted mistress, as 
will be seen in a letter subjoined which she wrote to the unfaithful William, 
some time after he had fled. 

LETTER FROM MRS. L. E. WHITE. 

Richmond, 16th, 1854. 

Dear Henry : — Your mother and myself received your letter; she is much distressed 
at your conduct ; she is remaining just as you left her, she says, and she will never be 
reconciled to your conduct. 

I think Henry, you have acted most dishonorably ; had you have made a confidant of 
me I would have been better off; and you as you are. I am badly situated, living with 
Mrs. Palmer, and having to put up with everything — your mother is also dissatisfied — I 
am miserably poor, do not get a cent of your hire or James', besides losing you both, but 
if you can reconcile so do. By renting a cheap house, I might have lived, now it seems 
starvation is before me. Martha and the Doctor are living in Portsmouth, it is not in her 
power to do much for me. I know you will repent it. I heard six weeks before you 
went, that you were trying to persuade him off — but we all liked you, and I was un- 
willing to believe it — however, I leave it in God's hands He will know what to do. Your 
mother says that I must tell you servant Jones is dead and old Mrs. Gall. Kit is well, 
but we are very uneasy, losing your and James' hire, I fear poor little fellow, that he 
will be obliged to go, as I am compelled to live, and it will be your fault. I am quite 
unvvell, but of course, you don't care. Yours, L. E. White. 

If you choose to come back you could. I would do a very good part by you, Toler and 
Cooke has none. 

This touching epistle was given by the disobedient William to a member 
of the Vigilant Committee, when on a visit to Canada, in 1855, and it was 
thought to be of too much value to be lost. It was put away with 
other valuable U. G. R. R. documents for future reference. Touching 
the " rascality " of William and James and the unfortunate predicament in 
which it |)laced the kind-heartotl widow, Mrs. Louisa White, the following 
editorial clipped from the wide-awake Richmond Despatch, was also highly 



STOWED AWAY IN A HOT BEE TH. 57 

appreciated, and preserved as conclusive testimony to the successful working 
of the U. G. R. R. in the Old Dominion. It reads thus — 

" Rascality Somewhere. — We called attention yesterday to the adver- 
tisement of two negroes belonging to Mrs. Louisa White, by Toler & Cook, 
and in the call we expressed the opinion that they were still lurking about 
the city, preparatory to going oif. Mr. Toler, we find, is of a diiferent 
opinion. He believes that they have already cleared themselves — have 
escaped to a Free State, and we think it extremely probable that he is in the 
right. They were both of them uncommonly intelligent negroes. One of 
them, the one hired to Mr. White, was a tip-top baker. He had been all 
about the country, and had been in the habit of supplying the U. S. Penn- 
sylvania with bread; Mr. W. having the contract. In his visits for this 
purpose, of course, he formed acquaintances with all sorts of sea-faring cha- 
racters ; and there is every reason to believe that he has been assisted to get 
off in that way, along with the other boy, hired to the Messrs. Williams. 
That the two acted in concert, can admit of no doubt. The question is 
now to find out how they got off. They must undoubtedly have had white 
men in the secret. Have we then a nest of Abolition scoundrels among us? 
There ought to be a law to put a police officer on board every vessel as soon 
as she lands at the wharf. There is one, we believe for inspecting vessels 
before they leave. If there is not there ought to be one. 

" These negroes belong to a widow lady and constitute all the property she 
has on earth. They have both been raised with the greatest indulgence. 
Had it been otherwise, they would never have had an opportunity to escape, 
as they have done. Their flight has left her penniless. Either of them 
W'ould readily have sold for $1200; and Mr. Toler advised their owner to 
sell them at the commencement of the year, probably anticipating the very 
thing that has happened. She refused to do so, because she felt too much 
attachment to them. They have made a fine return, truly." 

No comment is necessary on the above editorial except simply to ex- 
press the hope that the editor and his friends who seemed to be utterly 
befogged as to how these " uncommonly intelligent negroes " made their 
escape, will find the problem satisfactorily solved in this book. 

However, in order to do even-handed justice to all concerned, it seems 
but proper that William and James should be heard from, and hence a 
letter from each is here appended for what they are worth. True they 
were intended only for private use, but since the " True light " (Freedom) 
has come, all things may be made manifest. 

LETTER FROM WILLIAM HENRY GILLIAM. 

St. Catharines, C. W., May 15th, 1854. 
My Dear Friend: — I receaved yours, Dated the 10th and the papers on the 13th, I 
also saw the pice that was in Miss Shadd's paper About me. I think Tolar is right 



58 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

About my being in A free State, I am and think A great del of it. Also I have no com- 
passion on the penniless widow lady, I have Served her 25 yers 2 months, I think that ia 
long Enough for me to live A Slave. Dear Sir, I am very sorry to hear of the Accadent 
that happened to our Friend Mr. Meakius, I have read the letter to all that lives in St. 
Catharines, that came from old Virginia, and then I Sented to Toronto to Mercer & 
Clayton to see, and to Farman to read fur themselves. Sir, you must write to me soon 
and let me know how Meakins gets on with his tryal, and you must pray for him, 1 
have told all here to do the same for him. May God bless and protect him from prison, 
I have heard A great del of old Richmond and Norfolk. Dear Sir, if you see Mr. or Mrs. 
Gilbert Give my love to them and tell them to write to me, also give my respect to your 
Family and A part for yourself, love from the friends to you Soloman Brown, H. Atkins, 
Was. Johnson, Mrs Brooks, Mr. Dykes. Mr. Smith is better at presant. And do not 
forget to write the News of Meakin's tryal. I cannot say any more at this time ; but 
remain yours and A true Friend ontell Death. W. H. Gilliam, the widow's Mite. 

" Our friend Minkins," in whose behalf William asks the united prayers 
of his friends, was one of the " scoundrels " who assisted him and his two 
companions to escape on the steamer. Being suspected of " rascality " in 
this direction, he was arrested and put in jail, but as no evidence could be 
found against him he was soon released. 

JAMES mercer's LETTER. 

ToEONTO, March 17th, 1854. 
My Dear Friend Still :— I take this method of informing you that I am well, and 
when this comes to hand it may find you and your family enjoying good health. Sir, my 
particular for writing is that I wish to hear from you, and to hear all the news from down 
South. I wish to know if all things are working Right for the Rest of my Brotheran 
whom in bondage. I will also Say that I am very much please with Toronto, So also the 
friends that came over with. It is true that we have not been Employed as yet ; but 
we are in hopes of be'en so in a few days. We happen here in good time jest about time 
the people in this country are going work. I am in good health and good Spirits, and 
feeles Rejoiced in the Lord for my liberty. I Received cople of paper from you to-day. 
I wish you see James Morris whom or Abram George the first and second on the Ship 
Penn., give my respects to them, and ask James if he will call at Henry W. Quarles on 
May street oppisit the Jews synagogue and call for Marena Mercer, give my love to her 
ask her of all the times about Richmond, tell her to Send me all the news. Tell Mr. 
Morris that there will be no danger in going to that place. You will also tell M. to 
make himself known to her as she may know who sent him. And I wish to got a letter 
from you. James M. Mercer. 

JOHN H. HTLT/s letter. 

My friend, I would like to hear from you, I have been looking for a letter from you 
for Several days aa the last was very interesting to me, please to write Right away. 

Yours most Respectfully, John H. Hill. 

Instead of weeping over the sad situation of his " penniless " mistress and 
showint; any signs of contrition for having wronged the man who held the 
mortgage of seven hundred and fifty dollars on him, James actually "feels 
rejoiced^ in the Lord for his liberty," and is " very much pleased with 



STOWED AWAY IiV A HOT BERTH. 59 

Toronto ; " but is not satisfied yet, he is even concocting a plan by which 
his wife might be run off from Richmond, which would be the cause of her 
owner (Henry W. Quarles, Esq.) losing at least one thousand dollars. 

St. Catharine, Canada, June 8th, 1854. 

Mr. Still, Dear friend : — I received a letter from the poor old widow, Mrs. L. E. 
White, and she says I may come back if I choose and she will do a good part by me. 
Yes, yes I am choosing the western side of the South for my home. She is smart, but 
cannot bung my eye, so she shall have to die in ihe poor house at last, so she says, and 
Mercer and myself will be the cause of it. That is all right. I am getting even with her 
now for I was in the poor house for twenty-five years and have just got out. And she 
said she knew I was coming away six weeks before I started, so you may know my 
chance was slim. But Mr. John Wright said I came off like a gentleman and he did not 
blame me for coming for I was a great boy. Yes I here him enough he is all gas. I am 
in Canada, and they cannot help themselves. 

About that subject I will not say anything more. You must write to me as soon as 
you can and let me here the news and how the Family is and yourself. Let me know 
how the times is with the U G. R. R. Co. Is it doing good business ? Mr. Dykes sends 
his respects to you. Give mine to your family. Your true friend, W. H. Gilliam. 

John Clayton, the companion in tribulation of William and James, must 
not be lost sight of any longer. He was owned by the Widow Clayton, and 
was white enough to have been nearly related to her, being a mulatto. He 
was about thirty-five years of age, a man of fine appearance, and quite intel- 
ligent. Several years previous he had made an attempt to escape, but failed. 
Prior to escaping in this instance, he had been laboring in a tobacco factory 
at $150 a year. It is needless to say that he did not approve of the " pecu- 
liar institution." He left a wife and one child behind to mourn after him. 
Of his views of Canada and Freedom, the following frank and sensible let- 
ter, _penned shortly after his arrival, speaks for itself — 

Toronto, March 6lh, 1854. 

Dear Mr. Still :— I take this method of informing you that I am well both in health 
and mind You may rest assured that I fells myself a free man and do not fell as I did 
when I was in Virginia thanks be to God I have no master into Canada but I am my own 
man. I arrived safe into Canada on friday last. I must request of you to write a few 
lines to my wife and jest state to her that her friend arrived safe into this glorious land of 
liberty and I am well and she will make very short her time in Virginia, tell her that I 
likes here very well and hopes to like it better when I gets to work I don't meane for you. 
to write the same words that are written above but I wish you give her a clear under- 
standing where I am and Shall Remain here untel She comes or I hears from her. 

Nothing more at present but remain yours most respectfully, John Clayton. 

You will please to direct the to Petersburg Luenena Johns or Clayton John is best. 



60 THE UNDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

CLARISSA DAVIS. 

ARRIVED DRESSED IN MALE ATTIRE. 

Clarissa fled from Poi-tsmouth, Va., iu May, 1854, with two of her 
brothers. Two mouths and a half before she succeeded in getting off, Cla- 
rissa had made a desperate effort, but failed. The brothers succeeded, but 
she was left. She had not given up all hope of escape, however, and there- 
fore sought " a safe hiding-place until an opportunity might offer," by 
which she could follow her brothers on the U. G. li. R. Clarissa waa 
owned by Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Burkley, of Portsmouth, under whom she 
had always served. 

Of them she spoke favorably, saying that she " had not been used as hard 
as many others were." At this period, Clarissa was about twenty-two years 
of age, of a bright brown complexion, with handsome features, exceedingly 
respectful and modest, and possessed all the characteristics of a "well-bred 
young lady. For one so little acquainted with books as she was, the cor- 
rectness of her speech was perfectly astonishing. 

For Clarissa and her two brothers a "reward of one thousand dollars" 
was kept standing in the papers for a length of time, as these (articles) were 
considered very rare and valuable; the best that could be produced in Vir- 
ginia. 

In the meanwhile the brothers had passed safely on to New Bedford, but 
Clarissa remained secluded, "waiting for the storm to subside." Keeping 
up courage day by day, for seventy-five days, with the fear of being detected 
and severely punished, and then sold, after all her hopes and struggles, re- 
quired the faith of a martyr. Time after time, when she hoped to succeed 
in making her escape, ill luck seemed to disappoint her, and nothing but 
intense suffering appeared to be in store. Like many others, under -the 
crushing weight of oppression, she thought she "should have to die" ere 
she tasted liberty. In this state of mind, one day, word was conveyed to 
her that the steamship. City of Richmond, had arrived from Philadelphia, 
and tliat the steward on board (with whom she was acquainted), had con- 
sented to secrete her this trip, if she could manage to reach the ship safely, 
wliich was to start the next day. This news to Clarissa Mas both cheering 
and j)ainrul. She had been "praying all the time while waiting," but now 
she felt "that if it would only rain right hard the next morning about three 
o'clock, to drive the police officers off the street, then she could safely make 
her way to the boat." Therefore she prayed anxiously all that day that it 
would rain, " but no sign of rain appeared till towards midnight." The 
pros})cct looked horribly discouraging; but she prayed on, and at the 
appointed hour (tiiree o'clock — before day), the rain descended in torrents. 
Dressed in male attire, Clarissa left the miserable coop where she had been 
almost without light or air for two and a half months, and unmolested, 



ANTHONY BLOW. gj 

reached the boat safely, and was secreted in a box by Wm. Bao-nal a clever 
young man who sincerely sympathized with the slave, having a wife in 
slavery himself; and by him she was safely delivered into the hands of the 
Vigilance Committee. 

Clarissa Davis here, by advice of the Committee, dropped her old name 
and was straightway christened " Mary D. Arrastead." Desiring to join hoi- 
brothers and sister in New Bedford, she was duly furnished with her U. G. 
R. E. passport and directed thitherward. Her father, who was left behind 
when she got off, soon after made his way on North, and joined his children. 
He was too old and infirm probably to be worth anything, and had been al- 
lowed to go free, or to purchase himself for a mere nominal sum. Slave- 
holders would, on some such occasions, show wonderful liberality in letting 
their old slaves go free, when they could work no more. After reach ino- 
New Bedford, Clarissa manifested her gratitude in writing to her friends in 
Philadelpliia repeatedly, and evinced a very lively interest in the U. G. R. R. 
The appended letter indicates her sincere feelings of gratitude and deep 
interest in the cause — 

New Bedford, August 26, ] 855. 
Mb. Still:— I avail my self to write you thes few lines hopeing they may find you and 
your family well as they leaves me very well and all the family well except my father he 
seams to be improveing with his shoulder he has been able to work a httle I received 
the papers I was highly delighted to receive them I was very glad to hear from you 
:m the wheler case I was very glad to hear that the persons ware safe I was very sory 
to hear that mr Williamson was put in prison but I know if the praying part of the 
;people will pray for him and if he will put his trust in the lord he will bring him out 
iraore than conquer please remember my Dear old farther and sisters and brothers to your 
;family kiss the children for me I hear that the yellow fever is very bad down south now 
!if the underground railroad could have free course the emergrant would cross the river of 
igordan rapidly I hope it may continue to run and I hope the wheels of the car may be 
greesed with more substantial greese so they may run over swiftly I would have wrote 
before but circumstances would not permit me Miss Sanders and all the friends desired 
to be remembered to you and your family I shall be pleased to hear from the under- 
ground rail road often Yours respectfully, Mart D. Aemstead. 



ANTHONY BLOW, alias HENRY LEYISON. 

^1 SECRETED TEN MOKTHS BEFORE STARTING— EIGHT DAYS STOWED AWAY ON A 
STEAMER BOUND FOR PHILADELPHIA, 

Arrived from Norfolk, about the 1st of November, 1854. Ten months 
before starting, Anthony had been closely concealed. He belonged to the 
estate of Mrs. Peters, a widow, who had been dead about one year before his 
concealment. 
|i On the settlement of his old mistress' estate, which was to take ])lacc one 
year after her death, Anthony was to be transferred to Mrs. Lewis, a daugh- 



62 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ter of Mrs. Peters (the wife of James Lewis, Esq.). Anthony felt well 
satisfied that he was not the slave to plea-se the " tyrannical whims " of his 
anticipated master, young Lewis, and of course he hated the idea of having 
to come under his yoke. And what made it still more unpleasant for 
Anthony was that Mr. Lewis would frequently remind him that it was 
his intention to "sell him as soon as he got possession — the first day of 
January." " I can get fifteen hundred dollars for you easily, and I will do 
it." This contemptuous threat had caused Anthony's blood to boil time and 
again. But Anthony had to take the matter as calmly as possible, which, 
however, he was not always able to do. 

At any rate, Anthony concluded that his " young master had counted the 
chickens before they were hatched.'' Indeed here Anthony began to be a 
deep thinker. He thought, for instance, that he had already been shot 
three times, at the instance of slave-holders. The first time he was shot 
was for refusing a flogging when only eighteen years of age. The second 
time, he was shot in the head with squirrel shot by the sheriff, who was 
attempting to arrest him for having resisted three " young white ruffians," 
who wished to have the pleasure of beating him, but got beaten themselves. 
And in addition to being shot this time, Anthony was still further "broke 
in " by a terrible flogging from the Sheriff. The third time Anthony was 
shot he was about twenty-one years of age. In this instance he was punished 
for his old offence — he " would not be whipped." 

This time his injury from being shot was light, compared with the two 
preceding attacks. Also in connection with these murderous conflicts, lie 
could not forget that he had been sold on the auction block. But he had 
still deeper thinking to do yet. He determined that his young master 
should never get " fifteen hundred dollars for him on the 1st of January," 
unless he got them while he (Anthony) was running. For Anthony had 
fully made up his mind that when the last day of December ended, his 
bondage should end also, even if he should have to accept death as a substi- 
tute. He then began to think of the Underground Rail Road and of Canada; 
but who the agents were, or how to find the depot, was a serious puzzle to 
him. But his time was getting so short he was convinced that whatever he 
did would have to be done quickly. In this frame of mind he found 
a man who professed to know something about the Underground Rail Road, 
and for " thirty dollars" promised to aid him in the matter. 

The thirty dollars were raised by the hardest eflbrt and passed over to the 
pretended friend, with the expectation that it would avail greatly in the 
emergency. But Anthony found himself sold for thirty dollars, as nothing 
was done for him. However, the 1st day of January arrived, but Anthony 
was not to be found to answer to his name at roll call. Pie had "took out" 
very early in the morning. Daily he prayed in his place of concealment 
how to find the U. G. R. R. Ten months passed away, during which time 



ANTHONY BLOW. 63 

he suffered almost death, but persuaded himself to believe that even that 
•was better thau slavery. With Anthony, as it has been with thousands of 
others similarly situated, just as everything was looking the most hopeless, 
word came to him in his place of concealment that a friend named Minkins, 
employed on the steamship City of Kichmond, would undertake to conceal 
him on the boat, if lie could be crowded in a certain place, which was about 
the only spot that would be perfectly safe. This was glorious news to 
Anthony ; but it was well for him that he was ignorant of the situation 
that awaited him on the boat, or his heart might have failed him. He was 
willing, however, to risk his life for freedom, and, therefore, went joyfully. 

The hiding-place was small and he was large. A sitting attitude was 
the only way he could possibly occupy it. He was contented. This place 
was " near the range, directly over the boiler," and of course, was very warm. 
Nevertheless, Anthony felt that he would not murmur, as he knew what 
suffering was pretty well, and especially as he took it for granted that he 
would be free in about a day and a half — the usual time it took the steamer 
to make her trip. At the appointed hour the steamer left Norfolk for 
Philadelphia, with Anthony sitting flat down in his U. G. R. R. berth, 
thoughtful and hopeful. But before the steamer had made half her dis- 
tance the storm was tossing the ship hither and thither fearfully. Head 
winds blew terribly, and for a number of days the elements seemed per- 
fectly mad. In addition to the extraordinary state of the weather, when 
the storm subsided the fog took its place and held the mastery of the ship 
with equal despotism until the end of over seven days, when finally the 
storm, wind, and fog all disappeared, and on the eighth day of her boister- 
ous passage the steamship City of Richmond landed at the wharf of Phil- 
adelphia, with this giant and hero on board who had suffered for ten months 
in his concealment on land and for eight days on the ship. 

Anthony was of very powerful physical proportions, being six feet three 
inches in height, quite black, very intelligent, and of a temperament that 
would not submit to slavery. For some years his master, Col. Cunnagan, had 
hired him out in Washington, where he was accused of being in the schooner 
Pearl, with Capt. Drayton's memorable " seventy fugitives on board, bound for 
Canada." At this time he was stoker in a machine shop, and was at work 
on an anchor weighing "ten thousand pounds." In the excitement over 
the attempt to escape in the Pearl, many were arrested, and the officers with 
irons visited Anthony at the machine shop to arrest him, but he declined to 
let them put the hand-cuffs on him, but consented to go with them, if per- 
mitted to do so without being ironed. The officers yielded, and Anthony 
went willingly to the jail. Passing unnoticed other interesting conflicts in 
his hard life, suffice it to say, he left his M'ife, Ann, and three children, 
Benjamin, John and Alfred, all owned by Col. Cunnagan. In this brave- 
hearted man, the Committee felt a deep interest, and accorded him their 
usual hospitalities. 



64 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND. 

EYE KNOCKED OUT, ETC. 

Perry's exit was in November, 1853. He was owned by Charles John- 
son, who lived at Eikton. The infliction of a severe "flogging" from the 
hand of his master awakened Perry to consider the importance of the U. G. 
R. R. Perry had the misfortune to let a "load of fodder upset," about 
which his master became exavSperated, and in his agitated state of mind he 
succeeded in affixing a number of very ugly stationary marks on Perry's 
back. However, this Avas no new thing. Indeed he had suffered at the 
hands of his mistress even far more keenly than from these " ugly marks." 
He had but one eye; the other he had been deprived of by a terrible stroke 
with a cowhide in the " hand of his mistress." This lady he jjrouounced 
to be a " perfect savage," and added that " she was in the habit of cowhiding 
any of her slaves whenever she felt like it, which was quite often." Perry 
was about twenty-eight years of age and a man of promise. The Committee 
attended todiis wants and forwarded him on North. 



ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS, AND WILLIS REDICK. 

HEARTS FULL OF JOY FOR FREEDOM— VERY ANXIOUS FOR WIVES IN SLAVERY. 

These passengers all arrived together, concealed, per steamship City of 
Richmond, December, 1853. Isaac Forman, the youngest of the party — 
twenty-three years of age and a dark mulatto — would be considered by a 
Southerner ea])able of judging as "very likely." He fled from a widow ])y 
the name of Mrs. Sanders, who had been in the habit of hiring him out for 
"one hundred and twenty dollars a year." She belonged in Norfolk, Va.; 
so did Isaac. For four years Isaac had served in the capacity of steward 
on the steamsliip Augusta. He stated that he had a wife living in Rich- 
mond, and that she was confined the morning he took the U. G. R. R. Of 
course he could not see hor. The privilege of living in Richmond with his 
wife "had been denied liim." Thus, fearing to render her unhappy, he was 
obliged to conceal from her his intention to escape. "Once or twice in the 
year was all the privilege allowetl" him to visit her. This only added "in- 
sult to injury," in Isaac's opinion ; wherefore he concluded that he would 
make one less to have to suffer thus, and common sense said he was wise in 
the matter. No particiilar charges are fonnd recorded on the U. G. R. R. 
l)ooks against the mistress. He went to Canada. 

In the subjoined letters (about his wife) is clearly revealed the sincere 
gratitude he felt towards those who aidcfl him : at the same time it may be 



ISAAC FOEMAN. 65 

seen how the thought of his wife being in bondage grieved his heart. It 
would have required men with stone hearts to liave turned deaf ears to 
such appeals. Extract from letter soon after reaching Canada — hopefid and 
happy — 

EXTEACT OP LETTER FROM ISAAC FOEMAN. 

Toronto, Feb. 20th, 1854. 
Mr. William Still : — Sir — Your kind letter arrived safe at band on the 18th, and I 
was very happy to receive it. I now feel that I should return you some thanks for your 
kindness. Dear sir I do pray from the bottom of my heart, that the high heavens may 
bless you for your kindness; give my love to Mr. Bagnel and Mr. Minkins, ask them if 
they have heard anything from my brother, tell Mr. Bagnel to give my love to my sister- 
in-law and mother and all the family. I am now living at Russell's Hotel ; it is the first 
situation I have had since I have been here and I like it very well. Sir you would oblige 
me by letting me know if Mr. Minkins has seen my wife ; you will please let me know as 
soon as possible. I wonder if Mr, Mmkins has thought of any way that he can get my 
•wife away. I should like to know in a few days. Your well wisher, Isaac Foeman. 

Another letter from Isaac. He is very gloomy and his heart is almost 
breaking about his wife. 

SECOND LETTER. 

Toronto, May 7, 1854. 

Mr. W. Still : — Dear Sir— I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines and 
hope when they reach you they will find you well. I would have written you before, but 
I was waiting to hear from my friend, Mr. Brown. I judge his business has been of im- 
portance as the occasion why he has not written before. Dear sir, nothing would have 
prevented me from writing, in a case of this kind, except death. 

My soul is vexed, my troubles are inexpressible. I often feel as if I were willing to die. 
I must see my wife in short, if not, I will die. What would I not give no tongue can 
utter. Just to gaze on her sweet lips one moment I would be willing to die the next. I 
am determined to see her some time or other. The thought of being a slave again is mis- 
erable. I hope heaven will smile upon me again, before I am one again. I will leave 
Canada again shortly, but I don't name the place that I go, it may be in the bottom of 
the ocean. If I had known as much before I left, as I do now, I would never have left 
until I could have found means to have brought her with me. You have never suffered 
from being absent from a wife, as I have. I consider that to be nearly superior to death, 
and hope you will do all you can for me, and inquire from your friends if nothing can be 
done for me. Please write to me immediately on receipt of this, and say something that 
will cheer up my drooping spirits. You will oblige me by seeing Mr. Brown and ask him 
if he would oblige me by going to Richmond- and see my wife, and see what arrangpments 
he could make with her, and I would be willing to pay all his expenses there and back. 
Please to see both Mr. Bagnel and Mr. Minkins, and ask them if they have seen my wife. 
I am determined to see her, if I die the next moment. I can say I was once happy, but 
never will be again, until I see her; because what is freedom to me, when I know that my 
wife is in slavery? Those persons that you shipped a few weeks ago, remained at St. Cath- 
erine, instead of coming over to Toronto. I sent you two letters last week and I hope 
you will please attend to them. The post-office is shut, so I enclose the money to pay 
the post, and please write me in haste. 

I remain evermore your obedient servant, I. Forman. 

5 



65 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

WILLIS KEDICK. 

He was owned by S. J. A\'ilson, a mercliant, living in Portsmouth, Va. 
"Willis was of a very dark hue, thick set, thirty-two years of age, and possessed 
of a fair share of mind. The owner had been accustomed to hire Willis out 
forgone hundred dollars a year." Willis thought his lot "pretty hard," 
and his master rather increased this notion by his severity, and especially by 
"threatening" to sell him. lie had enjoyed, as far as it was expected for a 
slave to do, " five months of married life," but he loved slavery no less on 
this account. In fact he had just bc^un to consider what it was to have a 
wife and children that he "could not own or protect," and who were claimed 
as another's })roperty. Consequently he became quite restive under these 
reilectious and his master's ill-usage, and concluded to " look out," without 
consulting either the master or the young wife. 

This step looked exceedingly hard, but what else could the poor fellow 
do? Slavery existed expressly for the purpose of crushing souls and 
breaking tender hearts. 



\ 



WILLIAINI DAVIS. 

"William might be described as a good-looking mulatto, thirty-one years 
of age, and capable of thinking for himself. He made no grave complaints 
of ill-usage under his master, "Joseph Reynolds," who lived at Newton, 
Portsmouth, Va. However, his owner had occasionally " threatened to 
sell him." As this was too much for William's sensitive feelings, he took 
umbrage at it and made a hasty and hazardous move, which resulted in 
findin<i himself on the U. G. R. R. The most serious regret William had 
to report to the Committee was, that he was compelled to " leave " his 
"wife," Catharine, and his little daughter, Louisa, two years and one month, 
and an infant son seven months old. He evidently loved them very ten- 
derly, but saw no way by which he could aid them, as long as he was daily 
liable to be put on the auction block and sold far South. This argument 
was regarded by the Committee as logical and unanswerable ; consequently 
they readily endorsed his course, while they deeply sympathized with his 
poor wife and little ones. "Before escaping," he "dared not" even apprise 
his wife and child, whom he had to leave behind in the prison house. 



JOSEPH HEXRY CAMP. 

THE AUCTION RLOCK IS nEFEATED AND A SLAVE TRADER LOSES FOURTEEN HUN- 
DRED DOLLARS. 

In XovenilKT, lS5o, in the twentieth year of his age, Camp was held to 
"service or labor" in the City of Richmond, Va., by Dr. K. Clark. Being 



SHERIDAN FORD. 67 

uncommonly smart and quite good-looking at the same time, he was a 
saleable piece of merchandise. Without consulting his view of the matter 
or making the least intimation of any change, the master one day struck up 
a bargain with a trader for Joseph, and received Fourteen Hundred Dollars 
cash in consideration thereof. Mr. Robert Parrett, of Parson & King's 
Express office, happened to have a knowledge of what had transpired, and 
thinking pretty well of Joseph, confidentially put him in full possession of 
all the facts in the case. For reflection he hardly had five minutes. But he 
at once resolved to strike that day for freedom — not to go home that evening 
(o be delivered into the hands of his new master. In putting into execution 
his bold resolve, he secreted himself, and so remained for three weeks. In 
the meantime his mother, who was a slave, resolved to escape also, but 
after one week's gloomy foreboding, she became " faint-hearted and gave 
the struggle over." But Joseph did not know what surrender meant. His 
sole thought was to procure a ticket on the U. G. R. R. for Canada, which by 
persistent effort he succeeded in doing. He hid himself in a steamer, and by 
this way reached Philadelphia, where he received every accommodation at the 
usual depot, was provided with a free ticket, and sent off rejoicing for Canada. 
The unfortunate mother was "detected and sold South." 



SHERIDAN FORD. 

SECKETED IX THE WOODS — ESCAPES IN A STEAMEK. 

About the twenty-ninth of January, 1855, Sheridan arrived from the Old 
Dominion and a life of bouflago, and was welcomed cordially by the Vigi- 
1 lance Committee. Miss Elizabeth Brown of Portsmouth, Ya. claimed 
Sheridan as her property. He spoke rather kindly of her, and felt that he 
"had not been used very hard" as a general thing, although, he wisely 
added, "the best usage was bad enough." Sheridan had nearly reached Ids 
twenty-eighth year, was tall and well made, and possessed of a considerable 
share of intelligence. 

Not a great while before making up his mind to escape, for some trifling 
oifence he had been "stretched up with a rope by his hands," and "whipped 
unmercifully." In addition to this he had "got wind of the fact," that he 
was to be auctioneered off; soon these things brought serious reflections to 
Sheridan's mind, and among other questions, he began to ponder how he 
could get a ticket on the U. G. R. R., and get out of this "place of torment," 
to where he might have the benefit of his own labor. In this state of mind, 
about the fourteenth day of November, he took his first and darin<:r step. 
He went not, however, to learned lawyers or able ministers of the Gospel 
in his distress and trouble, but wended his way "directly to the woods," 
where he felt that he would be safer with the wild animals and reptiles, in 
solitude, than with the barbarous civilization that existed in Portsmouth. 



68 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

The first day in the woods he passed in prayer incessantly, all alone. In 
this particular place of seclusion he remained " four days and nights," " two 
days suffered severely from hunger, cold and thirst." However, one who 
was a " friend " to him, and knew of his whereabouts, managed to get some 
food to him and consoling words; but at the end of the four days this 
friend got into some difficulty and thus Sheridan was left to " wade through 
deep waters and head winds " in an almost hopeless state. There he could 
not consent to stay and starve to death. Accordingly he left and found another 
place of seclusion — with a friend in the town — for a pecuniary consideration. 
A secret passage was procured for him on one of the steamers running 
between Philadelphia and Richmond, Va. When he left his poor wife, 
Julia, she was tlien " lying in prison to be sold," on the simple charge of 
having been suspected of conniving at her husband's escape. As a woman 
she had known something of the " barbarism of slavery," from every -day 
experience, which the large scars about her head indicated — according to 
Sheridan's testimony. She was the mother of two children, but had never 
been allowed to have the care of either of them. The husband, utterly 
powerless to offer her the least sympathy in word or deed, left this dark 
habitation of cruelty, as above referred to, with no hope of ever seeing wife 
or child again in this world. 

The Committee afforded him the usual aid and comfort, and passed him 
on to the next station, with his foce set towards Boston. He had heard the 
slaveholders " curse " Boston so much, that he concluded it must be a pretty 
safe place for the fugitive. 



JOSEPH KNEELAND, alias JOSEPH HULSON. 

Joseph Kneeland arrived November 25, 1853. He was a prepossessing 
man of twenty-six, dark complexion, and intelligent. At the time of 
Joseph's escape, lie was owned by Jacob Kneeland, who had fallen heir to 
him as a part of iiis father's estate. Joseph spoke of his old master as 
having treated him "pretty well," but he had an idea that his young master 
had a very "malignant spirit;" for even before the death of his old master, 
the heir wanted him, " Joe," sold, and after the old man died, n\atters 
appearal to be coming to a crisis very fast. Even as early as November, 
the young despot had distinctly given "Joe" to understand, that he was not 
to be hired out another year, intimating that he was to " go somewhere," 
but as to particulars, it was time enough for Joe to know them. 

Of course " Joe " looked at his master " right good " and saw right 
through him, and at the same time, saw the U. G. R. R., " darkly." Daily 
slavery gnsw awfuUv xmwn, but on the other hand, Canada was looked ujion 
as a very desirable country to emigrate to, and he concluded to make his 



EX PRESIDENT TYLER LOSES AN " ARTICLE." 69 

'wray there, as speedily as the U. G. R. R. could safely convey him. 
Accordingly he soon carried his design into practice, and on his arrival, the 
Committee regarded him as a very good subject for her British Majesty's 
possessions in Canada, 



EX-PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTO- 
CRATIC "ARTICLE." 

James Ilarableton Christian is a remarkable specimen of the " well fed, 
&c." In talking with him relative to his life as a slave, he said very 
promptly, " I have always been treated well ; if I only have half as good 
times in the North as I have had in the South, I shall be perfectly satisfied. 
Any time I desired spending money, five or ten dollars were no object." At 
times, James had borrowed of his master, one, two, and three hundred 
dollars, to loan out to some of his friends. With regard to apparel and 
jewelry, he had worn the best, as an every-day adornment. With regard to 
food also, he had fared as well as heart could wish, with abundance of 
leisure time at his command. His deportment was certainly very refined 
and gentlemanly. About fifty per cent, of Anglo-Saxon blood was visible 
in his features and his hair, which gave him no inconsiderable claim to 
sympathy and care. He had been to William and ]\Iary's College in his 
younger days, to wait on young master James B. C, where, through the 
kindness of some of the students he had picked up a trifling amoinit of 
book learning. To be brief, this man was born the slave of old Major 
Christian, on the Glen Plantation, Charles City county, Va. The Chris- 
tians were wealthy and owned many slaves, and belonged in reality to the 
F. F. Vs. On the death of the old Major, James fell into the hands of 
his son. Judge Christian, who was executor to his father's estate. Subse- 
quently he fell into the hands of one of the Judge's sisters, Mrs. John 
Tyler (wife of Ex-President Tyler), and then he became a member of the 
President's domestic household, was at the WhitQ House, under the Presi- 
dent, from 1841 to 1845. Though but very young at that time, James was 
only fit for training in the arts, science, and mystery of Avaiting, in which 
profession, much pains were taken to qualify him completely for his calling. 

After a lapse of time-, his mistress died. According to her request, 
after this event, James and his old mother were handed over to her nephew, 
William H. Christian, Esq., a merchant of Richmond. From this gentle- 
man, James had the folly to flee. 

Passing hurriedly over interesting details, received from him respecting 
his remarkable history, two or three more incidents too good to omit must 
sufiice. 



70 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

" How did you like Mr. Tyler?" said an inquisitive member of the 
Vigilance Committee. *' I didn't like Mr. Tyler much," was the reply. 
'• Why ?" again inquired the member of the Committee. " Because Mr. 
Tyler was a poor man, I never did like poor people. I didn't like his 
marrying into our family, who were considered very iar Tyler's superiors." 
" On the plantation," he said, " Tyler was a very cross man, and treated the 
servants very cruelly; but the house servants were treated much better, 
owing to their having belonged to his wife, who protected tliem from perse- 
cution, as they had been favorite servants in her father's family." James 
estimated that " Tyler got about thirty-five thousand dollars aud twenty-nine 
slaves, young and old, by his wife." 

AVhat prompted James to leave such pleasant quarters ? It was this : He 
had become enamored of a young and respectable free girl in Kichmond, 
■with whom he could not be united in marriage solely because he was a slave, 
and did not own himself. The frequent sad separations of such married 
couples (wliere one or tlie other was a slave) could not be overlooked ; conse- 
quently, the poor fellow concluded that he would stand a better chance of 
gaining his object in Canada than by remaining in Virginia. So he began 
to feel that he might himself be sold some day, and thus the resolution came 
home to him very forcibly to make tracks for Canada. 

In speaking of the good treatment he had always met with, a member of 
the Committee remarked, "You must be akin to some one of your master's 
family?" To which he replied, "I am Christian's son." Unquestionably this 
passenger was one of that happy class so commonly referred to by apologists 
for tlie "Patrianihal Institution." The Committee, feeling a deep interest 
in his >tory, aud desiring great success to him in his Underground efforts to 
get rid of slavery, and at the same time jwssess himself of his affianced, 
made him heartily welcome, feeling assured tliat the struggles and hard- 
ships he had submitted to in escaping, as well as the luxuries he was leaving 
beiiind, were nothing to be compared with the blessings of liberty and a free 
wife in Canada. 



EDWARD MORGAN, IIEXRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND 
STEPHEN BUTLER. 

"Two Thousand Dolt^ap.s Reward. — The above Reward will be paid for the appre- 
hension of two blacks, who escaped on Sunday last. It is supposed they have made their 
way to Pennsylvania. $500 will be paid for the apprehension of either, so that we can 
get them again. The oldest is named Edward ^lorgan,. about five feet six or seven 
inches, heavily made— is a dark black, has rather a down look when spoken to, and is 
about 21 years of age. 

" Henry .Tohnson is a colored neffro, about five feet seven or eight inches, heavily 
made, aged nineteen years, has a pleasant countenance, and has a mark on his neck beluw 
the ear. 



EDWARD MORGAN. 71 

•'Stephen Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, about five feet seven inches; has a 
pleasant countenance, with a scar above his eye; plays on the violin ; about tvventy-Lwo 
years old. 

"Jim Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, five feet eight or nine inches; is rather 
sullen when spoken to; face rough; aged about twenty-one years. The clothing not re- 
collected. They had black frock coats and slouch hats with them. Any information of 
them address Elizabeth Brown, Sandy Hook P. O., or of Thomas Johnson, Abingdon P. 
0., Harford county, Md. "Elizabeth Brown. 

"Thomas Johnson." ^ 

FROM THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS. 

The following memorandum is made, which, if not too late, may afford 
some light to "Elizabeth Brown and Thomas Johnson/' if they have not 
already gone the way of the " lost cause " — 

June 4, 1857. — Edward is a hardy and firm-looking young man of 
twenty-four years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and " likely," — would 
doubtless bring $1,400 in the market. He had been held as the property 
of the widow, " Betsy Brown," who resided near Mill Green P. O., in Har- 
ford county, Md. " She was a very bad woman ; would go to church every 
Sunday, come home and go to fighting amongst the colored people ; was 
never satisfied ; she treated my mother very hard, (said Ed.) ; would beat her 
with a walking-stick, &c. She was an old woman and belonged to the 
Catholic Church. Over her slaves she kept an overseer, who was <^ very 
wicked man ; very bad on colored people ; his name was ' Bill Eddy ;' Eli- 
zabeth Brown owned twelve head." 

Heniy is of a brown skin, a good-looking young man, only nineteen years 
of age, whose prepossessing appearance would insure a high price for him in 
the market — perhaps $1,700. With Edward, he testifies to the meanness of 
Mrs. ]3ctsy Brown, as well as to his own longing desire for freedom. Being a 
fellow-servant with Edward, Henry was a party to the plan of escape. In 
slavery he left his mother and three sisters, owned by the " old woman " 
from whom he escaped. 

James is about twenty-one years of age, full black, and medium size. As 
he had been worked hard on poor fare, he concluded to leave, in com- 
pany with his brother and two cousins, leaving his parents in slavery, 
owned by the " Widow Pyle," who was also the owner of himself. ^' She 
was upwards of eighty, very passionate and ill-natured, although a member 
of the Presbyterian Church." James may be worth $1,400. 

Stephen is a brother of James', and is about the same size, though a year 
older. His experience differed in no material respect from his brother's; was 
owned by the same woman, whom he "hated for her bad treatment" of 
him. Would bring $1,400, perhaps. 

In substance, and to a considerable extent in the exact words, these facts 
are given as they came from the lips of the passengers, who, though having 
been kept in ignorance and bondage, seemed to have their eyes fuily open to 



72 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the wrongs that had been heaped upon them, and were singularly determined 
to reaeh free soil at all hazards. The Couunittee willingly attended to their 
financial and other wants, and cheered them on with encouraging advice. 

They were indebted to "The Baltimore Sun" for the advertisement infor- 
mation. And here it may be furtlier added, that the " Sun " was quite fa- 
mous for this kind of U. G. R. R. literature, and on that account alone the 
Committee subscribed for it daily, and never failed to scan closely certain 
columns, illustrated with a black man running away with a bundle on his 
back. Many of these popular illustrations and advertisements were pre- 
served, many others were sent away to friends at a distance, M'ho took a 
special interest in the U. G. R. R. matters. Friends and stockholders in 
England used to take a great interest in seeing how tlie fine arts, in these 
particulars, were encouraged in the South (" the land of chivalry "). 



HENRY PREDO. 

BROKE JAIL, JUMPED OUT OF THE WINDOW AND MADE HIS ESCAPE. 

Henry fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., Md., March, 1857. Physi- 
cally he is agiant. About 27 years of age, stout and well-made, quite black, 
and no fool, as will appear presently. Only a short time before he escaped, 
his master threatened to sell him south. To avoid that flite, therefore, he 
concluded to try his luck on the Underground Rail Road, and, in company 
with seven others — two of them females — he started for Canada. For 
two or three days and nights they managed to outgeneral all their adver- 
saries, and succeeded bravely in making the best of their way to a Free 
State. 

In the meantime, however, a reward of $3,000 was offered for their 
arrest. This temptation was toQ great to be resisted, even by the man who 
had been intrusted with the care of them, and who had faithfully promised to 
pilot them to a safe place. One night, through the treachery of their pre- 
tended conductor, they were all taken into Dover Jail, where the Sheriff 
and several others, who had been notified beforehand by the betrayer, were 
in readiness to receive them. Up stairs they were taken, the betrayer remark- 
ing as they were going up, that they were " cold, but would soon have a 
good warming." On a light being lit they discovered the iron bars and 
the fact that they had been betrayed. Their liberty-loving s])irits and pur- 
pose'^, however, did not quail. Though resisted brutally by the sheriff with 
revolver in hand, they made their May down one flight of stairs, and in the 
moment of oxoltemcnt, as good lurk would have it, plunged into the sheriff's 
private n])artmont, Avhere his wife and children were sleeping. The wife 
cried murder lustily. A shovel full of fire, to the great danger of burning 



THOMAS ELLIOTT. 73 

the premises, was scattered over the room ; out of the window jumped two 
of the female fugitives. Our hero Henry, seizing a heavy andiron, 
smashed out the window entire, through which the others leaped a dis- 
tance of twelve feet. The railing or wall around the jail, though at first 
it looked forbidding, was soon surmounted by a desperate effort. 

At this stage of the proceedings, Henry found himself Nvithout the walls, 
and also lost sight of his comrades at the same time. The last enemy he 
spied was the sheriff in his stockings without his shoes. He snapped his 
pistol at him, but it did not go off. Six of the others, however, marvel- 
lously got off safely together ; where the eighth went, or how he got off, 
was not known. 



DANIEL HUGHES. 

Daniel fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., also. His owner's name was 
Richard Meredith, a farmer. Daniel is one of the eight alluded to above. 
In features he is well made, dark chestnut color, and intelligent, possessing 
an ardent thirst for liberty. The cause of his escape was : " Worked hard in 
all sorts of weather — in rain and snow," so he thought he would " go where 
colored men are free." His master was considered the hardest man around. 
His mistress was " eighty-three years of age," " drank hard," was " very 
stormy," and a "member of the Methodist Church" (Airy's meeting-house). 
He left brothers and sisters, and uncles and aunts behind. In the combat 
at the prison he played his part manfully. 



THOMAS ELLIOTT. 

Thomas is also one of the brave eight who broke out of Dover Jail. He 
was about twenty-three years of age, well made, wide awake, and of a 
superb black complexion. He too had been owned by Richard Meredith. 
Against the betrayer, who was a black man, he had vengeance in store if the 
opportunity should ever offer. Thomas left only one brother living ; his 
"father and mother were dead." 

The excitement over the escape spread very rapidly next morning, and 
desperate efforts were made to recapture the fugitives, but a few friends 
there were who had sympathy and immediately rendered them the needed 
assistance. 

The appended note from the faithful Garrett to Samuel Rhoads, may 
throw light upon the occurrence to some extent. 

Wilmington, 3d mo, 13th, 1S57. 

Dear Cousin, Samuel Rhoads : — I have a letter this day from an agent of the Under- 
ground Rail Road, near Dover, in this state, saying I must be on the look out for six 
brothers and two sisters, they were decoyed and betrayed, he says by a colored man 



74 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

named Thomas Otwell, who pretended to be their friend, and sent a while scamp ahead 
to wait for them at Dover till they arrived ; they were arrested and put in Jail there, with 
Tom's assistance, and some officers. Oa third day morning about four o'clock, they broke 
jail; six of them are secreted in the neighborhood, and the writer has not known what 
became of the other two. The six were to start last night for this place. I hear that 
their owners have persons stationed at several places on the road watching. I fear they 
will be taken. If they could lay quiet for tea days or two weeks, they might then get 
up safe. I shall have two men sent this evening some four or five miles below to keep 
them away from this town, and send them (if found to Chester County). Thee may show 
this to Still and McKim, and oblige thy cousin, Thomas Garrett. 

Further light about this exciting contest, may be gathered from a colored 
conductor on the Road, in Delaware, who wrote as follows to a member of 
the Vigilance Committee at Philadelphia. 

Camden, Del., March 23d, 1857. 

Dear Sir: — I tak my pen in hand to write to you, to inform you what we have had to 
go throw for the last two weaks. Thir wir six men and two woman was betraid on the 
tenth of this month, thea had them in prison but thea got out was conveyed by a black 
man, he told them he wood bring them to my hows, as he wos told, he had ben ther 
Befor, he has com with Harrett, a woman that stops at my hous when she pases tow and 
throw yau. You don't no me I supos, the Rev. Thomas H. Kennard dos, or Peter Lowis. 
He Road Camden Circuit, this man led them in dover prisin and left them with a whit 
man ; but tha tour out the winders and jump out, so cum back to camden. We put them 
throng, we hav to carry them 19 mils and cum back the sam night wich maks 38 mils. 
It is tou much for our littel horses. We must do the bes we can, ther is much Bisness 
dun on this Road. We hav to go throw dover and smerny, the two wors places this 
sid of mary land lin. If you have herd or sean them pies let me no. I will Com to Phila 
be for long and then I will call and se you. There is much to do her. Pies to wright, I 
Remain your frend, William Brinkly. 

Remember me to Thorn. Kennard. 

The balance of the.se brave fugitives, although not named in this connec- 
tion, succeeded in getting off safely. But how the betrayer, sheriff and 
hunters got out of their dilemma, the Committee was never fully posted. 

The Committee found great pleasure in assisting these passenger.s, for 
they had the true grit. Such were always doubly welcome. 



MAEY EPPS, ALIAS EMMA BROWX— JOSEPH AND ROBERT 

ROBIXSOX. 

A SLAVE MOTHER LOSES HER SPEECU AT THE SALE OF HER CHILD — BOB ESCAPES 
FROM HIS MASTER, A TRADER, WITH S1500 IN NORTH CAROLINA MONEY. 

Mary fled from Petorsburg and the Robin.sons from Richmond. A fugi- 
tive slave law-breaking captain by the name of B., who owned a schooner, 
and would biing any kind of freight that would pay the most, was the con- 
ductor in tills instance. Quite a number of pas.sengers at different time- 



3IAEY EPPS. 75 



availetl themselves of his accommodations and thus succeeded in reaching 

-Canada. 

11 His risk was very great. On this account he claimed, as did certain 
others, that it was no more than fair to charge for his services — indeed he did 
not profess to bring persons for nothing, except in rare instances. In this 
matter the Committee did not feel disposed to interfere directly in any way, 

J [further than to suggest that wdiatever understanding was agreed upon by the 

f Iparties themselves should be faithfully adhered to. 

( I Many slaves in cities could raise, " by hook or by crook," fifty or one 

! [hundred dollars to pay for a passage, providing they could find one who 
was willing to risk aiding them. Thus, while the Vigilance Committee of 
Philadelphia especially neither charged nor accepted anything for their 
services, it was not to be expected that any of the Southern agents could 
afford to do likewise. 

The husband of Mary had for a long time wanted his own freedom, but 
dkl not feel that he could go without his wife ; in fact, he resolved to get 
her off first, then to try and escape himself, if possible. The first essential 
step towards success, he considered, was to save his money and make it an 
ol)ject to the captain to help him. So when he had managed to lay by one 
hundred dollars, he willingly offered this sura to Captain B., if he would" 
engage to deliver his wife into the hands of the Vigilance Committee of 
Philadelphia. The captain agreed to the terms and fulfilled his engage- 

t Iment to the letter. About the 1st of March, 1855, Mary was presented to 
ithe Vigilance Committee. She was of agreeable manners, about forty-five 

I years of age, dark complexion, round built, and intelligent. mShe had been 
Ithe mother of fifteen children, four of whom had been sold away from her ; 
one was still held in slavery in Petersburg ; the others were all dead. 

At the sale of one of her children she was so affected with grief that she 
was thrown into violent convulsions, which caused the loss of her speech 
for one entire month. But this little episode was not a matter to excite sym- 
pathy in the breasts of the highly refined and tender-hearted Christian 
mothers of Petersburg. In the mercy of Providence, however, her reason 
and strength returned. 

She had formerly belonged to the late Littleton Reeves, whom she repre- 
sented as having been "kind" to her, much more so than her mistress (Mrs. 
Reeves). Said Mary, "She being of a jealous disposition, caused me to be 
hired out with a hard faniily, where I was much abused, frequently flogged, 
and stinted for food," etc. 

But the sweets of freedom in the care of the Vigilance Committee now 

delighted her mind, and the hope that her husband would soon follow her 

to Canada, inspired her M-ith expectatio'.is that she would one day "sit under 

her own vine and fig tree where none dared to molest or make her afraid.' 

The Committee rendered her the usual assistance, and in due time, for- 



76 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Avardcd her on to Queen Victoria's free land in Canada. On her arrival 
she ^vrote back as follows — 

Toronto, March 14th, 1855. 

Dear Mr. Still: — I take this opportunity of addressing you with these few lines to. 
inform you that I arrived here to day, and hope that this may find yourself and Mrs. 
Still well, as this leaves me at the present. I will also say to you, that I had no difficulty 
in getting along, the two young men that was with me left me at Suspension Bridge, 
they went another way. 

I cannot say much about the place as I have ben here but a short time but so far as I 
have seen I like very well, you will give my Respect to your lady, & Mr & Mrs Brown. 
If you have not written to Petersburg you will please to write as soon as can I have 
nothing More to Write at present but yours Respectfully 

Emma Brown (old name Mary Epps). 

Now, Joseph and Robert (Mary's associate passengers from Richmond) 
must here be noticed. Joseph was of a dark orange color, medium size,, 
very active and intelligent, and doubtless, well understood the art of 
behaving himself. He was well acquainted with the auction block — having 
been sold three times, and had had the misfortune to fall into the hands of £^ 
cruel master each time. Under these circumstances he had had but few 
privileges. Sundays and week days alike he was kept pretty severely bent 
down to duty. He had been beaten and knocked around shamefully. He 
had a wife, and spoke of her in most endearing language, although, oq 
leaving, he did not feel at liberty to apprise her of his movements, "fearing 
that it would not be safe so to do." His four little children, to Aviiom he 
appeared warmly attached, he left as he did his wife — in Slavery. He declared 
that he " stuck to them as long as he could." George E. Sadler, the keepel 
of an oyster house, held the deed for " Joe," and a most heartless wretch 
he was in Joe's estimation. The truth was, Joe could not stand the burdens 
and abuses wdiich Sadler was inclined to heap upon him. So he concluded 
to join his brother and go off on the U. G. R. R. 

Robert, his younger brother, was owned by Robert Slater, Esq., a regular 
negro trader. Eight years this slave's duties liad been at the slave prison, 
and among other daily offices he had to attend to, was to lock up the prison, 
prepare the slaves fur sale, etc. Robert was a very intelligent young man, 
and from long and daily experience with the customs and usages of the > 
slave jirison, he was as familiar with the business as a Pennsylvania farmer i 
with his barn-yard stock. His account of things was too harrowing for detail 
here, except in the briefest manner, and that only Avith reference to a few i 
particulars. In order to prepare slaves for the market, it was usual to 
have them greased and rul)bed to make them look bright and shining. 
And he w^ent on further to state, that " females as well as males wore nofc ' 
uncommonly strip])od naked, lashed flat to a bench, and then held by two ; 
men, sometimes four, while the brutal trader would strap them with a broad 
leather strap." The strap being preferred to the cow-hide, as it would not 



I 



ROBERT ROBINSON. 77 



break the skin, and damage the sale. " One hundred lashes would only be 
a common flogging." The separation of families was thought nothing of. 
" Often I have been, flogged for refusing to flog others." While not yet 

I twentv-three years of age, Robert expressed himself as having become so 
daily sick of the brutality and suffering he could not help witnessing, that 
he felt he could not possibly stand it any longer, let the cost be what it 
miiT-ht. In this state of mind he met with Captain B. Only one obstacle 
stood in his way — material aid. \ It occurred to liobert that he had frequent 
access to the money drawer, and often it contained the proceeds of fresh 
sales of flesh and blood ; and he reasoned that if some of that would help 
him and his brother to freedom, there could be no harm in helping- himself 
the first opportunity. 

The captain was all ready, and provided he could get three passengers at 

, $100 each he would set sail without much other freight. Of course he was 
too shrewd to get out papers for Philadelphia. That would betray him at 
once. Washington or Baltimore, or even Wilmington, Del., were names 

. which stood fair in the eyes of Virginia. Consequently, being able to pack 
the fugitives away in a very private hole of his boat, and being only bound 
for a Southern port, the captain was willing to risk his share of the danger. 
"Very well," said Robert, "to-day I will please my master so well, that I 
will catch him at an unguarded moment, and will ask him for a pass to go to 
a ball to-night (slave-holders love to see their slaves fiddling and dancing of 

! nights), and as I shall be leaving in a hurry, I will take a grab from the 

I day's sale, and when Slater hears of me again, I will be in Canada." So 

■ after having attended to all his disagreeable duties, he made his "grab," and 
got a hand full. He did not know, however, how it would hold out. That 
evening, instead of participating with the gay dancers, he was just one 

i degree lower down than the regular bottom of Captain B's. deck, with 
several hundred dollars in his pocket, after paying the worthy captain one 
hundred each for himself and his brother, besides making the captain an addi- 
tional present of nearly one hundred. Wind and tide were now what they 

; prayed for to speed on the U. G. R. R. schooner, until they might reach 

, the depot at Philadelphia. 

The Richmond Dispatch, an enterprising paper in the interest of slave- 
holders, which came daily to the Committee, was received in advance of the 

I passengers, when lo ! and behold, in turning to the interesting column con- 
taining the elegant illustrations of " runaway negroes," it was seen that the 
unfortunate Slater had "lost $1500 in Xorth Carolina money, and also his 
dark orange-colored, intelligent, and good-looking turnkey. Bob." " Served 
him right, it is no stealing for one piece of property to go off with another 
piece," reasoned a member of the Committee. 
II In a couple of days after the Dispatch brought the news, the three U. G. 

' R. R. passengers were safely landed at the usual place, and so accurate were 



78 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tlie descriptions in the paper, that, on first seeing thorn, the Committee; 
recognized them instantly, and, without any previous ceremonies, read to 
them the advertisement relative to the "§1500 in N. C. money, <&c.," and 
put the question to them direct: "Are you the ones?" "AVe are," they 
owned up without hesitation. The Committee did not see a dollar of their 
money, but understood they had about $900, after paying the captain*! 
while Bob considered he made a "very good grab," he did not admit that! 
the amount advertised was correct. After a reasonable time for recruiting, 
having been so long in the hole of the vessel, they took their departure for 
Canada. 

From Joseph, the elder brother, is appended a short letter, announcing 
their arrival and condition under the British Lion — 

Saint Catharine, April 16, 1855. 

Mr. William Still, Dear Sir:— Your letter of date April 7th I have just got, it 
had been opened before it came to me. I have not received anj' other letter from you 
and can get no account of them in the Post Office in this place, I am well and have got a' 
good situation in this city and intend staying here. I should be very glad to hear [row 
you as soon as convenient and also from all of my friends near you. My Brother is also! 
at work with me and doing well. 

There is nothing here that would interest you in the way of news. There is a Masonic 
Lodge of our people and two churchee and societys here and some other institutions for 
our benefit. Be kind enough to send a few lines to the Lady spoken of for that mocking 
bird and much oblige me. Write me soon and believe me your obedient Servt 

Love & respects to Lady and daughter Joseph Robinson. 

As well as writing to a member of the Committee, Joe and Bob had the 
assurance to write back to the trader and oyster-house keeper. In their 
letter they stated that they had arrived safely in Canada, and were having 
good times, — in the eating line had an abundance of the best, — also had 
very choice wines and brandies, which they supposed that they (trader and 
oyster-house keeper) would give a great deal to have a "smack at." And 
then they gave them a very cordial invitation to make them a visit, and 
suggested that the quickest way they could come, would bo by telegraph, 
which they admitted was slightly dangerous, and without first greasing 
thc'ii-^elves, and then hanging on very fast, the journey might not prove 
altogether advantageous to them. This was wormwood and gall to the 
trader and oyster-house man. A most remarkable coincidence was that, 
about the time this letter was received in Richmond, the captain who 
brought away the three passengers, made it his business for some reason or 
other, to call at the oyster-house kept by the owner of Joe, and while there, 
this letter was read and commented on in torrents of Billingsgate phrases; 
and the trader told the captain that he would give him " two thousand 
dollars if he would get them;" finally he told him he would "give evsry 
cent they would brinLr, which would be much over §2000," as they were 
"so very likely." IIuw far the captain talked at)provingIy, he did not 



GEGRGE SOLOMON. 79 

iGxactly tell the Committee, but they guessed he talked strong Democratic 
doctrine to them under the frightful circumstances. But he was good at 
concealing his feelings, and obviously managed to avoid suspicion. 



GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. 

FLETCHER AND MARIA DORSET. 

The above representatives of the unrequited laborers of the South fled 
'directly from Washington, D. C. Nothing remarkable was discovered in 
their stories of slave life; their narratives will therefore be brief. 

George Solomon was owned by Daniel Minor, of Moss Grove, Ya. 
Georo-e was about thirty-tlu'ee years of age ; mulatto, intelligent, and of pre- 
possessing appearance. His old master valued George's services very highly, 
and had often declared to others, as well as to George himself, that without 
him he should hardly know how to manage. And frequently George was 
told by the old master that at his " death he was not to be a slave any longer, 
'as he would have provision made in his will for his freedom." For a long 
Itime this old story was clung to pretty faithfully by George, but his "old 
master hung on too long," consequently George's patience became exhausted. 
And as he had heard a good deal about Canada, U. G. R. R., and the Abo- 
litionists, he concluded that it would do no harm to hint to a reliable friend 
or two the names of these hard places and bad people, to see what impression 
would be made on their minds ; in short, to see if they were ready to second 
a motion to get rid of bondage. In thus opening his mind to his friends, he 
{SOon found a willing accord in each of their hearts, and they put their heads 
together to count up the cost and to fix a time for leaving Egypt and the host 
of Pliaraoh to do their own "hewin<2: of wood and drawing; of water." Ac- 
eordingly George, Daniel, Benjamin and Maria, all of one heart and mind, 
one " Saturday night " resolved that the next Sunday should find them on 
the U. G, R. R., with their faces towards Canada. 

Daniel was young, only twenty-three, good looking, and half white, witli 
a fair share of intelligence. As regards his slave life, he acknowledged 
that he had not had it very rough as a general thing ; nevertlieless, he was 
fully persuaded tliat he had " as good a riglit to his freedom " as his 
"master had to his," and that it was his duty to contend fi)r it. 

Benjamin was twenty-seven years of age, stuall of stature, dark com- 
plexion, of a pleasant countenance, and quite smart. He testified, that "ill- 
jjtreatment from his master," Henry Martin, who would give him "no chance 
.at ad," was the cause of his leaving. He left a brother and sister, belonging 
to Martin, besides he left two other sisters in bondage, Louisa and Letty, but 
his father and mother were both dead. Therefore, the land of slave-whips 



I 



80 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and auction-blocks had no charms for liim. He loved his sisters, but he 
knew if he could not protect himself, much less could he protect them. So 
he concluded to bid them adieu forever in this world. 

Turning from the three male companions for the purpose of finding a brief 
space for Maria, it will be well to state here that females in attempting 
to escape from a life of bondage undertook three times the risk of failure 
that males were liable to, not to mention the additional trials and struggles 
they had to contend with. In justice, therefore, to the heroic female who 
was willing to endure the most extreme sufiering and hardship for freedom, 
double honors were due. 

]\Iaria, the heroine of the party, was about forty years of age, chestnut 
color, medium size, and possessed of a good share of common sense. She was 
owned by George Parker. As was a common thing with slave-holders, Maria 
had found her owners hard to please, and quite often, without the slightest 
reason, they would threaten to "sell or make a change." These threats 
only made matters worse, or rather it only served to nerve Maria for the 
conflict. The party walked almost the entire distance from Washington to 
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 

In the meantime George Parker, the so-called owner of Daniel and 
Maria, hurriedly rushed their good names into the " Baltimore Sun," after 
the following manner — 

"Four Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ranaway from my house on Saturday night, 
August 30, my negro man 'Daniel,' twenty-five years of age, bright yellow mulatto, 
thick set and stout made. 

Also, my negro woman, ' Maria,' forty years of age, bright mulatto. The above re- 
ward will be paid if delivered in Washington city. George Parker." 

AVhile this advertisement was in the Baltimore papers, doubtless these 
noble ]>assengers were enjoying the hospitalities of the Vigilance Committee, 
and finally a warm reception in Canada, by which they were greatly pleased. 
Of Benjamin and Daniel, the subjoined letter from Rev. H. Wilson is of 
importance in the way of throwing light upon their whereabouts in Canada: 

St. Catharine, C. W., Sept. 15th, 1856. 

Mr. William Still:— 7)^ar iS^iV— Two young men arrived hereon Friday evening 
last from Washington, viz : Benjamin R. Fletcher and Daniel Neall. Mr. Neall (or Neale) 
desires to have his box of clothing forwarded on to him. It is at Washington in the care 
of John Dade, a colored man, who lives at Doct. W. H. Oilman's, who keeps an Apothe- 
cary store on the corner of 4^ and Pennsylvania Avenue. Mr. Dade is a slave, but a free 
dealer. You will please write to John Dade, in the care of Doct. W. H. Oilman, on behalf 
of Danipl Noale, but make use of the name of George Harrison, instead of Neale, and 
Dade will understand it. Please have John Dade direct the box by express to you in 
Philadelphia ; he has the means of paying the charges on it in advance, as far as Philadel- 
phia; and as soon as it comes you will please forward it on to my care at St. Catherine. 
Say to John Dade, that George Harrison sends his love to his sister and Uncle Allen 
Sims, and all inquiring friends. Mr. Fletcher and Mr. Neale both send their respects to 
you, 'and I may add mine. Yours truly, Hibam Wilson. 

P. S.— Mr, Benjamin R. Fletcher wishes to have Mr. Dade call on his brother James, 



BENRY BOX BROWN: gj 

and communicate to him his affectionate regards, and make known to him that he is safe 
and cheerful and happy. He desires his friends to know, through Dade, that he found 
Mrs. Starke here, his brother Alfred's wife's sister ; that she is well, and livin<^ in St. 
Catharine, C. W., near Niagara Falls. jj. W. 



HENRY BOX BROWN". 

ARRIVED BY ADA MS' EXPRESS. 

Although the name of Henry Box Brown has been eclioed over the land 
for a number of years, and the simple facts connected with his marvelous 
escape from slavery in a box published widely through the medium of 
anti-slavery papers, nevertheless it is not unreasonable to suppose that 
very little is generally known in relation to this case. 

|| Briefly, the facts are these, which doubtless have never before been fully 
published — 

Brown was a man of invention as well as a hero. In point of interest, 
however, his case is no more remarkable than many others. Indeed, 
neither before nor after escaping did he suffer one-half what many others 

. have experienced. 

i| He was decidedly an unhappy piece of property in the city of Richmond, 
Va. In the condition of a slave he felt that it would be impossible for 
him to remain. Full well did he know, however, that it was no holiday 
task to escape the vigilance of Virginia slave-hunters, or the wrath of an 

I lenraged master for committing the unpardonable sin of attempting to escape 
to a land of liberty. So Brown counted well the cost before venturing upon 
this hazardous undertaking. Ordinary modes of travel he concluded mio-ht 
prove disastrous to his hopes; he, therefore, hit upon a new invention 
altogether, which was to have himself boxed up and forwarded to Philadel- 
phia direct by express. The size of the box and how it was to be made to 
fit him most comfortably, was of his own ordering. Two feet ei-rht inches 
deep, two feet wide, and three feet long were the exact dimensions of the 
box, lined with baize. His resources Avith regard to food and water con- 
sisted of the following : One bladder of water and a few small biscuits. 
His mechanical implement to meet the death-struggle for fresh air, all told 
was one large gimlet. Satisfied that it would be far better to peril his life 
for freedom in this way than to remain under the galling yoke of Slavery, 
he entered his box, which was safely nailed up and hooped with five 
bickory hoops, and was then addressed by his next friend, James A. Smith, 
I shoe dealer, to y^m. H. Johnson, Arch street, Philadelphia, marked, "This 
5ide up with care." In this condition he was sent to Adams' Express 
office in a dray, and thence by overland express to Philadelphia. It was 
:wenty-six hours from the time he left Richmond until his arrival in the 
::ity of Brotherly Love. The notice, " This side up, &c.," did not avail 

I 



82 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL BO AD. 

with tlic different expressmen, who hesitated not to handle the box in the 
usual rough manner common to this class of men. For a while thoy 
actually had the box upside down, and had him on his head for miles. A 
few days before he was expected, certain intimation was conveyed to a mem- 
ber of the Vigilance Committee that a box might be expected by the three 
o'clock morning train from the South, which might contain a man. One of 
the most serious walks he ever took — and they had not been a few — to 
meet and accompany passengers, he took at half past two o'clock that morn- 
ing to the depot. Not once, but for more than a score of times, he fancied 
the slave would be dead. He anxiously looked while the freight was being 
unloaded from the cai's, to see if he could recognize a box that might con- 
tain a man; one alone had that appearance, and he confessed it really 
seemed as if there was the scent of death about it. But on inquiry, he soon 
learned that it was not the one he was looking after, and he was free to say 
he experienced a marked sense of relief. That same afternoon, however, 
he received from Richmond a telegram, which read thus, "Your case of 
goods is shipped and will arrive to-morrow morning." 

At this exciting juncture of aifairs, Mr. McKim, who had been engineer- 
ing this important undertaking, deemed it expedient to change the pro- 
gramme slightly in one particular at least to insure greater safety. In- 
stead of having a member of the Committee go again to the depot for the 
box, which might excite suspicion, it was decided that it would be safest to 
have the express bring it direct to the Anti-Slavery Office. 

But all apprehension of danger did not now disappear, for there was no 
room to suppose that Adams' Express office had any sympathy with the 
Abolitionist or the fugitive, consequently for Mr. McKim to appear per- 
sonally at the express office to give directions Avith reference to the coming 
of a box from Richmond which would be directed to Arch street, and yet 
not intended for that street, but for the Anti-Slavery office at 107 North 
Fifth street, it needed of course no great discernment to foresee that a step of 
this kind was wholly impracticable and that a more indirect and covert 
method would have to be adopted. In this dreadful crisis Mr. McKim, 
with his usual good judgment and remarkably quit;k, strategical mind, 
especially in matters pertaining to the U. G. 11. II., hit upon the following 
plan, namely, to go to his friend, E. ]\I. Davis,* who was then extensively 
engaged in mercantile business, and relate the circumstances. Having daily 
intercourse with said Adams' Express office, and being well acquainted with 
the firm and some of the drivers, Mr. Davis could, as ]\Ir. McKim thought, 
talk about " boxes, freight, etc.," from any part of the country without risk. 
Mr. Davis heard ]\Ir. McKim's plan and instantly approved of it, and was 
heartily at his service. 

* E. M. Davia was a mcmhor of tho Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery 
Society and a lon^'-tricd Abolitionist, gon-in-law of James and Lucrctia Mott. 



HENRY BOX BROWN. 83 

"Dan, an Irishman, one of Adams' Express drivers, is just the fellow to 
go to the depot after the box," said Davis. " He drinks a little too much 
whiskey sometimes, but he will do anything I ask him to do, promptly and 
oblio-ino-ly. I'll trust Dan, for I believe he is the very man." The difficulty 
which Mr. McKim had been so anxious to overcome was thus pretty 
well settled. It was agreed that Dan should go after the box next morning 
before daylight and bring it to the Anti-Slavery office direct, and to make it 
all the more agreeable for Dan to get up out of his warm bed and go on this 
errand before day, it was decided that he should have a five dollar gold 
piece for himself. Thus these preliminaries having been satisfactorily 
arranged, it only remained for Mr. Davis to see Dan and give him instruc- 
tions accordingly, etc. 

Next morning, according to arrangement, the box was at the Anti- 
Slavery office in due time. The witnesses present to behold the resurrection 
were J. M. McKim, Professor C. D. Cleveland, Lewis Thompson, and the 
writer. 

Mr. McKim was deeply interested; but having been long identified with 
the Anti-Slavery cause as one of its oldest and ablest advocates in the darkest 
days of slavery and mobs, and always found by the side of the fugitive to 
counsel and succor, he was on this occasion perfectly composed. 

Professor Cleveland, however, was greatly moved. His zeal and earnestness 
in the cause of freedom, especially in rendering aid to passengers, knew no 
limit. Ordinarily he could not too often visit these travelers, shake them too 
warmly by the hand, or impart to them too freely of his substance to aid 
them on their journey. But now his emotion was overpowering. 

Mr. Thompson, of the firm of Merrihew & Thompson — about the only 
printers in the city who for many years dared to print such incendiary docu- 
ments as anti-slavery papers and pamphlets — one of the truest friends 
of the slave, was composed and prepared to witness the scene. 

All was quiet. The door had been safely locked. The proceedings com- 
menced. Mr. McKim rapped quietly on the lid of the box and called 
out, " All right ! " Instantly came the answer from within. " All right, 
sir !" 

The witnesses will never forget that moment. Saw and hatchet quickly 
had the five hickory hoops cut and the lid off, and the marvellous resurrec- 
tion of Brown ensued. Rising up in his box, he reached out his hand, 
saying, "How do you do, gentlemen?" The little assemblage hardly 
knew what to think or do at the moment. He was about as wet as if he 
had come up out of the Delaware. Very soon he remarked that, before 
leaving Richmond he had selected for his arrival-hymn (if he lived) the 
Psalm beginning with these words: " I taaitcd pafienthj for the Lord, and 
He heard my prayer." And most touchingly did he sing the psalm, much 
to his own relief, as well as to the delight of his small audience. 



84 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

He was then christened Henry Box Brown, and soon afterwards was sent 
to the hospitable residence of James Mott and E. M. Davis, on Ninth street, 
where, it is needless to say, he met a most cordial reception from Mrs. 
Lucretia Mott and her household. Clothing and creature comforts were 
furnished in abundance, and delight and joy filled all hearts in that strong- 
hold of philanthropy. 

As he had been so long doubled up in the box he needed to promenade 
considerably in the fresh air, so James Mott j)ut one of his broad-brim hats 
on his head and tendered him the hospitalities of his yard as well as his 
house, and while Brown promenaded the yard flushed with victory, great 
was the joy of his friends. 

After his visit at Mr. Mott's, he spent two days with the writer, and 
then took his departure for Boston, evidently feeling quite conscious of 
the wonderful feat he had performed, and at the same time it may be safely 
said that those who witnessed this strange resurrection were not only elated 
at his success, but were made to sympathize more deeply than ever before 
with the slave. Also tiie noble-hearted Smith who boxed him up was 
made to rejoice over Brown's victory, and was thereby encouraged to render 
similar service to two other young bondmen, who appealed to him for 
deliverance. But, unfortunately, in this attempt the undertaking proved a 
failure. Two boxes containing the young men alluded to above, after 
having been duly expressed and some distance on the road, were, through 
the agency of the telegraph, betrayed, and the heroic young fugitives were 
captured in their boxes and dragged back to hopeless bondage. Conse- 
quently, through this deplorable faikire, Samuel A. Smith was arrested, im- 
prisoned, and was called upon to suffer severely, as may be seen from tlie 
subjoined correspondence, taken from the New York Tribune soon after his 
release from the penitentiary. 

THE DELIVERER OF BOX BROWN — MEETING OF THE COLORED CITIZENS 

OF PHILADELPHIA. 
[Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.] 

Philadelphia, Saturday, July 5, 1856. 

Samuel A. Smith, who boxed up Henry Box Brown in Riclimond, Va., 
and forwarded him by overland express to Philadelphia, and who was ar- 
rested and convicted, eight years ago, for boxing up two other slaves, also 
directed to Philadelphia, having served out his imprisonment in the Peni- 
tentiarv, was released on the 18th ultimo, and arrival in this city on the 21st. 

Though he lost all his property; though he was refused witnesses on his 
trial (no officer could be found, who would serve a summons on a witness); 
though for five long months, in hot weather, he was kept heavily chained 
in a cell four by eight feet in dimensions; tiiough he received five dreadful 
stabs, aimed at his heart, by a bribed assassin, nevertheless he still rejoices 
in the motives which prompted him to " undo the heavy burdens, and let 



I 



SENBY BOX BROWN. 85 

the oppressed go free." Having resided nearly all his life in the South, 
where he had traveled and seen much of the " peculiar institution," and had 
witnessed the most horrid enormities inflicted upon the slave, whose cries 
were ever ringing in his ears, and for whom he had the warmest sympathy, 
Mr. Smith could not refrain from believing that the black man, as well as the 
white, had God-given rights. Consequently, he was not accustomed to shed 
tears when a poor creature escaped from his " kind master ;" nor was he 
willing to turn a deaf ear to his appeals and groans, when he knew he was 
thirsting for freedom. From 1828 up to the day he was incarcerated, 
many had sought his aid and counsel, nor had they sought in vain. In 
various places he operated with success. In Richmond, however, it seemed 
expedient to invent a new plan for certain emergencies, hence the Box and 
Express plan was devised, at the instance of a few heroic slaves, who had 
manifested their willingness to die in a box, on the road to liberty, rather 
than continue longer under the yoke. But these heroes fell into the power of 
their enemies. Mr. Smith had not been long in the Penitentiary before he 
had fully gained the esteem and confidence of the Superintendent and other 
officers. Finding him to be humane and generous-hearted — showing kind- 
ness toward all, especially in buying bread, &c., for the starving prisoners, 
and by a timely note of warning, which had saved the life of one of the 
keepers, for whose destruction a bold plot had been arranged — the officers 
felt disposed to show him such favors as the law would allow. But their 
good intentions were soon frustrated. The Inquisition (commonly called the 
Legislature), being in session in Richmond, hearing that the Superintendent 
had been speaking well of Smith, and circulating a petition for his pardon, 
indignantly demanded to know if the rumor was well founded. Two weeks 
were spent by the Inquisition, and many witnesses were placed upon oath, 
to solemnly testify in the matter. One of the keepers swore that his life had 
been saved by Smith. Col. Morgan, the Sujjerintendent, frequently testi- 
fied in writing and verbally to Smith's good deportment; acknowledging 
that he had circulated petitions, &c. ; and took the position, that he sin- 
cerely believed, that it would be to the interest of the institution to pardon 
him; calling the attention of the Inquisition, at the same time, to the fact, that 
not unfrequently pardons had been granted to criminals, under sentence of 
death, for the most cold-blooded murder, to say nothing of other gross 
crimes. The effijrt for pardon was soon abandoned, for the following reason 
given by the Governor : " I can't, and I won't pardon him !" 

In view of the unparalleled injustice which Mr. S. had suffered, as well as 
on account of the aid he had rendered to the slaves, on his arrival in this city 
the colored citizens of Philadelphia felt that he was entitled to sympathy 
and aid, and straightway invited him to remain a few days, until arrange- 
ments could be made for a mass meeting to receive him. Accordingly, on 
last Monday evening, a mass meeting convened in the Israel church, and 



86 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the Rev. Wra. T. ditto was called to the chair, and ^\m. Still was ap- 
pointed secretary. The chairman briefly stated the object of the meetino-. 
Having lived in the South, he claimed to know something of the workino-s (Tf 
the oppressive system of slavery generally, and declared that, notwith- 
standing the many exposures of the evil which came under his own obser- 
vation, the most vivid descriptions fell far short of the realities his own 
eyes had witnessed. He then introduced Mr. Smith, who arose and in a 
l)lain manner briefly told his story, assuring the audience that he had al- 
ways hated slavery, and had taken great pleasure in helping many out of it 
and though he had suffered much physically and pecuniarily for the cause' 
sake, yet he murmured not, but rejoiced in what he had done. After taking 
his seat, addresses were made by the Rev. S. Smith, Messrs. Kinnard, Brun- 
ner, Bradway, and others. The following preamble and resolutions were 
adopted — 

Whereas, We, the colored citizens of Philadelphia, have among us Samuel A. Smith, 
who was incarcerated over seven years in the Kichmond Penitentiary, for doing an act 
that was honorable to his feelings and his sense of justice and humanity, therefore 

Resolved, That we welcome him to this city as a martyr to the cause of Freedom. 

Resolved, That we heartily tender him our gratitude for the good he has done to our 
suffering race. 

Resolved, That we sympathize with him in his losses and suflferings in the cause of the 
poor, down-trodden slave. -^ g 

During his stay in Philadelphia, on this occasion, he stopped for about a 
fortnight with the writer, and it was most gratifying to learn from him that 
lie was no new worker on the U. G. R. R. But that he had long hated 
slavery thoroughly, and although surrounded with perils on every side, he 
had not failed to help a poor slave whenever the opportunity was presented. 

Pecuniary aid, to some extent, was rendered him in this city, for which he 
was grateful, and after being united in marriage, by Wm. H. Furncss, D.D., 
to a lady who had remained fliithful to him through all his sore trials and 
sufferings, he took his departure for Western New York, with a good con- 
science and an unshaken faith in the belief that in aiding his fellow-man to 
freedom he had but simply obeyed the word of Him who taught man to do 
unto others as he Avould be done by. 



TRIAL OF THE EMAXCIPATORS OF COL. J. H. WHEELER'S 
SLAVES, JAXE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS. 
Among other duties devolving on the Vigilance Committee when hearing 
of slaves brought into the State by their owners, was immediately to inform 
such persons that as they were not fugitives, but were brouglit into the State 
by tlu.r masters, thoy were entitled to their freedom without another 
moment's service, and that they could have the assistance of the Committee 



TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 87 

and the advice of counsel without charge, by .simply availing themselves 
of these proffered favors. 

Many slave-holders fully understood the law in this particular, and were 
also equally posted with regard to the vigihmce of abolitionists. Consequently 
they avoided bringing slaves beyond Mason and Dixon's Line in traveling 
North. But some slave-holders were not thus mindful of the laws, or were 
too arrogant to take heed, as may be seen in the case of Colonel John II. 
Wheeler, of North Carolina, the United States Minister to Nicaragua. In 
passing through Philadelphia from Washington, one very warm July day in 
1855, accompanied by three of his slaves, his high official equilibrium, as 
well as his assumed rights under the Constitution, received a terrible shock 
at the hands of the Committee. Therefore, for the readers of these pages, 
and in order to completely illustrate the various phases of the work of the 
Committee in the days of Slavery, this case, selected from many others, is a 
fittino- one. However, for more than a brief recital of some of the more promi- 
nent incidents, it will not be possible to find room in this volume. And, 
indeed, the necessity of so doing is precluded by the fact that Mr. Wil- 
liamson in justice to himself and the cause of freedom, with great pains and 
sino-ular ability, gathered the most important facts bearing on his memorable 
trial and imprisonment, and published them in a neat volume for historical 
reference. 

In order to bring fully before the reader the beginning of this interesting 
and exciting case, it seems only necessary to publish the subjoined letter, 
written by one of the actors in the drama, and addressed to the New York 
Tribune, and an additional paragraph which may be requisite to throw light 
on a special point, which Judge Kane decided was concealed in the "obsti- 
nate" breast of Passmore Williamson, as said Williamson persistently refused 
before the said Judge's court, to own that he had a knowledge of the mystery 
in question. After which, a brief glance at some of the more important 
points of the case must suffice. 

LETTER COPIED FROM THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE. 

[Correspondence of The N. Y. Tribune.] 

Philadelphia, Monday, July 30, 1855. 

As the public have not been made acquainted with the fiicts and particulars 
respecting the agency of Mr. Passmore Williamson and others, in relation to 
the slave case now agitating this city, and especially as the poor slave mother 
and her two sons have been so grossly misrepresented, I deem it my duty to 
lay the facts before you, for publication or otherwise, as you may think 
proper. 

On Wednesday afternoon, week, at 4| o'clock, the following note was 
placed in my hands by a colored boy whom I had never before seen, to my 
recollection: 



88 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

"]\Ik. Still — Sir: "Will you come down to Bloodgood's Hotel as soon as 
possible — as there are three fugitive slaves here and they want liberty. Their 
master is here with them, on his way to New York." 

The note was without date, and the signature so indistinctly written as 
not to be understood by me, having evidently been penned in a moment of 
haste. 

Without delay I ran with the note to Mr. P. Williamson's office, Seventh 
and Arch, found him at his desk, and gave it to him, and after reading it, he 
remarked that he could not go down, as he had to go to Harrisburg that 
night on business — but he advised me to go, and to get the names of the 
slave-holder and the slaves, in order to telegraph to Xew York to have them 
arrested there, as no time remained to procure a writ of habeas corpus here. 

I could not have been two minutes in Mr. W.'s office before startino- in 
haste for tlie wharf. To my surprise, however, when I reached the wharf, 
there I found Mr. W., his mind having undergone a sudden change; he was 
soon on the spot. 

I saw three or four colored persons in tlie hall at Bloodgood's, none of 
whom I recognized except the boy who brought me the note. Before having 
time for making inquiry some one said they had gone on board the boat. " Get 
their description," said Mr. W. I instantly inquired of one of the colored 
persons for the desired description, and was told tliat she was "a tall, dark 
woman, with two little boys." 

Mr. W. and myself ran on board of the boat, looked among the pas- 
sengers on the first deck, but saw them not. *•' They are up on the second 
deck," an unknown voice uttered. In a second we were in their presence. 
AVc approached the anxious-looking slave-mother with her two boys on her 
left-hand ; close on her right sat an ill-favored white man having a cane in 
Ills hand which I took to be a sword-cane. (As to its being a sword-cane, 
however, I might have been mistaken.) 

The first words to the mother were : " Are you traveling?" "Yes," was the 
prompt answer. " With whom?" She nodded her head toward the ill-favored 
man, signifying with him. Fidgeting on his seat, he said something, exactly 
wliat I do not now recollect. In reply I remarked : " Do they belong to 
you, Sir?" " Yes, they are in my charge," was his answer. Turning from 
him to the mother and her sons, in substance, and word for word, as near as 
I can remember, the following remarks were earnestly though calmly ad- 
dressed by the individuals who rejoiced to meet them on free soil, and who 
felt unmistakably assured that they were justified by the laws of Pennsylvania 
as well as the T^aw of God, in informing them of their rights : 

" You are entitled to your freedom according to the laws of Pennsylvania, 
having been brought into the State by your owner. If you prefer freedom to 
slavery, as we suppose everybody does, you have the chance to accej)t it now. 
Act calmly — don't be frightened by your master — you are as much entitled 




fl 



TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 89 

to your freedom as we are, or as he is — be determined and you need have no 
fears but that you will be protected by the law. Judges have time and again 
decided cases in this city and State similar to yours in favor of freedom ! 
Of course, if you want to remain a slave with your master, we cannot force 
you to leave ; we only want to make you sensible of your rights. Remember j 
if you lose this chance you may never get such another," etc. 

This advice to the woman was made in the hearing of a number of per- 
sons present, white and colored ; and one elderly white gentleman of genteel 
address, who seemed to take much interest in what was going on, remarked 
that they would have the same chance for their freedom in New Jersey and 
New York as tiiey then had — seeming to sympathize with the woman, etc. 

During the few moments in which the above remarks were made, the slave- 
holder frequently interrupted — said she understood all about the laws making 
her free, and her right to leave if she wanted to ; but contended that she did 
not Avant to leave — that she was on a visit to New York to see her friends — 
afterward wished to return to her three children whom she left in Virginia, from 
whom it loould be HARD to separate her. Furthermore, he diligently tried to 
constrain her to say that she did not want to be interfered with — that she 
wanted to go with him — that she was on a visit to New York — had children 
in the South, etc. ; but the woman's desire to be free was altogether too strong 
to allow her to make a single acknowledgment favorable to his wishes in the 
matter. On the contrary, she repeatedly said, distinctly and firmly, '^ I am 
not free, but I want my freedom — always wanted to be free ! ! but he holds me." 

While the slaveholder claimed that she belonged to him, he said that she 
was free ! Again he said that he was going to give her her freedom, etc. 
When his eyes would be off of hers, such eagerness as her looks expressed, 
indicative of her entreaty that we would not forsake her and her little ones 
in their weakness, it had never been my lot to witness before, under any cir- 
cumstances. 

The last bell toiled ! The last moment for further delay passed ! The 
arm of the woman being slightly touched, accompanied with the word, 
" Come !" she instantly arose. " Go along — go along !" said some, who 
sympathized, to the boys, at the same time taking hold of their arms. By 
this time the parties were fairly moving toward the stairway leading to the 
deck below. Instantly on their starting, the slave-holder rushed at the woman 
and her children, to prevent their leaving ; and, if I am not mistaken, he 
simultaneously took hold of the woman and Mr. Williamson, which resistance 
on his part caused Mr. W. to take hold of him and set him aside quickly. 

The passengers were looking on all around, but none interfered in behalf of 
the slaveholder except one man, whom I took to be another slaveholder. He 
said liarshly, " Let them alone ; they are his property V The youngest boy, 
about 7 years of age — too young to know what these things' meant — cried 
"Massa John! Massa John!" The elder boy, 11 years of age, took the 



90 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

matter more dispassionately, and the mother quite calmly. The mother and 
her sympathizers all moved down the stairs together in the presence of quite 
a number of spectators on the first deck and on the wharf, all of whom, as 
far as I was able to discern, seemed to look upon the whole affair with the 
greatest indifference. The woman and children were assisted, but not forced 
to leave. Nor were there any violence or threatenings as I saw or heard. 
The only words that I heard from any one of an objectionable character, were : 
" Knock him down ; knock him down !" but who uttered it or who was 
meant I knew not, nor have I since been informed. However, if it was 
uttered by a colored man, I regret it, as there was not the slightest cause for 
such language, especially as the sympathies of the spectators and citizens 
seemed to justify the course pursued. 

While passing off of the wharf and down Delaware-avenue to Dock st., 
and up Dock to Front, where a carriage was procured, the slaveholder and 
one police officer were of the party, if no more. 

The youngest boy on being put in the carriage was told that he was " a 
fool for crying so after *Massa John,' who would sell him if he ever caught 
him." Not another whine was heard on the subject. 

The carriage drove down town slowly, the horses being fatigued and the 
weather intensely hot ; the inmates were put out on Tenth street — not at any 
house — after which they soon found hospitable friends and quietude. The 
excitement of the moment having passed by, the mother seemed very cheerful, 
and rejoiced greatly that herself and boys had been, as she thought, so "provi- 
dentially delivered from the house of bondage .'" For the first time in her 
life she could look upon herself and children and feel free ! 

Having felt the iron in her heart for the best half of her days — having 
been sold with her children on the auction block — having had one of her 
children sold far away from her without hope of her seeing him again — she 
very naturally and wisely concluded to go to Canada, fearing if she re- 
mained in this city — as some assured her she could do with entire safety — 
that she might again find herself in the clutches of the tyrant from whom 
she had fled. 

A few items of what she related concerning the character of her master 
jnay be interesting to the reader — 

AVithin the last two years he had sold all his slaves — between thirty and 
forty in number — having purchased the present ones in that space of time. 
She said that before leaving Washington, coming on the cars, and at his 
father-in-law's in this city, a number of persons had told him that in bring- 
ing his slaves into Pennsylvania they would be free. When told at his 
father-in-law's, as she overheard it, that he "could not have done a worse 
thing," (^'c, ho replied that "Jane would not leave him." 

As much, however, as he affected to have such implicit confidence in Jane, 
he scarcely allowed her to be out of his presence a moment while in this 



I 



TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. ■ 91 

city. To use Jane's own language, he was " on her heels every minute," 
fearing that some one miglit get to her ears the sweet music of freedom. By 
tlie way, Jane had it deep in her heart before leaving the South, and was 
bent on succeeding in New York, if disappointed in Philadelphia. 

At Bloodgood's, after having been belated and left by the 2 o'clock train, 
"while waiting for the 5 o'clock line, his appetite tempted her " master " to take 
a hasty dinner. So after placing Jane where he thought she would be pretty 
secure from " evil communications " from the colored waiters, and after giv- 
ing her a double counselling, he made his way to the table ; remained 
but a little while, however, before leaving to look after Jane ; finding her 
composed, looking over a bannister near where he left her, he returned to the 
table again and finished his meal. 

But, alas, for the slave-holder ! Jane had her " top eye open," and in that 
brief space had appealed to the sympathies of a person whom she ventured 
to trust, saying, "I and my children are slaves, and we want liberty !" I 
am not certain, but sup[)0se that person, in the goodness of his heart, was 
the cause of the note being sent to the Anti-Slavery office, and hence the 
result. 

As to her going on to New York to see her friends, and wishing to return 
to her three children in the South, and his going to free her, &c., Jane de- 
clared repeatedly and very positively, that there was not a particle of truth 
in what her master said on these points. The truth is she had not the 
slightest hope of freedom through any act of his. She had only left one boy 
in the South, who had been, sold far away, where she scarcely ever heard 
from him, indeed never expected to see him any more. 

In appearance Jane is tall and well formed, high and large forehead, of 
genteel manners, chestnut color, and seems to possess, naturally, uncommon 
good sense, though of course she has never been allowed to read. 

Thus I have given as truthful a report as I am capable of doing, of Jane 
and the circumstances connected with her deliverance. W. Still. 

P. S. — Of the five colored porters who promptly appeared, with warm 
hearts throbbing in sympathy with the mother and her children, too much 
cannot be said in commendation. In the present case they acted nobly, 
whatever may be said of their general character, of which I know notliing. 
How human beings, who have ever tasted ojipression, could have acted 
differently under the circumstances I cannot conceive. 

The mystery alluded to, which the above letter did not contain, and which 
the court failed to make Mr. Williamson reveal, might have been truthfully 
explained in these words. The carriage was procured at the Avharf, while 
Col. Wheeler and Mr. Williamson were debating the question relative to the 
action of the Committee, and at that instant, Jane and her two boys were in- 
vited into it and accompanied by the writer, who procured it, were driven 
down town, and on Tenth Street, below Lombard, the inmates were invited 



92 . THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

out of It, and the said conductor paid the driver and discharged him. For 
prudential reasons he took them to a temporary resting-place, where they 
could tarry until after dark ; then they were invited to his own residence, 
where they were made welcome, and in due time forwarded East. No\v 
what disposition was made of them after they had left the wharf, while 
Williamson and Wheeler were discussing matters— (as was clearly sworn to 
by Passmore, in his answer to the writ of Habeas Corpus)— he Williamson 
did not know. That evening, before seeing the member of the Committee, 
with whom he acted in concert on the boat, and who had entire charge of 
Jane and her boys, he left for Ilarrisburg, to fulfill business engagements. 
The next morning his father (Thomas Williamson) brought the writ of 
Habeas Corpus (which had been served at Passmore's office after he left) to 
the Anti-Slavery Office. In his calm manner he handed it to the writer, at 
the same time remarking that " Passmore had gone to Harrisburg/' and 
added, ''thee had better attend to it" (the writ). Edward Hopper,' Esq., 
was applied to with the writ, and in the absence of JMr. Williamson ap- 
peared before the court, and stated "that the writ had not been served as 
Mr. W. was out of town," etc. ' 

After this statement, the Judge postponed further action until the nexfe 
day. In the meanwhile, Mr. Williamson returned and found the writ 
awaitmg hnn, and an agitated state of feeling throughout the city besides. 
JV^ow It is very certain, that he did not seek to know from tho^e in the 
secret where Jane Johnson and her boys were taken after they left the 
^vhart, or as to what disposition had been made of them, in any way: except 
to ask simply, "are they safe?" (and when told "yes," he smiled) conse- 
quently, he might have been examined for a week, by the most skillful 
lawyer, at the Pluladelphia bar, but he could not have answered other than 
he did in making Ins return to the writ, before Judge Kane, namely: " That 
the persons named in the writ, nor either of them, are now nor was at the time 
oj issuing of the wnt, or the original icrit, or at any other time in the custody, 
power or possession of the respondent, nor by him confined or restrained; 
wherefore he cannot have the bodies," etc. 

Thus, while Mr. W. was subjected to the severest trial of his devotion to 
Ireedom, his noble bearing throughout, won for him the admiration and 
sympathy of the friends of humanity and liberty throughout the entire 
]an<l and m proof of his fidelity, he most cheerfully submitted to imprison- 
ment rather than desert his principles. But the truth was not wanted in 
tins instance by the enemies of Freedom; obedience to Slavery was 
domnnded to satisfy ih. South. The opportunity seemed favorable for 
teachmg abobt.on.sts and negroes, that they had no right to Interfere with a 
chivalrous southern gentleman," while passing through Philadelphia with 

T-r^i'-r^i I ' *^ '""''" ^" '^"'^'^" ^^«^^' ^" tl^« pro-slavery elements 
ot 1 hiladelphia were brought into action, and matters looked for a time as 



< 



TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 93 

though Slavery iu this instance would have everything its own way. Pass- 
more was locked up in prison on the flimsy pretext of contempt of court, and 
true bills were found against him and half a dozen colored men, charging 
them with "riot," "forcible abduction," and "assault and battery," and 
there was no lack of hard swearing on the part of Col. Wheeler and his pro- 
slavery sympathizers in substantiation of these grave charges. But the 
pro-slaveryites had counted without their host — Passmore would not yield 
an inch, but stood as firmly by his principles iu prison, as he did on the 
boat. Indeed, it was soon evident, that his resolute course was bringing 
floods of sympathy from the ablest and best minds throughout the North. 
On the other hand, the occasion was rapidly awakening thousands daily, 
who had hitherto manifested little or no interest at all on the subject, to the 
wrongs of the slave. 

It was soon discovered by the " chivalry " that keeping Mr. Williamson in 
prison would indirectly greatly aid the cause of Freedom — that every day 
he remained would make numerous converts to the cause of liberty ; that 
Mr. Williamson was doing ten-fold more in prison for the cause of univer- 
sal liberty than he could possibly do while pursuing his ordinary vocation. 

With regard to the colored men under bonds, Col. Wheeler and his satellites 
felt very confident that there was no room for them to escape. They must 
have had reason so to think, judging from the hard swearing they did, 
before the committing magistrate. Consequently, in the order of events, 
while Passmore w.is still in prison, receiving visits from hosts of friends, and 
letters of sympathy from all parts of the North, William Still, William 
Curtis, James P. Braddock, John Ballard, James Martin and Isaiah Moore, 
were brought into court for trial. The first name on the list in the proceed- 
ings of the court was called up first. 

Against this individual, it was pretty well understood by the friends of 
the slave, that no lack of pains and false swearing would be resorted to on 
the part of Wheeler and his witnesses, to gain a verdict. 

Mr. McKim and other noted abolitionists managing the defense, were 
equally alive to the importance of overwhelming the enemy in this par- 
ticular issue. The Hon. Charles Gibbons, was engaged to defend William 
Still, and William S. Pierce, Esq., and William B. Birney, Esq., the other 
five colored defendants. 

In order to make the victory complete, the anti-slavery friends deemed it 
of the highest importance to have Jane Johnson in court, to face her master, 
and under oath to sweep away his "refuge of lies," with regard to her being 
"abducted," and her unwillingness to "leave her master," etc. So Mr. 
McKim and the friends veiy privately arranged to have Jane Johnson on 
hand at the opening of the defense. 

Mrs. Lucretia Mott, Mrs. McKim, Miss Sarah Pugh and Mrs. Plumly, 
volunteered to accompany this poor slave mother to the court-house and 



94 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

to occupy seats by her side, while she should face her master, aud boldly, 
on oath, contradict all his hard swearing. A better subject for the occasion 
than Jane, could not have been desired. She entered the court room veiled, 
and of course was not known by the crowd, as pains had been taken to keep 
the public in ignorance of the fact, that she was to be brought on to bear 
witness. So that, at the conclusion of the second Avitness on the part of the 
defense, " Jane Johnson " was called for, in a shrill voice. Deliberately, 
Jane arose and answered, in a lady-like manner to her name, and was then 
the observed of all observers. Never before had such a scene been wit- 
nessed in Philadelphia. It was indescribable. Substantially, her testi- 
mony on this occasion, was in keeping with the subjoined affidavit, \vhich 
was as follows — 
" State of New York, City and County of New Yorh, 

"Jane Johnson being sworn, makes oath and says — 

" My name is Jane — Jane Johnson ; I was the slave of Mr. Wheeler of 
"Washington ; he bought me and my two children, about two years ago, of 
jSIr. Cornelius Crew, of Richmond, Va.; my youngest child is between six 
and seven years old, the other between ten and eleven ; I have one other 
child only, and he is in Richmond ; I have not seen him for about two 
years; never expect to see him again; Mr. Wheeler brought me and my two 
children to Philadelphia, on the way to Nicaragua, to wait on his wife; I 
didn't want to go without my two children, and he consented to take them ; 
we came to Philadelphia by the cars; stopped at Mr. Sully's, Mr. Wheeler's 
father-in-law, a few moments ; then went to the steamboat for New York at 
2 o'clock, but were too late ; we went into Bloodgood's Hotel ; Mr. Wheeler 
■went to dinner ; Mr. Wheeler had told me in AVashington to have nothing 
to say to colored persons, and if any of them spoke to me, to say I was a 
free woman traveling with a minister; we staid at Bloodgood's till 5 o'clock; 
Mr. Wheeler kept his eye on me all the time except when he was at dinner ; 
he left his dinner to come and see if I was safe, and then went back again ; 
while he was at dinner, I saw a colored woman and told her I was a slave 
woman, that my master had told me not to speak to colored people, and that 
if any of them spoke to me to say that I was free ; but I am not free ; but 
I want to be free; she said : ' poor thing, I pity you ;' after that I saw a 
colored man and said the same thing to him, he said he would telegraph to 
New York, and two men would meet me at 9 o'clock and tidce me with 
them ; al'tcr that we went on board the boat, Mr. Wheeler sat beside me on 
the deck ; I saw a colored gentleman come on board, he beckoned to me ; I 
nodded my head, and could not go ; Mr. Wheeler was beside me and I Avas 
afraid ; a white gentleman then came and said to Mr. Wheeler, ' I want to 
speak to your servant, and tell her of her rights ;' ]\Ir. Wheeler rose and 
said, *If you have anything to say, say it to me — she knows her rights;' 
the white gentleman asked me if I M'antcd to be free; I said 'I do, but I 



I 




JANE JOHNSON. 




I'ASSMOUK \V1 1,1,1 AMSON. 



TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 95 

belong to this gentleman and I can't have it;' he replied, 'Yes, you can, 
come with us, you are as free as your master, if you want your freedom 
come now ; if you go back to Washington you may never get it ;' I rose to 
go, Mr. Wheeler spoke, and said, 'I will give you your freedom,' but he 
had never promised it before, and I knew he would never give it to me ; the 
white gentleman held out his hand and I went toward him ; I was ready for 
the word before it was given me ; I took the children by the hands, who 
both cried, for they were frightened, but both stopped when they got on 
shore; a colored man carried the little one, I led the other by the hand. We 
walked down the street till we got to a hack ; nobody forced me away ; 
nobody pulled me, and nobody led me; I went away of my own free will; 
I always wished to be free and meant to be free when I came North ; I 
hardly expected it in Philadelphia, but I thought I should get free in New 
York; I have been comfortable and happy since I left Mr. Wheeler, and 
so are the children ; I don't want to go back; I "could have gone in Phila- 
delphia if I had wanted to ; I could go now; but I had rather die than go 
back. I wish to make this statement before a magistrate, because I under- 
stand that Mr. Williamson is in prison on my account, and I hope the truth 
may be of benefit to him." 

her 

Jane y\ Johnson. 

mark. 

It might have been supposed that her honest and straightforward testi- 
mony would have been sufficient to cause even the most relentless slave- 
holder to abandon at once a pursuit so monstrous and utterly hopeless as 
Wheeler's was. But although he was sadly confused and put to shame, he 
hung on to the " lost cause '' tenaciously. And his counsel, David Webster, 
Esq., and the United States District Attorney, Vandyke, completely im- 
bued with the pro-slavery spirit, were equally as unyielding. And thus, 
with a zeal befitting the most worthy object imaginable, they labored with 
untiring effort to convict the colored men. 

By this policy, however, the counsel for the defense was doubly aroused. 
Mr. Gibbons, in the most eloquent and indignant strains, perfectly annihi- 
lated the "distinguished Colonel John H. Wheeler, United States ]\Iin- 
ister Plenipotentiary near the Island of Nicaragua," taking special j^ains 
to ring the changes repeatedly on his long appellations. Mr. Gibbons ap- 
peared to be precisely in the right mood to make himself surpassingly forci- 
ble and eloquent, on whatever point of law he chose to touch bearing on the 
case; or in whatever direction he chose to glance at the injustice and cruelty 
of the South. Most vividly did he draw the contrast between the States of 
"Georgia" and "Pennsylvania," with regard to the atrocious laws of 
Georgia. Scarcely less vivid is the impression after a lapse of sixteen years, 
than when this eloquent speech was made. With the District Attorney, 
Wm. B. Mann, Esq., and his Honor, Judge Kelley, the defendants had no 



9G THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

cause to complain. Throughout the entire proceedings, they had reason to 
feel, that neither of these officials sympathized in the least with Wheeler or 
Slavery. Indeed in the Judge's charge and also in the District Attorney's 
closing speech the ring of freedom could be distinctly heard — much more so 
than was agreeable to Wheeler and his Pro-Slavery sympathizers. The case 
of Wm. Still ended in his acquittal ; the other five colored men were taken 
up in order. And it is scarcely necessary to say that Messrs. Peirce and 
Birncy did full justice to all concerned. Mr. Peirce, especially, was one of 
the oldest, ablest and most faithful lawyers to the slave of the Philadelphia 
Bar. He never was known, it may safely be said, to hesitate in the darkest 
days of Slavery to give his time and talents to the fugitive, even in the most 
hopeless cases, and when, from the unpopularity of such a course, serious sacri- 
fices would be likely to result. Consequently he was but at home in this 
case and most nobly did he defend his clients, with the same earnestness 
that a man would defend his fireside against the approach of burglars. 
At the conclusion of the trial, the jury returned a verdict of "not guilty," 
as to all the persons in the first count, charging them with riot. In the 
second count, charging them with " Assault and Battery " (on Col. Wheeler) 
Ballard and Curtis were found "guilty," the rest " not guilty." The guilty 
were <»-ivcn about a week in jail. Thus ended this act in the Wheeler 
drama. 

The following extract is taken from the correspondence of the New York 
Tribune touching Jane Johnson's presence in the court, and will be interest- 
iuff on that account : 

" But it was a bold and perilous move on the part of her friends, and the 
deepest apprehensions were felt for a while, for the result. The United 
States jMarshal was there with his warrant and an extra force to execute it. 
The officers of the court and other State officers were there to protect the 
witneas and vindicate the laws of the State. Vandyke, the United States 
District Attorney, swore he would take her. The State officers swore he 
should not, and for a while it seemed that nothing could avert a bloody 
scene. It was expected that the conflict would take place at the door, 
wh(!ii she should leave the room, so that when she and her friends went out, 
and lor some time after, the most intense suspense pervaded the court-room. 
She was, however, allowed to enter the carriage that awaited her without 
disturbance. She was accompanied by Mr. McKim, Secretary of the Penn- 
sylvania Anti-Slavery Society, I^ucsretia Mott and George Corson, one of our 
most manly and intrepid police officers. The carriage was followed by 
another filled with officers as a guard ; and thus escorted she was tid<en back 
in safety to tlu; house from which she had been brought. Her title to 
Freedom under the laws of the State will hardly again be brought into 
question. 

Mr. Williamson was committed to prison by Judge Kane for contempt of 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 97 

Court, on the 27th day of July, 1855, and was released on the 3d day of 
November the same year, having gained, in the estimation of the friends 
of Freedom every where, a triumpii and a fame which but few men in the 
great moral battle for Freedom could claim. 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 

SIXTY PASSENGERS CAME IN ONE MONTH — TWENTY-EIGHT IN ONE ARRIVAL — GREAT 

PANIC AND INDIGNATION MEETING — INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE FROM 

MASTERS AND FUGITIVES. 

The great number of cases to be here noticed forbids more than a brief 
reference to each passenger. As they arrived in parties, their narratives will 
be given in due order as found on the book of records : 

William Griffen, Henry Moor, James Camper, Noah Ennells and Levin 
Parker. This party came from Cambridge, Md. 

William is thirty-four years of age, of medium size and substantial ap- 
pearance. He fled from James Waters, Esq., a lawyer, living in Cam- 
bridge. He was "wealthy, close, and stingy," and owned nine head of 
slaves and a farm, on which William served. He was used very hard, which 
was the cause of his escape, though the idea that he was entitled to his free- 
; dom had been entertained for the previous twelve years. On preparing to take 
the Underground, he armed himself with a big butcher-knife, and resolved, 
if attacked, to make his enemies stand back. His master was a member of 
the Methodist Church. 

Henry is tall, copper-colored, and about thirty years of age. He com- 
plained not so much of bad usage as of the utter distaste he had to working 
all the time for the " white people for nothing." He was also decidedly of 
the opinion that every man should have his liberty. Four years ago his 
wife was " sold away to Georgia " by her young master; since which time 
not a word had he heard of her. She left three children, and he, in escaping, 
also had to leave them in the same hands that sold their mother. He 
^as 6wned by Levin Dale, a farmer near Cambridge. Henry was armed 
:with)&, six-barreled revolver, a large knife, and a determined mind. 

James is twenty-four years of age, quite black, small size, keen look, and 
fall of hope for the " best part of Canada.^' He fled from Henry Hooper, 
" a dashing young man and a member of the Episcopal Church." Left be- 
cause he "did not enjoy privileges" as he wished to do. He was armed 
with two pistols and a dirk to defend himself. 

Noah is only nineteen, quite dark, well-proportioned, and possessed of a 
fair average of commoiT sense. He was owned by " Black-head Bill Le- 
Count," who "followed drinking, chewing tobacco, catching ' runaways,' and 
hanging around the court-house." However, he owned six head of slaves, 
iud had a " rough wife," who belonged to the Methodist Church. Left be- 
U 7 



98 



TUB UNDERGROVyD KAIL ROAD. 



cause he « expected every day to be sold "—his master being largely iu 
'' debt." Brought with him a butcher-knife. 

Levin is twentv-two, rather short built, medium size and well colored. ' 
He fled from Lawrence G. Colson, " a very bad man, fond of drinking, great 
to fi-ht and swear, and hard to please. His mistress was " real rough ; very 
bad "worse than lie was as *fur' as she could be." Having been stinted 
with food and clothing and worked hard, was the apology offered by Levm 

for running off. . , t. i, j t 

Stebney Swax, John Stinger, Robert Emerson, Anthony Pugh and Isa- 
bella . This company came from Portsmouth, Va. Stebney is thirty- 
four years of age, medium size, mulatto, and quite wide awake. He was 
owned by an oysterman by the name of Jos. Carter, who lived near Ports- 
mouth. Naturally enough his master " drank hard, gambled " extensively, 
and in every other respect was a very ordinary man. Kevertheless, he 
" owned twentv-fivc head," and had a wife and six children. Stebney testi- 
fied that he had not been used hard, though he had been on the " auction- 
block three times." Left because he was "tired of being a servant." Armed 
with a broad-axe and hatchet, he started, joined by the above-named com- 
panions, and came in a skiff, by sea. Robert Lee was the brave Captain 
eno-ao-ed to pilot this Slavery-sick party from the prison-house of bondage. 
Amralthou-h evcrv rod of rowing was attended with inconceivable peril 
the desired haven w'as safely reached, and the overjoyed voyagers conducted 
to the Vigilance Committee. 

John is about forty years of age, and so near white that a microscope 
would be required to discern his colored origin. His father was white, and 
his mother nearly so. He also had been owned by the oysterman alluded to 
above ; had been captain of one of his oyster-boats, until recently. And but 
for his attempt some months back to make his escape, he might have been 
this day in the care of his kind-hearted master. But, because of this way- 
ward step on the part of John, his master felt called upon to humble hini. 
AcVordindv, the captaincy was taken from him, and he was compelled to 
^tru-o-le onhi a less honorable position. Occasionally John's mind would l)e 
refreshed by his master relating the hard times in the North, the great starx-a- 
tion among the blacks, etc. He would also tell John how much better ofi he 
was as a " slave with a kind master to provide for all his wants," etc. Not- 
withstanding all this counsel, John did not rest contented until he was on the 
Underground Rail Road. 

Robert was only nineteen, with an intelligent face and prepossessing man- 
ners- reads, writes and ciphers; and is about half Anglo-Saxon. He fled 
from' Wm. H. Wilson, Esq., Cashier of the Virginia Bank. Untd within 
the four years previous to Robert's escape, the cashier was spoken of as a 
" very good man ;" but in consequence of speculations in a large Hotel m 
Portsmouth, and the then financial e.nbarrassments, "he had become sen- 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 99 

ously involved," and decidedly changed in his manners. Robert noticed 
this, and concluded he had *' better get out of danger as soon as possible." 

Anthoxy and Isabella were an engaged couple, and desired to cast their 
lot where husband and wife could not be separated on the auction-block. 

The following are of the Cambridge party, above alluded to. All left 
together, but for prudential reasons separated before reaching Philadelphia. 
Tlie company that left Cambridge on the 24th of Oct(jber may be thus 
recognized : Aaron Cornish and wife, with their six children ; Solomon, 
George Anthony, Joseph, Edward James, Perry Lake, and a nameless babe, 
all very likely ; Kit Anthony and wife Leah, and three children, Adam, 
]\Iary, and Murray ; Joseph Hill and wife Alice, and their son Henry; also 
Joseph's sister. Add to the above, Marshall Dutton and George Light, 
both single young men, and we have twenty-eight in one arrival, as hearty- 
looking, brave and interesting specimens of Slavery as could well be i)ro- 
diiced from Maryland. Before setting out they counted well the cost. 
Being aware that fifteen had left their neighborhood only a few days ahead 
of them, and that every slave-holder and slave-catcher throughout the com- 
munity, were on the alert, and raging furiously against the inroads of the 
Underground Rail Road, they provided themselves with the following 
weapons of defense : three revolvers, three double-barreled pistols, three 
single-barreled pistols, three sword-canes, four butcher knives, one bowie- 
knife, and one paw.* Thus, fully resolved upon freedom or death, with 
scarcely provisions enough for a single day, while the rain and storm was 
piteously descending, fathers and mothers with children in their arms (Aaron 
Cornish had two) — the entire party skirted. Of course, their provisions gave 
out before they were fairly on the way, but not so with the storm. It 
continued to pour upon them for nearly three days. With nothing to 
appease the gnawings of hunger but parched corn and a few dry crackers, 
wet and cold, with several of the children sick, some of their feet bare and 
worn, and one of the mothers with an infant in her arms, incapable of par- 
taking of the diet, — it is impossible to imagine the ordeal they were passing. 
It was enough to cause the bravest hearts to falter. But not for a moment 
did they allow themselves to look back. It was exceedingly agreeable to 
hear even the little children testify that in the most trying hour on the road, 
not for a moment did they want to go back. Tiie following advertisement, 
taken from The Cambridge Democrat of November 4, shows how the Rev. 
Levi Traverse felt about Aaron — 

$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, from the npigbborhood 
of Town Point, on Saturtiay night, the 24th inst., my negro man, Aakon 
Cornish, about 35 years old. He is about five feet ten inches higli, black, 
good -looking;, rather pleasant countenance, and carries himself with a confident 
manner. He went off with his wife, Paffnet, a negro woman belonging to 
Reuben E. Phillips. I will give the above reward if taken out of the county, 
and $200 if taken in the county ; in either case to be lodged in Cambridge Jail. 
October 25, 1857. Levi D. Traverse. 

* A paw is a weapon with iron prongs, four inches long, to be grasped with the hand and used in 
close enc .unter. 




100 THE UXDEEGROUND RAIL ROAD. I 

To fully uiidorstaiid the Rev. Mr. Traverse's authority for taking the ' 
liberty he did with Aaron's good name, it may not be amiss to give briefly t 
a paragraph of })rivate information from Aaron, relative to his master. 
AxThe Rev. Mr. Traverse belonged to the Metiiodist Church, and was | 
described by Aaron as a " bad young man; rattle-brained ; with the apj^ear- j 
ance of not having good sense, — not enough to manage the great amount of I 
property (he had been left wealthy) in his possession." Aaron's servitude 
commenced under this spiritual protector in May prior to the escape, imme- 
diately after the death of his old master. His deceased master, William D. 
Traverse, by the way, was the. father-in-law, and at the same time own 
uncle of Aaron's reverend owner. Though the young master, for marrying 
his own cousin and uncle's daughter, had been for years the subject of the 
old gentleman's wrath, am;l was not allowed to come near his house, or to 
entertain any reasonable hope of getting any of his father-in-law's estate, 
nevertheless, scarcely had the old man breathed his last, ere the young 
preacher seized upon the inheritance, slaves and all ; at least he claimed two- 
thirds, allowing for the widow one-third. Unhesitatingly he had taken 
possession of all the slaves (some thirty head), and was making them feel 
his power to the fullest extent. To Aaron this increased oppression was 
exceedingly crushing, as he had been hoping at the death of his old master 
to be free. Indeed, it was understood that the old man had his will made, 
and freedom provided for the slaves. But, strangely enough, at his death 
no will could be found. Aaron was firmly of the conviction that the 
Rev. Mr. Traverse knew what became of it. Between the widow and 
the son-in-law, in consequence of his aggressive steps, existed much hostility, 
which strongly indicated the approach of a law-suit; therefore, except by 
escaping, Aaron could not see the ffiintest hope of freedom. Under his old 
master, the fiivor of hiring his time had been granted him. He had also 
been allowed by his wife's mistress (Miss Jane Carter, of Baltimore), to 
have his wife and children home with him — that is, until his children would 
grow to the age of eight and ten years, then they would be taken away and 
hired out at twelve or fifteen dollars a year at first. Her oldest boy, sixteen, 
hired the year he left for forty dollars. They had had ten children; two had 
died, two they were compelled to leave in chains ; the rest they brought 
away. Not one dollar's expense had they been to their mistress. The 
industrious Aaron not only had to pay his own hire, but was obliged to do 
enough over-work to support his large family. 

Thougli he said he had no special complaint to make against his old mas- 
ter, through whom he, with the rest of the slaves, hoped to obtain freedom, 
Aaron, nevertheless, spoke of him as a man of violent temper, severe on his 
slaves, drinking hard, etc., tliough he was a man of wealth and stood high 
in the community. One of Aaron's brothers, and others, had been sold South 
bv him. It was on account of his inveterate hatred of his son-in-law, who, 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 101 

he declared, should never have his property (having no other heir but his 
! niece, except his widow), that the slaves relied on his promise to free them. 
Thus, in view of the facts referred to, Aaron was led to commit the unpar- 
donable sin of running away with his wife Dalfney, who, by the way, looked 
like a woman fully capable of taking care of herself and children, instead of 
liaving them stolen away from her, as though they were pigs. A 

Joseph Yiney and family — Joseph was " held to service or labor," bv 
Charles Bryant, of Alexandria, Va. Joseph had very nearly finished paying 
for himself. His wife and children were held by Samuel Pattison, Esq., a 
member of the Methodist Church, "a great big man," " with red eyes, bald 
head, drank pretty freely," and in the language of Joseph, " wouldn't bear 
nothing." Two of Joseph's brothers-in-law had been sold by liis master. 
Against Mrs. Pattison his complaint was, that "she was mean, sneaking, and 
did not want to give half enough to eat." 

For the enlightenment of all Christendom, and coming posterity espe- 
cially, the following advertisement and letter are recorded, with the hope that 
'they will have an important historical value. The writer was at great pains 
to obtain these interesting documents, directly after the arrival of the memo- 
rable Twenty-Eight ; and shortly afterwards furnished to the New York 
Tribune, in a prudential manner, a brief sketch of these very passengers, 
including the advertisements, but not the letter. It was safely laid away for 
history — 

$2,000 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber on Saturday night, the 24th 
inst. Fourteen Head of Negroes, viz : Four men, two women, one boy and 
seven children. Kit is about 35 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, 
dark chestnut color, and has a scar on one of his thumbs. Joe is about 30 years 
old, very black, his teeth are very white, and is about five feet eight inches high. Henry 
'is about 22 years old, five feet ten inches high, of dark chestnut color and large front 
teeth. Joe is about 20 years old. about five feet six inches high, heavy built and black. 
Tom is about 16 years old, about five feet high, light chestnut color. Susan is about 35 
years old, dark chestnut color, and rather stout built; speaks rather slow, and has with 
iher FOUR children, varying from one to seven years of age. Leah is about 28 years 
-old, about five feet high, dark chestnut color, with three children, two boys and one 
'girl, from one to eight years old. 

I will give $1,000 if taken in the county, $1,500 if taken out of the county and in the 
|State, and $2,000 if taken out of the State ; in either case to be lodged in Cambridge (Md.) 
Jail, so that I can get them again ; or I will give a fair proportion of the above reward if 
any part be secured. Samuel Pattison, 

October 26, 1857. Near Cambridge, Md. 

Wk ^- S.— Since writing the above, I have discovered that my negro woman, Sarah 
J3L Jane, 25 years old, stout built and chestnut color, has also run off. S. P. 

SAMUEL PATTISOX'S LETTER. 

Cambridge, Nov. 16th, 1857. 
L. W. Thompson : — Sir, this morning I received your letter wishing an accurate de- 
scription of my Negroes which ran away on the 24th of last month and the amt of reward 
offered &c &c. The description is as follows. K^U is about 35 years old, five feet, six or 
seven inches high, dark chestnut color and has a scar on one of his thumbs, he has a very 

I 



JQ2 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

auick step and walks very straight, and can read and write. Joe, is about 30 years old, 
I b?k and about Z feet Sght inches high, has a very pleasing appearance, he has 
Ifrle wTfe wh left w.th h.n. she's a Ught molatoo, she has a ch.ld not over one year old. 
Henry -L about 22 years old, five feet, ten inches high, of dark chestnut coller and large 
^nt teeth, he stoops a little n. h.s walk and has a downward look. Joe., about 20 years 
old about five feet six mches h.gh, heavy baUt, and has a gruin look and voice dull, and 
black Tom is about 16 years old about five feet h,gh light chestnut coller smart aOv 
boT and sTa ers in his walk. Susan is about 35 years old, dark chesnut coller and stou 
bu It speaks rather slow and has with her /o..r cluldren, three boys and one ^zr/-the g rl 
ha a thu ub or finger on her left hand (part of it) cut off, the children are from 9 months 
to 8 vears old (the youngest a boy 9 months and the oldest whose name is Lloyd is about 
8 years d The husband of SuL (Joe Vmey) started off with her, he is a slave, be- 
lon'nrt;i gentleman in Alexandria D. C. he is about 40 years old and dark chesnut 
cofer rather slender built and about five feet seven or eight inches h.gh he is also the 
f! e o He V, Joe and Tom. A regard of $400. will be given fur his appre ens.on . 
ilTis about 28 vears old about five feet high dark chesnut coller, with three children. I 
ffioy and giri; they are from one to eight years old, the oldest boy is cal ed Adam. 
Leah s th wil o Kit, the first named man in the list. Sarah Jan. is abou 2o years 
old stout built and chesnut coller. quick and active in her walk. Making in all 5 head 
i woLen and children belonging to me, or 16 head including Joe Viney. the husband 

'' Ti^W o'f'So. will be given for my negroes if taken out of the State of Maryland 
anflolredt Cambridge or Ba^imore Jail so that I can get theni or a fair proportion 
f„ranvi)artottliem. And including Joe V.wy'3 rewarJ *2l.jO 00. 

AUhesan^ tin.e eigl,. other negroes belonging to a neigl.Ur of mme ran off, for winch 
a reward of $1400 00 has been offered for them. ,,.,,, •*, 

iTvou should want any information, witnesses to prove or indentify the negroes, w.ite 
• vVvTtome Or If you should need any information with regard to proving 

Tnt: e^^e rc'ould rll Ph.ladelphia. you can call on Mr. Burroughs at Mart. * 
Lith'tsSe Market Street. No 308. Phda and he can refer you to a gentleman who 
bmith s srore, ivi^n^ Yours &c Saml. Pattison. 

knows the negroes. 

This letter was in answer to one written in Pliiladelphia and signed, " L. 
W Thon son." It is not improbable that Mr. Putt,son s loss had pro- 
Led n 1 a high state oC .nental excitement that he was hardly n> a eon- 
t^. I -ool resection, or he would have weighed the matter a , tie more 
(luioii n'l ^'-'^^' ' If. . ii TT P "R U •i(T-piit<? But the letter 

...rel-nlly before exposing h.raself to the U. G. R. K. afccnt 15 
possesses two eommendable features, nevertheless. It was tolc.abl> 

"1tr;rllXnl exhibition of affection for his eontente<I and happy 
J; ml.r Mr. Pattison suspended on su,hl™ly learnu.g that h 
:r ntns Hftecn head, the writer cannot say. But that there was a g,^ 
«ln.ve hunt in every .lirection there is no room to doubt. Though mucl 
mor St be said'about the parties concerned, it nn.st suffice ^ a d « 
^.vcame to the Vigilance Comnuttee in a very sad pl,ght-n. tatluel 
SrsMLgrv. si4.and penniless; but they were kindly clothed, fe,l 

''t^r^::"Z^^^^'^> "■.-nah Peter,. Henrict. 
Doto: Elifabtti; I'mby..Josiai:Stanly. Caroline Stanly. Daniel Stanly, jr. 



'' 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 103 

John Stanly and Miller Stanly (arrival from Cambridge.) Daniel is about 
35, well-made and wide-awake. Fortunately, in emancipating himself, he 
also, through great perseverance, secured the freedom of his wife and six 
children ; one child he was compelled to leave behind. Daniel belonged to 
Robert Calender, a farmer, and, "except when in a passion," said to be 
"pretty clever." However, considering as a father, that it was his " duty to 
do all he could " for his childreu, and that all work and no play makes Jack a 
dull boy, Daniel felt bound to seek refuge in Canada. His wife and children 
were owned by "Samuel Count, an old, bald-headed, bad man," who "had 
of late years been selling and buying slaves as a business," though he stood 
high and was a " big bug in Cambridge." The children were truly likely- 
looking. 

Nat is no ordinary man.. Like a certain other Nat known to history, his 
honest and independent bearing in every respect was that of a natural 
hero. He was full black, and about six feet high ; of powerful physical pro- 
])ortion^, and of more than ordinary intellectual capacities. With the 
strongest desire to make the Port of Canada safely, he had resolved to be 
"carried back," if attacked by the slave hunters, " only as a dead man." He 
was held to service by John Muir, a wealthy farmer, and the owner of 40 or 
50 slaves. "Muir would drink and was generally devilish." Two of Nat's 
sisters and one of his brothers had been " sold away to Georgia by him." 
Therefore, admonished by threats and fears of having to pass through the 
same fiery furnace, Nat was led to consider the U. G. R. R. scheme. It was 
through the marriage of Nat's mistress to his present owner that he came 
into Muir's hands. " Up to the time of her death," he had been encouraged 
to " hope " that he would be " free ;" indeed, he was assured by her " dying 
testimony that the slaves were not to be sold." But regardless of the 
promises and will of his departed wife, Muir soon extinguished all hopes of 
freedom from that quarter. But not believing that God had put one man 
here to " be the servant of another — to work," and get none of the benefit of 
his labor, Nat armed himself with a good pistol and a big knife, and taking 
his wife with him, bade adieu forever to bondage. Observing that Lizzie 
(Nat's wife) looked pretty decided and resolute, a member of the committee 
remarked, " ^yould your wife fight for freedom?" "I have heard her say 
she would wade through blood and tears for her freedom," said Nat, in the 
most serious mood. 

The following advertisement from The Cambridge Democrat of Nov. 4, 

speaks for itself — 

$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on Saturday night last., 17th 
inst., my negro woman Lizzie, about 28 years old. She is medium sized, dark com- 
plexion, good-looking, with rather a down look. When spoken to, replies (juickly. 
She was well dressed, wearing a red and green blanket shawl, and carried with her 
a variety of clothing. She ran off in company with her husband, Nat Amby (belonging 
to John Muir, Esq.), who is about G feet in height, with slight impediment in his speech, 
dark chestnut color, and a large scar on the side of his neck. 



104 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

I will give the above reward if taken in this County, or one-half of what she sells for if 
taken out of the County or State. In either case to be lodged in Cambridge Jail 

Cambridge, Oct. 21, 1857. Alexander H. Bayly. 

P. S.— For the apprehension of the above-named negro man Nat, and delivery in Cam- 
bridge Jail, I will give $500 reward. John Muir. 

Now since Nat's master has been introduced in the above order, it seems 
but a])pro[)riate that Nat should be heard too; consequently the following 
letter is inserted for what it is worth : 

Auburn, June ICth, 1858. 

Mr. William Still : — Sir, will you be so Kind as to write a letter to afFi^y White in 
straw berry alley in Baltimore city on the point Say to her at nat Ambey that I wish to 
Know from her the Last Letar that Joseph Ambie and Henry Ambie two Brothers and 
Ann Warfield a couisin of them two boys I state above I would like to hear from my 
mother sichy Ambie you will Please write to my mother and tell her that I am well and 
doing well and state to her that I perforin my Relissius dutys and I would like to hear 
from her and want to know if she is performing her Pielissius dutys yet and send me word 
from all her children I left behind say to afFey White that I wish her to write me a Let- 
ter in Hast my wife is well and doing well and my nephew is doing well Please tell 
aflfey White when she writes to me to Let me know where Joseph and Henry Ambie is 

Mr. Still Please Look on your Book and you will find my name on your Book They 
was eleven of us children and all when we came through and I feal interrested about my 
Brothers I have never heard from them since I Left home you will Please Be Kind 
annough to attend to this Letter When you send the answer to this Letter you will 
Please send it to P. R. Freeman Auburn City Cayuga County New York 

Yours Truly Nat Ambie. 

William is 25, complexion brown, intellect naturally good, with no favor- 
able notions of the peculiar institution. He was arnied with a ibrinidable 
dirk-knife, and declared he would use it if attacked, rather than be dragged 
back to bondage. 

Haxxaii is a hearty-looKing young woman of 23 or 24, with a countenance 
that indicated that liberty was what she wanted and was contending for, and 
that she could not willingly submit to the yoke. Though she came with the 
Cambridge party, she did not come from Cambridge, but from Marshall 
Hope, Caroline County, where she had been owned by Charles Peters, a man 
Avho had distinguished himself by getting " drunk, scratching and fighting, 
etc.," not unfrequently in his own family even. She had no parents that she 
knew of licft because they used her " so bad, beat and knocked " her about. 

" Jack Scott." Jack is about thirty-six years of age, substantially built, 
dark color, and of quiet and prepossessing manners. He was owned by 
David B. Turner, Esq., a dry goods merchant of New York. By birth, 
Turner was a Virginian, and a regular slave-holder. His slaves were kept 
hired out by the year. As Jack had had but slight acquaintance with his 
New York owner, he says but very little about him. He was moved to 
leave simply because he had got tired of working for the " white people for 
nothing." Fled from Richmond, Va. Jack went to Canada direct. The 
following letter furnishes a clew to his whereabouts, plans, etc. 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 105 

Montreal, September 1st 1859. 
Dear Sir :— It is with extreme pleasure that I set down to inclose you a few lines to 
let you know that I am well & I hope when these few lines come to hand they may find 
you & your family in good health and prosperity I left your house Nov. 3d, 1857, for 
Canada I Received a letter here from James Carter in Peters burg, saying that my wife 
would leave there about the 2Sth or the first September and that he would send her on by 
way of Philadelphia to you to send on to Montreal if she come on you be please to send 
her on and as there is so many boats coming here all times a day I may not know what 
time she will. So you be please to give her this direction, she can get a cab and go to the 
Donegana Hotel and Edmund Turner is there he will take you where I lives and if he is 
not there cabman take you to Mr Taylors on Durham St. nearly opposite to the Methodist 
Church. Nothing more at present but Remain your well wisher John Scott. 

C. HiTCHENS. — This individual took his departure from Milford, Del., 
where he was owned by Wra. Hill, a farmer, who took special delight in 
having " fighting done on the place." This passenger was one of our least 
intellitrent travelers. He was about 22. 

Major Ross. — Major fled from John Jay, a farmer residing in tlie neigh- 
borhood of Havre de Grace, Md. But for the mean treatment received from 
jMr. Jay, Major might have been foolish enough to have remained all his 
days in chains. " It's an ill wind that blows nobody any good." 

PIej^ry Oberne. — Henry was to be free at 28, but preferred having it 
at 21, especially as he was not certain that 28 would ever come. He is of 
chestnut color, well made, &c., and came from Seaford, Md. 

Perry Burton. — Perry is about twenty-seven years of age, decidedly 
colored, medium size, and only of ordinary intellect. He acknowledged John 
R. Burton, a farmer on Indian River, as his master, and escaped because he 
wanted "some day for himself." 

Alfred Hubert, Israel Whitney and John Thompson. Alfred is of 
powerful muscular appearance and naturally of a good intellect. He is full 
dark chestnut color, and would doubtless fetch a high price. He was owned 
by Mrs. Maiilda Niles, from whom he had hired his time, paying $110 
yearly. He had no fault to find with his mistress, excej)t he observed she 
had a young family growing up, into whose hands he feared he might un- 
luckily fall some day, and saw no way of avoiding it but by flight. Being 
only twenty-eight, he may yet make his mark. 

Israel was owned by Elijah Money. All that he could say in favor of 
his master was, that he treated him "respectfully," though he "drank hard." 
Israel was about thirty-six, and another excellent specimen of an able-bodied 
and wide-awake man. He hired his time at the rate of |120 a year, and 
had to find his wife and child in the bargain. He came from Alexandria, Va. 

INTEEESTING LETTER FROM ISRAEL. 

Hamilton, Oct. le,, 1858. 
William Still — My Dear Friend: — I saw Carter and his friend a few days ago, and 
they told me, that you was well. On the seventh of October my wife came to Hamilton. 
Mr. A. Hurberd, who came from Virginia with me, is going to get married the 20th of 



106 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

November next. I wish you woul.l write to me how many of my friends you have seen 
since October 1857. Montgomery Green keeps a barber shop m Cayuga, in the State of 
New York. I have not heard of Oscar Ball but once since I came here, and then he was 
we 1 and doing well. George Carroll is in Hamilton. The times are very dull at present 
and have been ever since I came here. Please write soon. Nothing more at present onW 
I still remam in Hamilton, C.W. Israel Whitne;. 

John is nineteen years of age, mulatto, spare made, but not lacking in 
courage; mother wit or perseverance. He was born in Fauquier countv, 
Va., and, after experiencing Slavery for a number of years there— bein.r sold 
two or three times to the "highest bidder "-he was finally purehased'by a 
cotton planter named Hezekiah Thompson, residing at Iluntsville, Alabama 
Immediately after the sale Hezekiah bundled his new "purchase" off to 
Alabama, where he succeeded in keeping him only about two years, for at 
the end of that time John determined to strike a blow for liberty. The in- 
centive to this step was the inhuman treatment he was subjected to. Cruel 
indeed did he find it there. His master was a young man, " fond of drlnkino. 
and carousing, and always ready for a fight or a knock-down." A short time 
before John left his master whipped him so severely with the " bull whip" that 
he could not use his arm for three or four days. Seeing but one way of 
es«ipe (and that more perilous than the way William and Ellen Craft, or 
Henry Box Brown traveled), he resolved to try it. It was to get on the 
top of the car, instead of insi<le of it, and thus ride of nights, till nearly day- 
light, when, at a stopping-place on the road, he would slip off the car, and 
conceal himself in the woods until under cover of the next night he could 
manage to get on the top of another car. By this most hazardous mode of 
travel he reached Virginia. 

It may be best not to attempt to describe how he suffered at the hands of 
his owners in Alabama; or how severely he was pinched with huno-er in 
traveling; or how, when he reached his old neighborhood in Vii-inia he 
could not venture to inquire for his mother, brothers or sisters, to receive 
from them an affectionate word, an encouraging smile, a crust of bread, or a 
drink of water. 

Success attended his efforts for more than two weeks; but alas, after 
having got back north of Richmond, on his way home to Alexandria, he 
was captured and put in prison ; his master being informed of the fact, came 
on and took possession of him again. At first he refused to sell him ; said 
he " had money enough and owned about thirty slaves;" therefore wished to 
take him back to make an example of him." However, through the persua- 
sion of an uncle of his, he consented to sell. Aceordinglv, John was put on 
the auction-block and bought for $1,300 by Green Mc Murray, a regular 
trader in Ru-hmond. McMurray again offered him f )r sale, but in conse- 
quence of hard times and the high price demanded, John did not go off, at 
east not in the way the trader <l(«sired to dispose of him, but di<l, neverthe- 
less, succeed m going off on the Underground Rail Road. Thus once more 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 



107 



he reached his old home, Alexandria. His mother was in one place, and his 
six brothers and sisters evidently scattered, where he knew not. Since he 
was five years of age, not one of them had he seen. 

If such sufferings and trials were not entitled to claim for the sufferer the 
honor of a hero, where in all Christendom could one be found who could 
prove a better title to that appellation ? 

It is needless to say that the Committee extended to him brotherly kind- 
ness, sympathized with him deeply, and sent him on his way rejoicing. 

Of his subsequent career the following extract from a letter written at 
London shows that he found no rest for the soles of his feet under the Stars 
and Stripes in New York : 

I hope that you will remember John Thompson, who passed through your hands, I 
tliink, in October, 1857, at the same time that Mr. Cooper, from Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, came on. I was engaged at New York, in the barber business, with a friend, and 
was doing very well, when I was betrayed and obliged to sail for England very suddenly, 
my master being in the city to arrest me. (London, December 21st. 1860.) 




Jeremiah Colburn. — Jeremiah is a bright mulatto, of prepossessing 
appearance, reads and writes, and is quite intelligent. He fled from Charles- 
ton, where he had been owned by Mrs. E. Williamson, an old lady about 
seventy-five, a member of the Episcopal Church, and opposed to Freedom. 
As far as he was concerned, however, he said, she had treated him well ; 
but, knowing that the old lady would not be long here, he judged it was 
best to look out in time. Consequently, he availed himself of an Under- 
ground Rail Road ticket, and bade adieu to that hot-bed of secession. South 



108 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Carolina. Indeed, he was fair enough to pass for white, and actiially came 
the entire journey from Charleston to this city under the garb of a white 
gentleman. With regard to gentlemanly bearing, however, he was all ri<>-ht 
in this particular. Nevertheless, as he had been a slave all his days, he 
found that it required' no small amount of nerve to succeed in runninrr the 
gauntlet with slave-holders and slave -catchers for so long a journey. 

The following pointed epistle, from Jeremiah Colburn alias William 
Cooper, beautifully illustrates the effects of Freedom on many a passeno-er 
who received hospitalities at the Philadelphia depot — 

Syracuse, June 9th, 1858. 

Mr. Still :—Z)(?ar Sir:— One of your Underground R. R. Passenger Drop you these 
few Lines to let you see that he have not forgoten you one who have Done so much for 
him well sir I am still in Syracuse, well in regard to what I am Doing for a Living I no 
you would like to hear, I am in the Painting Business, and have as much at that as^E can 
do, and enough to Last me all the Summer, I had a knoUedge of Painting Before I Left 
the South, the Hotell where I was working Last winter the Proprietor fail & shot up in 
•the Spring and I Loose evry thing that I was working for all Last winter. I have Ritten 
a Letter to my Friend P. Christianson some time a goo & have never Received an 
Answer, I hope this wont Be the case with this one, I have an idea sir, next winter itf I 
can this summer make Enough to Pay Expenses, to goo to that school at McGrowville <fe 
spend my winter their. I am going sir to try to Prepair myself for a Lectuer, I am 
going sir By the Help of god to try and Do something for the Cans to help ray Poor 
Breathern that are suffering under the yoke. Do give my Respect to Mrs Stills & Per- 
ticular to Miss Julia Kelly, I supose she is still with you yet. I am in great hast vou 
must excuse ray short letter. I hope these few Lines raay fine you as they Leave rae 
quite well. It will afTord me much Pleasure to hear from you. 

yours Truly, William Cooper. 

John Thompson is still here and Doing well. 

It will be seen that this young Charleston ian had rather exalted notions 
in his head. He was contemplating going to McGrawville College, for the 
purpose of preparing himself for the lecturing field. Was it not rather 
strange that he did not want to return to his "kind- hearted old mistress?" 

Thomas Henry, Nathan Collins and his wife Mary Ellen. — Tho- 
mas is about twenty-six, quite dark, rather of a raw-boned make, indicating 
that times with him had been other than smooth. A certain Josiah Wilson 
owned Thomas. He was a cross, rugged man, allowing not half enough to 
eat, and worked his slaves late and early. Especially within the last two or 
three months previous to the ascape, he had been intensely savage, in con- 
sequence of having lo.st, not long before, two of his servants. Ever since 
that misfortune, he had frequently talked of "putting the rest in his 
pocket." This distressing threat made the rest love him none the more; 
but, to make assurances doubly sure, after giving them their supper every 
evening, which consisted of delicious "skimmed milk, corn cake and a 
herring each," he would very carefully .send them up in the loft over the 
kitchen, and there " lock them up," to remain until called the next morning 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 109 

at three or four o'clock to go to work again. Destitute of money, clothing, 
and a knowledge of the way, situated as they were they concluded to make 
an eifort for Canada. 

Nathan was also a fellow-servant with Thomas, and of course owned by 
Wilson. Nathan's wife, however, was owned by Wilson's son, Abram. 
Nathan was about twenty-five years of age, not very dark. He had a 
remarkably large head on his shoulders and was the picture of determina- 
tion, and apparently was exactly the kind of a subject that might be 
desirable in the British possessions, in the forest or on the farm. 

His wife, Mary Ellen, is a brown-skinned, country-looking young woman, 
abou<" twenty years of age. In escaping, they had to break jail, in the dead 
of night, while all were asleep in the big house ; and thus they succeeded. 
What Mr. Wilson did, said or thought about these "shiftless" creatures we 
are not prepared to say; we may, notwithstanding, reasonably infer that the 
Underground has come in for a liberal share of his indignation and wrath. 
The above travelers came from near New Market, Md. The few rags they 
were clad in were not really worth the price that a woman would ask for 
washing them, yet they brought with them about all they had. Thus they 
had to be newly rigged at the expense of the Vigilance Cotnmittee. 

TJie Cambridge Democrat, of Nov. 4, 1857, from which the advertise- 
ments were cut, said — • 

" At a meeting of the people of this county, held in Cambridge, on the 2d of November, 
to take into consideration the better protection of the interests of the slave-owners; among 
other thing? that were done, it was resolved to enforce the various acts of Assembly * * 
* * relating to servants and slaves. 

" The act of 1715, chap. 41, sec. 2, provides 'that from and after the publication thereof 
no servant or servants whatsoever, within this province, whether by indenture or by the 
custom of the counties, or hired for wages shall travel by land or water ten miles from 
the house of his, her or their master, mistress or dame, without a note under their hands, 
or under the hands of his, her or their overseer, if any be, under the penalty of being 
taken for a runaway, and to suffer such penalties as hereafter provided against runaways.' 
The Act of 1806, chap. 81, sec. 5, provides, 'That any person taking up such runaway, 
shall have and receive $6,' to be paid by the master or owner. It was also determined to 
have put in force the act of 1825, chap. 161, and the act of 1839, chap. 320, relative to 
idle, vagabond, free negroes, providing for their sale or banishment from the State. All 
persons interested, are hereby notified that the aforesaid laws, m particular, will .be 
enforced, and all officers failing to enforce them will be presented to the Grand Jur}', and 
those who desire to avoid the penalties of the aforesaid statutes are requested to conform 
to these provisions." 

As to the modus operandi by which so many men, women and children 
were delivered and safely forwarded to Canada, despite slave-hunters and the 
fugitive slave law, the subjoined letters, from diiferent agents and depots, 
will throw important light on the question. 

Men and women aided in this cause who were influenced by no oath of 
secresy, who received not a farthing for their labors, who believed that God 



110 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

had put it into the hearts of all mankind to love liberty, and had com- 
manded men to " feel for those in bonds as bound with them/' *' to break 
every yoke and let the oppressed go free." But here are the letters, bearing 
at least on some of the travelers : 

Wilmington, 10th Mo. 31st, 1857. 
Esteemed Friend William Still: — I write to inform thee that we have either 17 
or 27, I am not certain which, of that large Gang of God's poor, and I hope they are safe. 
The man who has them in charge informed me there were 27 safe and one boy lost during 
last night, about 14 years of age, without shoes ; we have felt some anxiety about him, for 
fear he may be taken up and betray the rest. I have since been informed there are but 17 
so that I cannot at present tell which is correct. I have several looking out for the lad; 
they will be kept from Phila. for the present. My principal object in writing thee at this 
time is to inform thee of what one of our constables told me this morning ; he told me that 
a colored man in Phila. who professed to be a great friend of the colored people was a 
traitor; that he had been written to by an Abolitionist in Baltimore, to keep a look out 
for those slaves that left Cambridge this night week, told him they would be likely to 
pass through Wilmington on 6th day or 7th day night, and the colored man in Phila. had 
written to the master of part of them telling him the above, and the master arrived here 
yesterday in consequence of the information, and told one of our constables the above ; the 
man told the name of the Baltimore writer, which he had forgotten, but declined telling 
the name of the colored man in Phila. I hope you will be able to find out who he is, and 
should I be able to learn the name of the Baltimore friend, I will put him on his Guard, 
respecting his Phila. correspondents. As ever thy friend, and the friend of Humanity, 
without regard to color or clime. Thos. Garrett. 

How mueh truth there was in the " constable's " story to the effect, " that 
a colored man in Philadelphia, who professed to be a great friend of the 
colored people, was a traitor, etc.," the Committee never learned. As a 
general thing, colored people were true to the fugitive slave ; but now and 
then some unprincipled individuals, under various pretenses, would cause us 
great anxiety. 

LETTER FROM JOIIX AUGUSTA. 

Noeristown Oct 18lh 1857 2 o'clock P M 
Dear Sir :— There is Six men and women and Five children making Eleven Persons. 
If you are wilhng to Receve them write to me imediately and I v.-ill bring them to your 
To morrow Evening I would not Have wrote this But the Times are so much worse Fi- 
nancialy that I thought It best to hear From you Before I Brought such a Crowd Down 
Pleas Answer this and O^ige John Augusta. 

This document has somewhat of a military appearance about it. It is 
short and to the point. Friend Augu.sta was well known in Norri.stown as 
a fir.>^t-rate hair-drosser and a prompt and trustworthy Underground Rail 
Road agent. Of course a spoedy answer was returned to his note, and he 
was instructed to bring the eleven passengers on to the Committee in 
Brotherly Love. 



THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. m 



LETTER FROM MISS G. LEWIS ABOUT A PORTIOX OF THE SAME " MEMORABLE 

TWENTY-EIGHT." 

SUNNYSIDE, Nov. Cth, 1857. 

Dear Friend : — Eight more of the large company reached our place last night, direct 
from Ercildown. The eight constitute one family of them, the husband and wife with four 
children under eight years of age, wish tickets for Elraira. Three sons, nearly grown, will 
be forwarded to Phila., probably by the train which passes Phoenixville at seven o'clock 
of to-morrow evening the seventh. It would be safest to meet them there. We shall 
send them to Elijah with the request for them to be sent there. And I presume they will 
be. If they should not arrive you may suppose it did not suit Elijah to send them. 

We will send the money for the tickets by C. C. Burleigh, who will be in Phila. on second 
day morning. If you please, you will forward the tickets by to-morrow's mail as we do 
not have a mail again till third day. Yours hastily, G. Lewis. 

Please give directions for forwarding to Elmira and name the price of tickets. 

At first Miss Lewis thought of forwarding only a part of her fugitive 
guests to the Committee in Philadelphia, but on further consideration, all 
were safely sent along in due time, and the Committee took great pains to 
have them made as comfortable as possible, as the eases of these mothers 
and children especially called forth the deepest sympathy. 

In this connection it seems but fitting to allude to Captain Lee's suffer- 
ings on account of his having brought away in a skiff, by sea, a party of 
four, alluded to in the beginning of this single month's report. 

Unfortunately he was suspected, arrested, tried, convicted, and torn from 
his wife and two little children, and sent to the Richmond Penitentiary for 
twenty-five years. Before being sent away from Portsmouth, Va., where he 
was tried, for ten days in succession in the prison five lashes a day were laid 
heavily on his bare back. The further suffererings of poor Lee and his 
heart-broken wife, and his little daughter and son, are too painful for minute 
recital. In this city the friends of Freedom did all in their power to comfort 
Mrs. Lee, and administered aid to her and her children ; but she broke 
down under her mournful fate, and went to that bourne from whence no 
traveler ever returns. 

Captain Lee suffered untold misery in prison, until he, also, not a great 
while before the Union forces took possession of Richmond, sank beneatli 
the severity of his treatment, and went likewise to the grave. The two 
children for a long time were under the care of Mr. "VYm. Ingram of Phila- 
delphia, who voluntarily, from pure benevolence, proved himself to be a 
father and a friend to them. To their poor mother also he had been a 
true friend. 

The way in which Captain Lee came to be convicted, if the Committee were 
correctly informed and they think they were, was substantially in this wise : 
In the darkness of the night, four men, two of them constables, one of the 



112 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

other two, the owner of one of the slaves who had been aided away bj Lee, 
seized the wife of one of the fugitives and took her to the woods, where the 
fiends stripped every particle of clothing from her person, tied her to a tree, 
and armed with knives, cowhides and a shovel, swore vengeance against her, 
declaring they would kill her if she did not testify against Lee. At first 
she refused to reveal the secret ; indeed she knew but little to reveal ; but 
her savage tormentors beat her almost to death. Under this barbarous in- 
fliction she was constrained to implicate Caj^tain Lee, which was about all the 
evidence the prosecution had against him. And in reality her evidence, for 
two reasons, should not have weighed a straw, as it was contrary to the laws 
of the State of Virginia, to admit the testimony of colored persons against 
white ; then again for the reason that this testimony was obtained M'holly 
by brute force. 

But in this instance, this woman on whom the murderous attack had 
been made, Avas brought into court on Lee's trial and was bid to sim])ly 
make her statement with regard to Lee's connection with the escape of her 
husband. This she did of course. And in the eyes of this chivalric court, 
this procedure " was all right." But thank God the events since those 
dark and dreadful days, afford abundant proof that the All-seeing Eye was 
not asleep to the daily sufferings of the poor bondman. 



A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. 

CORDELIA LOXEY, SLAVE OF MRS. JOSEPH CAHELL (WIDOW OF THE LATE HOX. 

JOSEPH CAHELL, OF VA.), OF FREDERICKSBURG, VA. — CORDELIA'S ESCAPE 

FROM HER MISTRESS IN PHILADELPHIA. 

Rarely did the peculiar institution present the relations of mistress and 
maid-servant in a light so apparently favorable as in the case of ]Mrs. Joseph 
Cahell (widow of the late Hon. Jos Cahell, of Va.), and her slave, Cordelia. 
The Vigilance Committee's first knowledge of either of these memorable 
personages was brought about in tlie following manner. 

About the 30th of March, in the year 1859, a member of the Vigilance 
Committee was notified by a colored servant, living at a fashionable boarding- 
house on Chestnut street that a lady with a slave woman from Fredericks- 
burg, Va., was boarding at said house, and, that said slave woman desired 
to receive counsel and aid from the Committee, as she was anxious to secure 
her freedom, before her mistress returned to the South. On further consul- 
tation about the matter, a suitable hour wa.s named for the meeting of the 
Committee and the Slave at the above named boarding-house. Finding that 



A SLAVE GIRLS NARRATIVE. 113 

the woman was thoroughly reliable, the Committee told her "that two modes 
of deliverance were open before her. One was to take her trunk and all 
her clothing and quietly retire." The other was to " sue out a writ of 
habeas corpus_, and bring the mistress before the Court, where she would 
be required, under the laws of Pennsylvania, to show cause why she restrained 
this woman of her freedom." Cordelia concluded to adopt the former ex- 
pedient, provided the Committee would protect her. Without hesitation the 
Committee answered her, that to the extent of their ability, she should have 
their aid with pleasure, without delay. Consequently a member of the 
Committee was directed to be on hand at a given hour that evening, as 
Cordelia would certainly be ready to leave her mistress to take care of 
herself. Thus, at the appointed hour, Cordelia, very deliberately, accom- 
panied the Committee away from her " kind hearted old mistress." 

In the quiet and security of the Vigilance Committee Room, Cordelia 
related substantially the following brief story touching her relationship as 
a slave to Mrs. Joseph Cahell. In this case, as with thousands and tens 
of thousands of others, as the old adage fitly expresses it, " All is not gold 
that glitters." Under this apparently pious and noble-minded lady, it will 
be seen, that Cordelia had known naught but misery and sorrow. 

Mrs. Cahell, having engaged board for a month at a fashionable private 
boarding-house on Chestnut street, took an early opportunity to caution 
Cordelia against going into the streets, and against having anything to say 
or do with "free niggers in particular" ; withal, she appeared unusually kind, 
so much so, that before retiring to bed in the evening, she would call Cordelia 
to her chamber, and by her side would take her Prayer-book and Bible, and 
go through the forms of devotional service. She stood very high both 
as a church communicant and a lady in society. 

For a fortnight it seemed as though her prayers were to be answered, for 
Cordelia apparently bore herself as submissively as ever, and Madame re- 
ceived calls and accepted invitations from some of the elite of the city, with- 
out suspecting any intention on the part of Cordelia to escape. But Cordelia 
could not forget how her children had all been sold by her mistress! 

Cordelia was about fifty-seven years of age, M'ith about an equal proportion 
of colored and white blood in her veins; very neat, respectful and pre- 
possessing in manner. 

From her birth to the hour of her escape she had worn the yoke under 
Mrs. C, as her most efficient and reliable maid-servant. She had been at 
her mistress' beck and call as seamstress, dressing-maid, nurse in the sick- 
room, etc., etc., under circumstances that might appear to the casual observer 
uncommonly favorable for a slave. Indeed, on his first interview with her, 
the Committee man was so forcibly impressed with the belief, that her con- 
dition in Virginia had been favorable, that he hesitated to ask her if she did 
not desire her liberty. A few moments' conversation with her, however, con- 



114 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

vinced him of her good sense and decision of purpose with regard to this 
matter. For, in answer to the first question he put to her, she answered, 
that " As many creature comforts and religious privileges as she had been 
the recipient of under her ' kind mistress,' still she ' wanted to be free,' and 
' wjis bound to leave,' that she had been ' treated very cruelly ;' that her 
children had ' all been sold away ' from her; that she had been threatened 
with sale herself ' on the first insult,' " etc. 

She was willing to take the entire responsibility of taking care of 
herself. On the suggestion of a friend, before leaving her mistress, she 
was disposed to sue for her freedom, but, upon a reconsideration of the 
matter, she chose rather to accept the hospitality of the Underground Rail 
Road, and leave in a quiet way and go to Canada, where she would be free 
indeed. Accordingly she left her mistress and was soon a free woman. 

The following sad experience she related calmly, in the presence of several 
friends, an evening or two after she left her mistress: 

Two sons and two daughters had been sold from her by her mistress, 
within the last three years, since the death of her master. Three of her 
children had been sold to the Richmond market and the other in Nelson 
county. 

Paulina was the first sold, two years ago last May. Nat was the next; 
he was sold to Abram AVarrick, of Richmond. Palilina was sold before 
it was named to her mother that it had entered her mistress's mind to dis- 
pose of her. Nancy, from infancy, had been in poor health. Nevertheless, 
she had been obliged to take her place in the field with the rest of the slaves, 
of more rugged constitution, until she had passed her twentieth year, and 
had become a mother. Under these circumstances, the overseer and his wife 
complained to the mistress that her health was really too bad for a field hand 
and begged that she might be taken where her duties would be less oppres- 
sive. Accordingly, she was withdrawn from the field, and was set to spin- 
ning and weaving. When too sick to work her mistress invariably took the 
ground, that " nothing was the matter," notwithstanding the fact, that her 
family physician. Dr. Ellsom, had pronounced her "quite weakly and sick." 

In an angry mood one day, Mrs. Cahell declared she would cure her ; and 
again sent her to the field, "with orders to the overseer, to whip her every 
day, and make her work or kill her." Again the overseer said it was " no 
use to try, for her health would not stand it," and she was forthwith re- 
turned. The mistress then concluded to sell her. 

One Sabbath evening a nephew of hers, who resided in New Orleans, hap- 
pened to be on a visit to his aunt, when it occurred to her, that she had 
" better get Nancy off if possible." Accordingly, Nancy was called in for 
examination. Being dressed in her "Sunday best" and "before a poor 
candle-light," she appeared to good advantage; and the nephew concluded 
to start with her on the following Tuesday morning. However, the next 



A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. jl5 

morning, he happened to see her by the light of the sun, and in her workino- 
garqients, which satisfied him that he had been grossly deceived; that she 
woukl barely live to reach New Orleans ; he positively refused to carry 
out the previous evening's contract, thus leaving her in the hands of her 
mistress, with the advice, that she should " doctor her up." 

The mistress, not disposed to be defeated, obviated the difficulty by select- 
ing a little boy, made a lot of the two, and thus made it an inducement to a 
purchaser to buy the sick woman ; the boy and the Avoman brought $700. 

In the sale of her children, Cordelia was as little regarded as if she had 
been a cow. 

" I felt wretched," she said, with emphasis, " when I heard that Nancy 
had been sold," which was not until after she had been removed. " But " 
she continued, " I was not at liberty to make my grief known to a sino-le 
white soul. I wept and couldn't help it." But remembering that she was 
liable, " on the first insult," to be sold herself, she sought no sympathy 
from her mistress, whom she describes as "a woman who sliows as little 
kindness towards her servants as any woman in the States of America. She 
neither likes to feed nor clothe well.'^ 

With regard to flogging, however, in days past, she had been up to the 
mark. " A many a slap and blow " had Cordelia received since she arrived 
at womanhood, directly from the madam's own hand. 

One day smarting under cruel treatment, she appealed to her mistress in 
the following strain: "I stood by your mother in all her sickness and nursed 
her till she died !" " I waited on your niece, night and day for months, till 
she died." " I waited upon your husband all my life — in his sickness 
especially, and shrouded him in death, etc., yet I am treated cruelly." It 
was of no avail. 

Her mistress, at one time, was the owner of about five hundred slaves, but 
within the last few years she had greatly lessened the number by sales. 

She stood very high as a lady, and was a member of the Episcopal 
Church. 

To punish Cordelia, on several occasions, she had been sent to one of the 
plantations to work as a field hand. Fortunately, however, she found the 
overseers more compassionate than her mistress, though she received no par- 
ticular favors from any of them. 

Asking her to name the overseers, etc., she did so. The first was "Marks, 
a thin-visaged, poor-looking man, great for swearing." The second was 
" Gilbert Brower, a very rash, portly man." The third was " Buck Young, 
a stout man, and very sharp." The fourth was " Lynn Powell, a tall man 
with red whiskers, very contrary and spiteful." There was also a fifth one, 
but his name was lost. 

Thus Cordelia's experience, though chiefly confined to the "great house," 
extended occasionally over the corn and tobacco fields, among the overseers 



-^-^Q THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and field hands generally. But under no circumstances could she find it in 
her heart to be thankful for the privileges of Slavery. 

After leaving her mistress she learned, with no little degree of pleasure, 
that a perplexed state of things existed at the boarding-house ; that her 
mistress was seriously puzzled to imagine how she would get her shoes and 
stockings on and oif; how she would get her head combed, get dressed, be 
attended to in sickness, etc., as she (Cordelia), had been compelled to dis- 
charge these offices all her life. 

Most of the boarders, being slave-holders, naturally sympathized in her 
affliction ; and some of them went so far as to offer a reward to some of the 
colored servants to gain a knowledge of her whereabouts. Some charged 
the servants with having a hand in her leaving, but all agreed that " she 
had left a very kind and indulgent mistress," and had acted very foolishly 
in running out of Slavery into Freedom. 

A certain Doctor of Divinity, the pastor of an Episcopal church in this 
city and a friend of the mistress, hearing of her distress, by request or 
voluntarily, undertook to find out Cordelia's place of seclusion. Hailing on 
the street a certain colored man witli a familiar face, who he thought knew 
nearly all the colored people about town, he related to him the predicament 
of his lady friend from the South, remarked how kindly she had always 
treated her servants, signified that Cordelia would rue the change, and be 
left to suffer among the " miserable blacks down town," that she would not 
be able to take care of herself; quoted Scripture justifying Slavery, and 
finally suggested that he (the colored man) would be doing a duty and a 
kindness to the fugitive by using his influence to " find her and prevail upon 

her to return." 

It so happened that the colored man thus addressed, was Thomas Dorsey, 
the well-known fiishionable caterer of Philadelphia, who had had the ex- 
perience of quite a numl)er of years as a slave at the South,— had himself once 
been pursued as a fugitive, and having, by his industry in the condition of 
Freedom, acquired a handsome estate, he felt entirely qualified to reply to 
the reverend gentleman, which he did, though in not very respectful phrases, 
tellin- him that Cordelia had as good a right to her liberty as he had, or 
her mistress either; that God had never intended one man to be the skve 
of another; that it was all fiilse about the slaves being better off than the 
free colored people; that he would find as many "poor, miserably degraded, 
of his own color " down-t«wn," as among the "degraded blacks"; and con- 
cluded by telling him that he would "rather give her a hundred dollars 
to help her off, tlian to do aught to make known her whereabouts, if he 
knew ever so much about her." 

What further steps were taken by the discomfited divine, the mistress, or 
her boarding-house sympathizers, the Committee was not informed. ^ 
But with regard to Cordelia: she took her departure for Canada, in tne. 



MEETING ' OF BLIND FA THER AND HIS SONS. 1 1 7 

midst of the Daniel Webster (fugitive) trial, with the hope of being per- 
mitted to enjoy the remainder of her life in Freedom and peace. Beino- a 
member of the Baptist Church, and professing to be a Christian, she was 
persuaded that, by industry and assistance of the Lord, a way would be 
opened to the seeker of Freedom even in a strange land and among 
strangers. 

This story appeared in part in the N. Y. Evening Post, having been 
furnished by the writer, without his name to it. It is certainly none the less 
interesting now, as it may be read in the light of Universal Emancipation. 



ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER 
FROM PETERSBURG. 

TOUCHING SCENE ON MEETING THEIR OLD BLIND FATHER AT THE U. G. R. R. DEPOT. 
LETTERS AND WARNING TO SLAVEHOLDERS. 

About the latter part of December, 1857, Isaac and Edmondson, brothers, 
succeeded in making their escape together from Petersburg, Va. They 
barely escaped the auction block, as their mistress, Mrs. Ann Colley, a 
widow, had just completed arrangements for their sale on the coming first 
day of January. In this kind of property, however, Mrs. Colley had not 
largely invested. In the days of her prosperity, while all was happy and 
contented, she could only boast of " four head :" these brothers, Jackson, 
Isaac and Edmondson and one other. In May, 1857, Jackson had fled and 
was received by the Vigilance Committee, who placed him upon their books 
briefly in the following light : 

" Runaway— i^i/??/ Dollars Eezvard,—'Ra.r\ away some time in May last, my Servant- 
man, who calls himself Jackson Turner. He is about 27 years of age, and has one of his 
front teeth out. He is quite black, with thick lips, a little bow-legged, and looks down 
when spoken to. I will give a reward of Fifty dollars if taken out of the city, and 
twenty five Dollars if taken within the city. I forewarn all masters of vessels from har- 
boring or employing the said slave ; all persons who disregard this Notice will be pun- 
ished as the law directs. Ann Collet. 
Petersburg, June 8th, 1857." 

Jackson is quite dark, medium size, and well informed for one in his 
condition. In Slavery, he had been "pressed hard." His hire, "ten 
dollars per month " he was obliged to produce at the end of each month, no 
matter how much he had been called upon to expend for "doctor bills, &c." 
The woman he called mistress went by the name of Ann Colley, a widow, 
living near Petersburg. " She was very quarrelsome," although a " member 
of the Methodist Church." Jackson seeing that his mistress was yearly 
growing " harder and harder," concluded to try and better his condition if 
:possible." Having a free wife in the North, who was in the habit of 



jjg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

communicating with him, he was kept fully awake to the love of Freedom. 
The Underground Rail Road expense the Committee gladly bore. No fur- 
ther record ''of Jackson was made. Jackson found his poor old father here, 
where he had resided for a number of years in a state of almost total bhnd- 
ness and of course in much parental anxiety about his boys in chams. On 
the arrival of Jackson, his heart overflowed with joy and gratitude not easily 
described, as the old man had hardly been able to muster faith enough to 
believe that he should ever look with his dim eyes upon one of his sons 
in Freedom. After a day or two's tarrying, Jackson took his departure for 
safer and more healthful localities,-her "British Majesty's possessions. 
The old man remained only to feel more keenly than ever, the pang of 
havinjr sons still toiling in hopeless servitude. , , ,, 

In less than seven months after Jackson had shaken off the yoke, to the 
unspeakable joy of the father, Isaac and Edmondson succeeded in following 
their brother's example, and were made happy partakers of the benefits and 
blessino-s of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia. On first meeting his 
two bo"vs,at the Underground Rail Road Depot, the old man took each 
one in'his arms, and as looking through a glass darkly, straining every 
nerve of his almost lost sight, exclaiming, whilst hugging them closer and 
closer to his bosom for some minutes, in tears of joy and wonder, My son 
Isaac, is this you? my son Isaac, is this you, &c.?" The scene was calcu- 
lated to awaken the deepest emotion and to bring tears to eyes not accus- 
tomed to weep. Little had the old man dreamed in his days of sadness that 
he should share such a feast of joy over the deliverance of his sons. But it 
is in vain to attempt to picture the affecting scene at this reunion, for ha 
would be impossible. Of their slave life, the records contain but a short 
notice, simply as follows : i^ ^^rl- 

"Isaac is twenty-eight years of age, hearty-looking, well made, dark 
color and intelligent. He was owned by Mrs. Ann Colley, a widow, resid- 
ing near Petersburg, Ya. Isaac and Edmondson were to have been sold 
on^Ncw Year's dav ; a few days hence. How sad her disappomtment must 
have been on finding them gone, may be more easily imagined than de- 

scribed. . . i 

Edmondson is about twenty-five, a brother of Isaac, and a smar , good- 
looking young man, was owned by Mrs. Colley also. " This is just the class 
of fugftivcs to make good subjects for John Bull," thought the Committee, 
feelint pretty well assured that they would make good reports after haying 
eiijoyXl free air in Canada for a short time, ^f f-^^' ^^^^,7,"V"^^^ 
en o ned upon them very earnestly " not to forget their brethren left behind 
Joaning in fetters; but to prove by their industry, uprightness, economy, 
?„brietv and thrift, by the remembrance of their former days of oppression 
and th'eir obligations to their God, that they were worthy of the country to 
^kieh they were going, and so to help break the bands of the oppressors, and 



MEETING OF BLIND FATHER AND HIS SONS. 119 

undo the heavy burdens of the oppressed." Similar advice was impressed 
upon the minds of all travelers passing over this branch of the Underground 
Rail Road. From hundreds thus admonished, letters came affording the 
most gratifying evidence that the counsel of the Committee was not in 
vain. The appended letter from the youngest brother, written with his 
own hand, will indicate his feelings and views in Canada : 

Hamilton, Canada West Mar. 1, 1858. 
Mr. Still, Dear Sir : — I have taken the oppertunity to enform you yur letter carae 
to hand 27th I ware glad to hear from you and yer famly i hope this letter May fine you 
and the famly Well i am Well my self My Brother join me in Love to you and all the 
frend. I ware sorry to hear of the death of Mrs frearaan. We all must die sune or Late 
this a date we all must pay we must Perpar for the time she ware a nise lady dear sir the 
all is well and san thar love to you Eraerline have Ben sick But is better at this time. I 
saw the hills the war well and san thar Love to you. I war sory to hear that My 
brother war sol i am glad that i did come away when i did god works all the things for 
the Best he is young he may get a long in the wole May god Bless hem ef you have any 
News from Petersburg Va Plas Rite me a word when you anser this Letter and ef any 
person came form home Letter Me know. Please sen me one of your Paper that had the 
under grands R wrod give My Love to Mr Careter and his family I am Seving with a 
barber at this time he have promust to give me the trad ef i can lane it he is much of a 
gentman. Mr Still sir i have writing a letter to Mr Brown of Petersburg Va Pleas reed 
it and ef you think it right Plas sen it by the Mail or by hand you wall see how i have 
writen it the will know how sent it by the way this writing ef the ancer it you can sen it 
to Me i have tol them direc to yor care for Ed. t. Smith Philadelphia i hope it ma}^ be 
right i promorst to rite to hear Please rite to me sune and let me know ef you do sen it on 
write wit you did with that ma a bught the cappet Bage do not fergit to rite tal John he 
mite rite to Me. I am doing as well is i can at this time but i get no wagges But my 
Bord but is satfid at that thes hard time and glad that i am Hear and in good helth. 
Northing More at this time yor truly Edmund Turner. 

/ 

The same writer sent to the Corresponding Secretary the following " Wa,rri- 

ing to Slave-holders." At the time these documents were received, Slave- 
holders were never more defiant. The right to trample on the weak in 
oppression was indisputable. " Cinnamon and odors, and ointments, and 
frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour and wheat, and beasts, and 
sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men," slave-holders 
believed doubtless were theirs by Divine Right. Little dreaming that in 
less than three short years — " Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, 
death, and mourning, and famine." In view of the marvelous changes 
which have been wrought by the hand of the Almighty, this warning 
to slave-holders from one who felt the sting of Slavery, as evincing a par- 
ticular phase of simple faith and Christian charity is entitled to a place in 
th&se records. 

A WARNING TO SLAVE-HOLDERS. 

Well may the Southern slaveholder say, that holding their Fellow men in Bondage is no 
(sin, because it is their delight as the Egyptians, so do they ; but nevertheless God in his 



120 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

own good time will bring them out by a mighty hand, as it is recorded in the sacred oracles 
of truth, that Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands to God, speaking in the positive 
(shall). And my prayer is to you, oh, slaveholder, in the name of that God who in the 
beginning said. Let there be light, and there was light. Let my People go that they may 
serve me; thereby good may come unto thee and to thy children's children. Slave-holder 
have you seriously thouglit upon the condition yourselves, family and slaves ; have you 
read where Christ has enjoined upon all his creatures to read his word, thereby tliat they 
may have no excuse when coming before his judgment seat? But you say he shall not 
read his word, consequently his sin will be upon your head. I think every man has ag 
much as he can do to answer for his own sins. And now my dear slave-holder, who with 
you are bound and fast hastening to judgment? As one that loves your soul repent ye, 
therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out when the time of refresh- 
ing shall come from the presence of the Lord. 
In the language of the poet : 

Stop, poor sinner, stop and think, 

Before you further go ; 
Think upon the brink of death 

Of everlasting woe. 
Say, have you an arm like God, 

That you his will oppose? 
Fear you not that iron rod 

With which he breaks his foes? 
Is the prayer of one that loves your souls. Edmund Turner. 

N. B. The signature bears the name of one who knows and felt the sting of Slavery ; 
but now, thanks be to God, I am now where the poisonous breath taints not our air, but 
every one is sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none dare to make him 
ashamed or afraid. Edmund Turner, formerly of Petersburg, Va. 

Hamilton, June 22d, 1858, C. W. 
To Mr. Wm. Still, Dear Sir:— A favorable opportunity allbrda the pleasure of acknow- 
ledging the receipt of letters and papers; certainly in this region they were highly appreci- 
ated, and I hope the time may come that your kindness will be reciprocated we are al well 
at present, but times continue dull. I also deeply regret the excitement recently on the 
account of those slaves, you will favor me by keeping me posted upon the subject. Those 
words written to slaveholder is the thought of one who had sufferd, and now I thought it 
a duty incumbent upon me to cry aloud and spare not, &c., by sending these few lines 
where the slaveholder may hear. You will still further oblige your humble servant also, 
to correct any inaccuracy. My respects to you and your family and all inquiring friends. 
Your friend and well wisher, Edmund Turner. 

The then impcndiii}? jiulgmonts seen by an eye of fliith as set forth in this 
" \yarninjj;," soon fell with criisliin<r wei,<;ht upon the oppressor, and Slavery 
(lied. But the old blind father of Jackson, Isa;ic and Edmond.son, still 
lives and maybe seen daily on tlie streets of Philadelphia; and though 
" halt, and lame, and blind, and poor," doubtless resulting from his early 
oppre.ssion, he can thank God and rejoice that he has lived to see Slavery 
abolished. 



ROBERT BROWN, 121 

ROBERT BROWN, alias THOMAS JONES. 

CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT. 

In very desperate straits many new inventions were sought after by 
deep-thinking and resolute slaves, determined to be free at any cost. But 
it must here be admitted, that, in looking carefully over the more perilous 
methods resorted to, Robert Brown, alias Thomas Jones, stands second 
to none, with regard to deeds of bold daring. This hero escaped from 
Martinsburg, Va., in 1856. He was a man of medium size, mulatto, about 
thirty-eight years of age, could read and write, and was naturally sharp- 
witted. He had formerly been owned by Col. John F. Franic, whom 
Robert charged with various offences of a serious domestic character. 

Furthermore, he also alleged, that his " mistress was cruel to all the 
slaves," declaring that " they (the slaves), could not live with her," that 
" she had to hire servants," etc. 

In order to effect his escape, Robert was obliged to swim the Potomac 
river on horseback, on Christmas night, while the cold, wind, storm, and 
darkness were indescribably dismal. This daring bondman, rather than 
■submit to his oppressor any longer, perilled his life as above stated. Where 
he crossed the river was about a half a mile wide. Where could be found 
in history a more noble and daring struggle for Freedom ? 

The wife of his bosom and his four children, only five days before he 
fled, were sold to a trader in Richmond, Va., for no other offence than 
simply " because she had resisted " the lustful designs of her master, being 
"true to her own companion." After this poor slave mother and her 
children were cast into prison for sale, the husband and some of his friends 
tried hard to find a purchaser in the neighborhood ; but the malicious and 
brutal master refused to sell her — wishing to gratify his malice to the 
utmost, and to punish his victims all that lay in his power, he sent them to 
the place above named. 

In this trying hour, the severed and bleeding heart of the husband 
resolved to escape at all hazards, taking with him a daguerreotype likeness 
of his wife which he happened to have on hand, and a lock of hair from 
her head, and from each of the children, as mementoes of his unbounded 
(though sundered) affection for them. 

After crossing the river, his wet clothing freezing to him, he rode all 
night, a distance of about forty miles. In the morning he left his faithful 
horse tied to a fence, quite broken down. He then commenced his dreary 
journey on foot — cold and hungry — in a strange place, where it was quite 
unsafe to make known his condition and wants. Thus for a day or two, 
without food or shelter, he traveled until his feet were literally worn out, 
and in this condition he arrived at Harrisburg, where he found friends. 
Passing over many of the interesting incidents on the road, suffice it to say, 



122 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

he arrived safely in this city, on New Year's niglit, 1857, about two hours 
before day break (the telegraph having announced his coming from Harris- 
burg), having been a week on the way. The night he arrived was very 
cold ; besides, the Underground train, that morning, was about three hours 
behind time ; in waiting for it, entirely out in the cold, a member of the 
Vigilance Committee thought he was frosted. But when he came to 
listen to the story of the Fugitive's sufferings, his mind changed. 

Scarcely had Robert entered the house of one of the Committee, where 
^he was kindly received, when he took from his pocket his wife's likeness, 
speaking very toucliingly while gazing upon it and showing it. Subse- 
quently, in speaking of his family, he showed the locks of hair referred to, 
which he had carefully rolled up in paper separately. Unrolling them, he 
said, " this is my wife's ;" " this is from my oldest daughter, eleven years 
old;'' "and this is from my next oldest;" "and this from the next," "and 
this from my infant, only eight weeks old." These mementoes he cherished 
with the utmost care as the last remains of his affectionate family. At the 
sight of these locks of hair so tenderly preserved, the member of the Com- 
mittee could fully appreciate the resolution of the fugitive in plunging into 
the Potomac, on the back of a dumb beast, in order to flee from a place and 
people who had made such barbarous havoc in his household. 

His wife, as represented by the likeness, was of fair complexion, prepos- 
sessing, and good looking — ^perhaps not over thirty-three years of age. 



ANTHONY LONEY, alias WILLIAM ARMSTEAD. 

Anthony had been serving under the yoke of Warring Talvert, of Rich- 
mond, Va. Anthony was of a rich black complexion, medium size, about 
twenty-five years of age. He was intelligent, and a member of the Baptist 
Church. His master was a member of the Presbyterian Church and held 
family prayers with the servants. But Anthony believed seriously, that his 
master was no more than a " whitened sepulchre," one who was fond of 
saying, " Lord, Lord," but did not do what the Lord bade him, conse- 
quently Anthony felt, that before the Great Judge his " master's many 
prayers" would not benefit him, as long as he continued to hold his fellow- 
men in bondage. He left a father, Samuel Loney, and mother, Rebecca 
also, one sister and four brothers. His old father had bought him- 
self and was free ; likewise his mother, being very old, had been allowed to 
go free. Anthony escaped in May, 1857. 



CORNELIUS SCOTT. 

Cornelius took passage per the Underground Rail Road, in March, 
1857, from the neighborhood of Salvingtou, Stafford county, Va. He 



I 



SAMUEL WILLIAMS. 123 

Stated that he had been claimed by Henry L. Brooke, whom he declared 
to be a " hard drinker and a hard swearer." Cornelius had been very 
much bleached by the Patriarchal Institution, and he was shrewd enough 
to take advantage of this circumstance. In regions of country where men 
were less critical and less experienced than Southerners, as to how the 
bleachino- process was brought about, Cornelius Scott would have had no 
difficulty whatever in passing for a white man of the most improved Anglo- 
Saxon type. Although a young man only twenty-three years of age, and 
quite stout, his fair complexion was decidedly against him. He concluded, 
that for this very reason, he would not have been valued at more than five 
hundred dollars in the market. He left his mother (Ann Stubbs, and half 
brother, Isaiah), and traveled as a white man. 



SAMUEL WILLIAMS, alias JOHN WILLIAMS. 

This candidate for Canada had the good fortune to escape the clutches of 
his mistress, Mrs. Elvina Duncans, widow of the late Rev. James Duncans, 
who lived near Cumberland, Md. He had very serious complaints to allege 
against his mistress, " who was a member of the Presbyterian Church." To 
use his own language, " the servants in the house were treated worse than 
dogs." John was thirty-two years of age, dark chestnut color, well made, 
prepossessing in appearance, and he " fled to keep from being sold." With 
the Underground Rail Road he was " highly delighted." Nor was he less 
pleased with the thought, that he had caused his mistress, who was " one 
of the worst women who ever lived," to lose twelve hundred dollars by him. 
He escaped in March, 1857. He did not admit that he loved slavery any 
the better for the reason that his master was a preacher, or that his mistress 
was the wife of a preacher. Although a common farm hand, Samuel had 
common sense, and for a long time previous had been watching closely the 
conduct of his mistress, and at the same time had been laying his plans for 
escaping on the Underground Rail Road the first chance. 



Reward ! — My negro man Richard has been missing since Sunday night, 
March 22d. I will give $100 to any one who will secure him or deliver him to me. 
Richard is thirty years old, but looks older ; very short legs, dark, but rather 
bright color, broad cheek bones, a respectful and serious manner, generally looks 
away when spoken to, small moustache and beard (but he may have them oflf). He is a re- 
markably intelligent man, and can turn his hand to anything. He took with him a bag 
made of Brussels carpet, with my name written in large, rough letters on the bottom, and 
a good stock of coarse and fine clothes, among them a navy cap and a low-crowned hat. 
He has been seen about New Kent C. H., and on the Pamunky river, and is no doubt 
trying to get off in some vessel bound North. 
April 18th, 1857. J. W. RANDOLPH, Richmond, Va. 

Even at this late date, it may perhaps afford Mr. R. a degree of satis- 



124 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

faction to know what became of Richard ; but if this should not be the case, 
Richard's children, or mother, or father, if they are living, may possibly 
see these pages, and thereby be made glad by learning of Richard's wisdom 
as a traveler, in the terrible days of slave-hunting. Consequently here is 
what -was recorded of him, April 3d, 1857, at the Underground Rail Road 
Station, just before a free ticket was tendered him for Canada. "Richard 
is thirty-three years of age, small of stature, dark color, smart and resolute. 
He was owned by Captain Tucker, of the United States Navy, from whom 
he fled." He was " tired of serving, and wanted to marry," was the cause of 
his escape. He had no complaint of bad treatment to make against his 
owner; indeed he said, that he had been "used well all his life." Never- 
theless, Richard felt that this Underground Rail Road was the " greatest 
road he ever saw." 

When the war broke out, Richard girded on his knapsack and went to 
help Uncle Sara humble Richmond and break the yoke. 



BARNABY GRIGBY, alias JOHN BOYER, AND MARY ELIZA- 
BETH, HIS WIFE; FRANK AYANZER, alias ROBERT 
SCOTT ; EMILY FOSTER, alias ANN WOOD. 

(two others who started with them were captured.) 

All these persons journeyed together from Loudon Co., Va. on horse- 
back and in a carriage for more than one hundred miles. Availing them- 
selves of a holiday and their master's horses and carriage, they as deliber- 
ately started for Canada, as though they had never been taught that it was 
their duty, as servants, to "obey their masters." In this particular showing 
a most utter disregard of the interest of their "kind-hearted and indulgent 
owners." They left home on Monday, Christmas Eve, 1855, under the 
leadership of Frank Wanzer, and arrived in Columbia the following Wed- 
nesday at one o'clock. As willfully as they had thus made their way 
along, they had not found it smooth sailing by any means. The biting 
frost and snow rendered their travel anything but agreeable. Nor did 
they escape the gnawings of hunger, traveling day and night. And 
whilst these "articles" were in the very act of running away with them- 
selves and their kind master's best horses and carriage — when about one 
hundred miles from home, in the neighborhood of Cheat river, Maryland, 
they were attacked liy " six white men, and a boy," who, doubtless, sup- 
posing that their intentions were of a " wicked and unlawful character " felt 
it to be their duty in kindness to their masters, if not to the travelers to 
demand of them an account of themselves. In other words, the assailants 







I'shKlfliiii. ±_ 






BARNABY GRIGBY AND OTHERS. 125 

positively commanded the fugitives to "show what right" they possessed, to 
be found in a condition apparently so unwarranted. 

The spokesman amongst the fugitives, affecting no ordinary amount of 
dio-nity, told their assailants plainly, that " no gentleman would interfere 
with persons riding along civilly "—not allowing it to be supposed that they 
were slaves, of course. These "gentlemen," however, were not willing to 
accept this account of the travelers, as their very decided steps indicated. 
Having the law on their side, they were for compelling the fugitives to 
surrender without further parley. 

At this juncture, the fugitives verily believing that the time had arrived 
for the practical use of their pistols and dirks, pulled them out of their 
concealment— the young women as well as the young men— and declared. 
they would not be "taken!" One of the white men raised his gun, 
pointino- the muzzle directly towards one of the young women, with the 
threat that he would "shoot," etc. "Shoot! shoot!! shoot!!!" she ex- 
claimed, with a double barrelled pistol in one hand and a long dirk knife m 
the other, utterly unterrified and fully ready for a death struggle. The 
male feafZer of the fugitives by this time had "pulled back the hammers" 
of his " pistols," and was about to fire ! Their adversaries seeing the wea- 
pons and the unflinching determination on the part of the runaways to 
stand their ground, " spill blood, kill, or die," rather than be " taken," very 
prudently "sidled over to the other side of the road," leaving at least four 
of the victors to travel on their way. 

At this moment the four in the carriage lost sight of the two on horse- 
back. Soon after the separation they heard firing, but what the result 
was, they knew not. They were fearful, however, that their companions 
had been captured. 

The following paragraph, which was shortly afterwards taken from a 
Southern paper, leaves no room to doubt, as to the fate of the two. 

^Six fugitive slaves from Virginia were arrested at the Maryland line, near Hood's 
Mill, on Christmas day, but, after a severe fight, four of them escaped and have not since 
been heard of. They came from Loudoun and Fauquier counties. 

Though the four who were successful, saw no " severe fight," it is not un- 
reasonable to suppose, that there was a fight, nevertheless; but not till after 
the number of the fugitives had been reduced to two, instead of six. As 
chivalrous as slave-holders and slave-catchers were, they knew the value of 
their precious lives and the fearful risk of attempting a capture, when the 
numbers were equal. 

The party in the carriage, after the conflict, went on their way rejoicing. ^ 
The young men, one cold night, when they were compelled to take rest in 
the woods and snow, in vain strove to keep the feet of their female compan- 
ions from freezing by lying on them ; but the frost was merciless and bit 



126 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, 

them severely, as their feet very plainly showed. The following dis- 
jointed report was cut from the Frederick [Md.) Examiner^ soon after the 
occurrence took place : 

" Six slaves, four men and two women, fugitives from Virginia, having with them two 
spring wagons and four horses, came to Hood's Mill, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
near the dividing line between Frederick and Carroll counties, on Christmas day. After 
feeding their animals, one of them told a Mr. Dixon whence they came; believing them to 
be fugitives, he spread the alarm, and some eight or ten persons gathered round to arrest 
them; but the negroes drawing revolvers and bowie-knives, kept their assailants at bay, 
until five of the party succeeded in escaping in one of the wagons, and as the last one 
jumped on a horse to flee, he was fired at, the load taking effect in the small of tlie back. 
The prisoner says he belongs to Charles W. Simpson, Esq., of Fauquier county, Va., and 
ran away with the others on the preceding evening." 

This report from the Examiner, while it is not wholly correct, evidently 
relates to the fugitives above described. Why the reporter made such 
glaring mistakes, may be accounted for on the ground that the lK)ld stand 
made by the fugitives was so bewildering and alarming, that the " assail- 
ants " were not in a proper condition to make correct statements. Neverthe- 
less the Examiner's report was preserved with other records, and is here 
given for what it is worth. 

These victors were individually noted on the Record thus : Barnaby was 
owned by William Rogers, a farmer, who was considered a " moderate slave- 
holder," although of late " addicted to intemperance." He was the owner 
of about one " dozen head of slaves," and had besides a wife and two chil- 
dren. 

Barnaby's chances for making extra "change" for himself were never 
favorable; sometimes of "nights" he would manage to earn a "trifle." He 
was prompted to escape because he " wanted to live by the sweat of his 
own brow," believing that all men ought so to live. This was the only 
reason he gave for fleeing. 

Mary Elizabeth had been owned by Townsend McYee (likewise a farmer), 
and in Mary's judgment, he was " severe," but she added, " his wife made 
him so." McVee owned about twenty-five slaves ; " he hardly allowed 
them to talk — would not allow them to raise chickens," and "only allowed 
Mary three dresses a year;" the rest she had to get as she could. Sometimes 
McVee would sell slaves — last year he sold two. Mary said that she could 
not say anything good of her mistress. On the contrary, she declared that 
her mistress " knew no mercy nor showed any favor," 

It was on account of this " domineering spirit," that Mary was induced 
to escape. 

Frank was owned by Luther Sullivan, " the meanest man in Virginia," 
he said ; he treated his people just as bad as he could in every respect. 
" Sullivan," added Frank, "would 'lowance the slaves and stint them to 
save food and get rich," and " would sell and whip," etc. To Frank's 



ll 



BARNAB Y GRIGB Y AND THERS. 1 27 

knowledge, he had sold some twenty-five head. "He sold my mother and 
her two children to Georgia some four years previous." But the motive 
which hurried Frank to make his flight was his laboring under the ap- 
prehension that his master had some " pretty heavy creditors who might 
come on him at any time." Frank, therefore, wanted to be from home in 
Canada when these gentry should make their visit. My poor mother has 
been often flogged by master, said Frank. As to his mistress, he said she 
was "tolerably good." 

Ann Wood was owned by McVee also, and was own sister to Elizabeth. 
Ann very fully sustained her sister Elizabeth's statement respecting the 
character of her master. 

The above-mentioned four, were all young and likely. Barnaby was 
twenty-six years of age, mulatto, medium size, and intelligent — his 
wife was about twenty-four years of age, quite dark, good-looking, and of 
pleasant appearance. Frank was twenty-five years of age, mulatto, and very 
smart ; Ann was twenty-two, good-looking, and smart. After their pressing 
wants had been met by the Vigilance Committee, and after partial recuper- 
ation from their hard travel, etc., they were forwarded on to the Vigilance 
Committee in New York. In Syracuse, Frank (the leader), who was 
engaged to Emily, concluded that the knot might as well be tied on the U. 
G. R. R., although penniless, as to delay the matter a single day longer. 
Doubtless, the bravery, struggles, and trials of Emily throughout the 
journey, had, in his estimation, added not a little to her charms. Thus after 
consulting with her on the matter, her approval was soon obtained, she being 
too prudent and wise to refuse the hand of one who had proved himself so 
true a friend to Freedom, as well as so devoted to her. The twain were 
accordingly made one at the U. G. R. R. Station, in Syracuse, by Superinten- 
dent — Rev. J. W. Loguen. After this joyful event, they proceeded to 
Toronto, and were there gladly received by the Ladies' Society for aiding 
colored refugees. 

The following letter from Mrs. Agnes Willis, wife of the distinguished 
Rev. Dr. Willis, brought the gratifying intelligence that these brave young 
adventurers, fell into the hands of distinguished characters and warm friends 

of Freedom : 

Toronto, 28th January, Monday evening, 1856. 

Mr. Still, Dear Sip. : — I have very great pleasure in making you aware that the fol- 
lowing respectable persons have arrived here in safety without being annoyed in any way 
after you saw them. The women, two of them, viz : Mrs. Greegsby and Mrs. Graham, 
have been rather ailing, but we hope they will very soon be well. They have been 
attended to by the Ladies' Society, and are most grateful for any attention they have re- 
ceived. The solitary person, Mrs. Graves, has also been attended to; also her box will 
be looked after. She is pretty well, but rather dull ; however, she will get friends and 
feel more at home by and bye. Mrs. Wanzer is quite well ; and also young William 
Henry Sanderson, They are all of them in pretty good spirits, and I have no doubt they 
will succeed in whatever business they take up. In the mean time the men are chopping 



128 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

wood, and the ladies are getting plenty sewing. We are always glad to see our colored 
refugees safe here. I remain, dear sir, yours respectfully, Agnes Willis, 

Treasurer to the Ladies' Society to aid colored refugees. 

For a time Frank enjoyed his newly won freedom and happy bride with 
bright prospects all around ; but the thought of having left sisters and other 
relatives in bondage was a source of sadness in the midst of his joy. He 
was not long, however, in making up his mind that he would deliver them 
or " die in the attempt." Deliberately forming his plans to go South, he 
resolved to take upon himself the entire responsibility of all the risks to be 
encountered. Not a word did he reveal to a living soul of what he 
was about to undertake. AVith " twenty-two dollars " in cash and " three 
pistols " in his pockets, he started in the lightning train from Toronto for 
Virginia. On reaching Columbia in this State, he deemed it not safe to go 
any further by public conveyance, consequently he commenced his long 
journey on foot, and as he neared the slave territory he traveled by night 
altogether. For two weeks, night and day, he avoided trusting himself in 
any house, consequently was compelled to lodge in the woods. Nevertheless, 
during that space of time he succeeded in delivering one of his sisters and 
her husband, and another friend in the bargain. You can scarcely imagine 
the Committee's amazement on his return, as they looked upon him and 
listened to his " noble deeds of daring " and his triumph. A more brave 
and self-possessed man they had never seen. 

He knew what Slavery was and the dangers surrounding him on his 
mission, but possessing true courage unlike most men, he pictured no 
alarming difficulties in a distance of nearly one thousand miles by the 
mail route, through the enemy's country, where he might have in truth said, 
" I could not pass without running the gauntlet of mobs and assassins, 
prisons and penitentiaries, bailiffs and constables, &c." If this hero had 
dwelt upon and magnified the oKstacles in his way he would most assuredly 
have kept off the enemy's country, and his sister and friends would have 
remained in chains. 

The following were the persons delivered by Frank Wanzer. They were 
his trophies, and this noble act of Frank's should ever be held as a memorial 
and honor. The Committee's brief record made on their arrival runs thus : 

"August 18, 1856. Frank AVanzer, Robert Stewart, alias Gasberry 
Robison, Vincent Smith, alias John Jackson, Betsey Smith, wife of Vincent 
Smith, alias Fanny Jackson. They all came from Alder, Loudon county, 
Virginia." 

Robert is about thirty years of age, medium size, dark chestnut color, 
intelligent and resolute. He was held by the widow Hutchinson, who was 
also the owner of about one hundred others. Robert regarded her as a "very 
hard mistress " until the death of her husband, which took place the 
Fall previous to his escape. That sad affliction, he thought, was the cause 



WILLIAM JORDOK 129 

of a considerable change in her treatment of her slaves. But yet " nothing 
was said about freedom," on her part. This reticence Robert understood to 
mean, that she was still unconverted on this great cardinal principle at least. 
As he could see no prospect of freedom through her agency, when Frank 
approached him with a good report from Canada and his friends there, he 
could scarcely wait to listen to the glorious news; he was so willing and anxious 
to get out of slavery. His dear old mother, Sarah Davis, and four brothers 
and two sisters, William, Thomas, Frederick and Samuel, Violet and Ellen, 
were all owned by Mrs. Hutchinson. Dear as they were to him, he saw no 
way to take them with him, nor was he prepared to remain a day longer under 
the yoke ; so he decided to accompany Frank, let the cost be what it might. 

Vincent is about twenty-three years of age, very " likely-looking," dark 
color, and more than ordinarily intelligent for one having only the common 
chances of slaves. 

He was owned by the estate of Nathan Skinner, who was " looked upon," 
by those who knew him, "as a good slave-holder." In slave property, 
however, he was only interested to the number of twelve head. Skinner 
"neither sold nor emancipated." A year and a half before Vincent es- 
caped, his master was called to give an account of his stewardship, and there 
in the spirit land Vincent was willing to let him remain, without much 
more to add about him. 

Vincent left his mother, Judah Smith, and brothers and sisters, Edwin, 
Angeline, Sina Ann, Adaline Susan, George, John and Lewis, all belonging 
to the estate of Skinner. 

Vincent was fortunate enough to bring his wife along with him. She was 
about twenty-seven years of age, of a brown color, and smart, and was owned 
by the daughter of the widow Hutchinson. This mistress was said to be a 
"clever woman." 



WILLIAM JOEDON, alias WILLIAM PRICE. 

Under Governor Badger, of North Carolina, William had experienced 
Slavery in its most hateful form. True, he had only been twelve months 
under the yoke of this high functionary. But William's experience in this 
short space of time, was of a nature very painful. 

Previous to coming into the governor's hands, William was held as the 
property of Mrs. Mary Jordon, who owned large numbers of slaves. 
Whether the governor was moved by this consideration, or by the fascina- 
ting charms of Mrs. Jordon, or both, William was not ai)le to decide. But 
the governor offered her his hand, and they became united in wedlock. By 
this circumstance, William was brought into his unhappy relations with the 
Chief Magistrate of the State of North Carolina. This was the third time 
9 



J 30 - THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the governor had been married. Thus it may be seen, that the governor 
was a firm believer in wives as well as slaves. Commonly he was regarded 
as a man of wealth. William being an intelligent piece of property, his 
knowledge of the governor's rules and customs was quite complete, as he 
readily answered such questions as were propounded to him. In this way a 
great amount of interesting information was learned from AViUiam respect- 
ino- the governor, slaves, on the plantation, in the swamps, etc. The 
governor owned large plantations, and was interested in raising cotton, corn, 
and peas, and was also a practical planter. He was willing to trust neither 
overseers nor slaves any further than he could help. 

The governor and his wife were both equally severe towards them; would 
stint them shamefully in clothing and food, though they did not get flogged 
quite as often as some others on neighboring plantations. Frequently, the 
governor would be out on the plantation from early in the morning till 
noon, inspecting the operations of the overseers and slaves. 

In order to serve the governor, William had been separated from his wife 
by sale, which was the cause of his escape. He parted not with his com- 
panion willingly. At the time, however, he was promised that he should 
have some favors shown him;— could make over-work, and earn a little 
money, and once or twice in the year, have the opportunity of making visits 
to her Two hundred miles was the distance between them. 

He had not been long on the governor's plantation before his honor gave 
him distinctly to understand that the idea of his going two hundred miles 
to see his wife was all nonsense, and entirely out of the question. "If I said 
so I did not mean it," said his honor, when the slave, on a certain occasion, 
alluded to the conditions on which he consented to leave home, etc, 

Ac^ainst this cruel decision of the governor, William's heart revolted for 
he w"as warmly attached to his wife, and so he made up his mind, if he 
could not see her "once or twice a year even," as he had been promised, he 
had rather "die," or live in a "cave in the wood," than to remain all his 
life under the governor's yoke. Obeying the dictates of his feelings, he went 
to the woods. For ten months before he was successful in finding the Under- 
ground Road, this brave-hearted young fugitive abode in the swamps-three 
montlis in a cave-surrounded with bears, wild cats, rattle-snakes and the ike. 
While in the swamps and cave, he was not troubled, however, about 
ferocious animals and venomous reptiles. He feared only man ! 

From his own story there was no escaping the conclusion, that if the choice 
had been left to him, he would have preferred at any time to have encoun- 
tered at the mouth of his cave a ferocious bear than his master, the 
governor of North Carolina. How he managed to subsist, and ultnnatdy 
effected his escvpc'was listened to with the deepest interest, though the 
recital of these incidents must here be very brief. ^ 

After night he would come out of bis cave, and, in some mstances, would 



WILLIAM JORDOK 



131 



succeed in making his way to a plantation, and if he could get nothing- else 
he would help himself to a " pig," or anything else he could conveniently 
convert into food. Also, as opportunity would offer, a friend of his would 
favor him with some meal, etc. With this mode of living he labored to 
content himself until he could do better. During these ten months he 
suffered indescribable hardships, but he felt that his condition in tlie cave 
was far preferable to that on the plantation, under the control of his Excel- 
lency, the Governor. All this time, however, William had a true friend, 
with whom he could communicate; one who was wide awake, and was on 
the alert to find a reliable captain from the North, who would consent 
to take this " property," or " freight," for a consideration. He heard at 
last of a certain Captain, who was then doing quite a successful business 
in an Underground way. This good news was conveyed to William, and 
afforded him a ray of hope in the wilderness. As Providence would have 
it, his hope did not meet with disappointment ; nor did his ten months' 
trial, warring against the barbarism of Slavery, seem too great to endure for 
Freedom. He was about to leave his cave and his animal and rej^tile 
neighbors, — his heart swelling with gladness, — but the thought of soon being 
beyond the reach of his mistress and master thrilled him with inexpressible 
delight. He was brought away by Captain F., and turned over to the 
Committee, who were made to rejoice with him over the signal victory he 
had gained in his martyr-like endeavors to throw off the yoke, and of course 
they took much pleasure in aiding him. William was of a dark color, 
stout made physically, and well knew the value of Freedom, and how to 
hate and combat Slavery. It will be seen by the appended letter of Thomas 
Garrett, that William had the good luck to fall into the hands of this tried 
friend, by whom he was aided to Philadelphia : 

Wilmington, 12th mo., 19th, 1855. 
Dear Friend, William Still :— The bearer of this is one of the twenty-one that I 
thought had all gone North ; he left home on Christmas day, one year since, wandered 
about the forests of North Carolina for about ten months, and then came here with those 
forwarded to New Bedford, where he is anxious to go. I have furnished him with a 
pretty good pair of boots, and gave him money to pay his passage to Philadelphia. He 
has been at work in the country near here for some three weeks,! till taken sick ; he is, by 
no means, well, but thinks he had better try to get further North; which I hope his friends 
in Philadelphia will aid him to do. I handed this morning Captain Lambson's* wife 
twenty dollars to help fee a lawyer to defend him. She leaves this morning, with her 
child, for Norfolk, to be at the trial before the Commissioner on the 24th instant. Pass- 
more Williamson agreed to raise fifty dollars for him. As none came to hand, and a good 
chance to send it by his wife, 1 thought best to advance that much. 

Thy friend, Thos. Garrett. 

* Captain Lambson had been suspectea of having aided in the escape of slaves from the neighbor- 
hood of Norfolk, and was in prison awaiting his trial. 



132 TIIE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. 

TWO PASSENGERS ON THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, VIA LIVERPOOL. 

It is to be regretted that, owing to circumstances, the account of these 
persons has not been fully preserved. Could justice Ixj done them, pro1)ably 
their narratives would not be surpassed in interest by any other in the history 
of fugitives. In 1857, when those remarkable travelers came under the 
notice of the Vigilance Committee, as Slavery seemed likely to last for 
generations, and tljerc was but little expectation that these records would 
ever have the historical value which they now possess, care was not always 
taken to prepare and preserve them. Besides, the cases coming under the 
notice of the Committee, were so numerous and so interesting, that it 
seemed almost impossible to do them anything like justice. In many instances 
the rapt attention paid by friends, when listening to the sad recitals of such 
passengers, would unavoidably consume so much time that but little oj)por- 
tunity was afibrded to make any record of them. Particularly was this the 
case with regard to the above-menticmed individuals. The story of each 
was so long and sad, that a member of the Committee in attempting to write 
it out, found that the two narratives would take volumes. That all traces, 
of these heroes might not be lost, a mere fragment is all that was preserved. 

The original names of these adventurers, were Joseph Grant and John 
Speaks. Between two and three years before escaping, they were sold from 
Maryland to John B. Campbell a negro trader, living in Baltimore, and 
thence to Campbell's brother, another trader in New Orleans, and subse- 
quently to Daniel McBeans and Mr. Henry, of Harrison county, Mississippi. 

Though both had to pass through nearly the same trial, and belonged to 
the same masters, this recital must be confined chiefly to the incidents in 
the career of Joseph. He was about twenty-seven years of age, well made, 
quite black, intelligent and self-possessed in his manner. 

He was owned in Maryland by Mrs. Mary Gibson, who resided at St. 
Michael's on the Eastern Shore. She was a nice virmian lie said, but her 
property was under mortgage and had to be sold, and he was in danger of 
sharing the same fate. 

Joseph was a married man, and spoke tenderly of his wife. She "pro- 
mised" him wh(Mi he was sold that she would " never marry," and earnestly 
entreated him, if ho " ever met with the luck, to come and see her." She 
was unaware perhaps at that time of the grcjit distance tliat was to divide 
them ; his feelings on being thus sundered need not be stated. Jlowever, he 
had scarcely been in Mississippi three weeks, ere his desire to return to his 
wife, and the place of his nativity constrained him to attempt to return; 



JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. 133 

accordingly he set oif, crossing a lake eighty miles wide in a small boat, he 
reached Kent Island. There he was captured by the watchman on the Is- 
land, who witii pistolSf dirk and cutlass in hand, threatened if he resisted that 
death would be his instant doom. Of course he was returned to his master. 

He remained there a few months, but could content himself no longer to 
endure the ills of his condition. So he again started for home, walked to 
Mobile, and thence he succeeded in stowing himself away in a steamboat 
and was thus conveyed to Montgomery, a distance of five hundred and 
fifty miles through solid slave territory. Again he was captured and re- 
turned to his owners ; one of whom always went for immediate punishment, 
the other being mild thought persuasion the better plan in such cases. 
On the whole, Joseph thus far had been pretty fortunate, considering the 
magnitude of his offence. 

A third time he summoned courage and steered his course homewards 
towards Maryland, but as in the preceding attempts, he was again unsuc- 
cessful. 

In this instance Mr. Henry, the harsh owner, was exasperated, and the 
mild one's patience so exhausted that they concluded that nothing short of 
stern measures would cause Joe to reform. Said Mr. Henry; "i had rather 
lose my right arm than for him to get off without being punished, after having 
put us to so much trouble." 

Joseph will now speak for himself. 

" He (master) sent the overseer to tie me. I told him I would not be 
tied. I ran and stayed away four days, which made Mr. Henry very 
anxious. Mr. Beans told the servants if they saw me, to tell me to come 
back and I should not be hurt. Thinking that Mr. Beans had always 
stood to his word, I was over persuaded and came back. He sent for me 
in his parlor, talked the matter over, sent me to the steamboat (perhaps the 
one he tried to escape on.) After getting cleverly on board the captain told 
me, I am sorry to tell you, you have to be tied. I was tied and Mr. Henry 
was sent for. He came ; ' Well, I have got you at last, beg my pardon 
and promise you will never run away again and I will not be so hard on 
you.' I could not do it. He then gave me three hundred lashes well laid on. 
I was stripped entirely naked, and my flesh was as raw as a piece of beef. 
He made John (the companion who escaped with him) hold one of my feet 
which I broke loose while being whipped, and when done made him bathe 
me in salt and water. 

"Then I resolved to *go or die ' in the attempt. Before starting, one 
week, I could not work. On getting better we went to Ship Island ; the 
sailors, who were Englishmen, were very sorry to hear of the treatment we 
had received, and counselled us how we might get free." 

The counsel was heeded, and in due time they found themselves in Liver- 
pool. There their stay was brief. Utterly destitute of money, education, 



134 THE rXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

and in a strange land, they very naturally turned their eyes again in the 
direction of theFr native land. Accordingly their host, the keeper ofa sailor's 
boarding-house, shipped them to Philadelphia. 

But to go back, Joseph saw many things in New Orleans and Mississippi 
ofa nature too horrible to relate, among which were the following: 

I have seen Mr. Beans whip one of his slaves to death, at the tree to 

which he was tied. 

Mr. Henrv would make them lie down across a log, stripped naked, and 
with every stroke would lay the flesh open. Being used to it, some would 
lie on the log without being tied. 

In New Orleans, I have seen women stretched out just as naked as my 
hand, on boxes, and given one hundred and fifty lashes, four men hold- 
ing them. I have helped hold them myself: when released they could 
hardly sit or walk. This whipping was at the " Fancy House." 

The "chain-gangs" he also saw in constant operation. Four and five 
slaves chained together and at work on the streets, cleaning, &c., was a com- 
mon sight. He could hardly tell Sunday from Monday in New Orleans, 
the slaves were kept so constantly going. 




WILLIAM N. TAYLOR. 

OVE Hundred Dollars REWARD.-Ran away from Richmond City 
on Tuesday, the 2d of June, a negro man named Wii. X. Tatloe, belongmg 
to Mrs. Margaret Tyler of Hanover county . •. vi u ^f r,.n 

Paid neero was hired to Fitzhugh Mayo, Tobacconist ; is quite black, of gen- 
teel and e"asy manners, about five feet ten or eleven inches high, has one front 
4<, tooth broken, and is about 35 years old. i j i^ a^ 

^ He is supposed either to have made his escape North, or attempted to do 
„.,. The above reward will be paid for his delivery to Messrs. Hill and Rawlings, in 
Richmond, or secured in jail, so that I get hira again. _ , . .. , rp ,^^ 

' Jas G. Tylee, Trustee for Margaret Tyler. 

June 8th &c2t- - Richmond Enquirer, June 9, 57. 

William unquestionably possessed a fair share of common sense, and just 
enough distaste to Slavery to arouse him most resolutely to seek his free- 
dom. . , 
The advertisement of James G. Tyler was not altogether accurate with 
rc-ard to his description of William ; but notwithstanding, in handing 
AVilliam down to posterity, the description of Tyler has been adopted in- 
stead of the one engrossed in the records by the Committee. But as a 
simple matter of fair plav, it seems fitting, that the description given by 
William, while on the Underground Hail Road, of his master, &c., should 

come in just here. ,. -nr i^ tt t i 

William acknowledged that he was the property of Walter H. lyler, 
brother of Ex-President Tyler, who was described as folloAvs : " He 
(ma.ster) was about sixty-five years of age; was a barbarous man, ver>' in- 



JACOB WATERS AND ALFRED GOULD EK 135 

temperate, horse racer, chicken-cock fighter and gambler. He had owned 
as high as forty head of slaves, but he had gambled them all away. lie was 
a doctor, circulated high amongst southerners, though he never lived 
agreeably with his wife, would curse her and call her all kinds of names 
that he should not call a lady. From a boy of nine up to the time I was 
fifteen or sixteen, I don't reckon he whipped me less than a hundred times. 
He shot at me once with a double-barrelled gun. 

" What made me leave was because I worked for him all my life-time 
and he never gave me but two dollars and fifteen cents in all his life. I 
was hired out this year for two hundred dollars, but when I would go to 
him to make complaints of hard treatment from the man I was hired to, he 
would say : " G — d d n it, don't come to me, all I want is my money." 

Mr. Tyler was a thin raw-boned man, with a long nose, the picture of the 
president. His wife was a tolerably well-disposed woman in some instances 
— she was a tall, thin-visaged woman, and stood high in the community. 
Through her I fell into the hands of Tyler. At present she owns about 
fifty slaves. His own slaves, spoken of as having been gambled away, 
came by his father — he has been married the second time." 

Twice William had been sold and bought in, on account of his master's 
creditors, and for many months had been expecting to be sold again, to meet 
pressing claims in the hands of the sheriff against Tyler. Hs, by the way, 
"now lives in Hanover county, about eighteen miles from Richmond, and 
for fear of the sheriff, makes himself very scarce in that city." 

At fourteen years of age, William was sold for eight hundred dollars ; he 
would have brought in 1857, probably twelve hundred and fifty dollars; he 
was a member of the Baptist Church in good and regular standing. 



LOUISA BROWN. 



Louisa is a good-looking, well-grown, intelligent mulatto girl of sixteen 
years of age, and was owned by a widow woman of Baltimore, Md. To 
keep from being sold, she was prompted to try her fortune on the U. G. R. R,, 
for Freedom in Canada, under the protection of the British Lion. 



JACOB WATERS and ALFRED GOULDEN. 

Jacob is twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, medium size, and 
of prepossessing manners. Fled from near Frederick, Md., from the clutches 
of a farmer by the name of William Dorsey, who was described as a severe 



136 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

master, and had sold two of Jacob's sisters, South, only three years prior to 
his escape. Jacob left three brothers in chains. 

Alfred is twenty-three years of age, in stature quite small, full black, and 
bears the marks of ill usage. Though a member of the Methodist Church, 
his master, Fletcher Jackson, " thought nothing of taking the shovel to 
Alfred's head ; or of knocking him, and stamping his head wdth the heels of 
his boots." Repeatedly, of late, he had been shockingly beaten. To escape 
those terrible visitations, therefore, he made up his mind to seek a refuge in 
Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE. 

JEFFERSON PIPKINS, ALIAS DAVID JONES, LOUISA PIPKINS, ELIZABETH BRIT, HAR- 
RIET BROWN, ALIAS JANE WOOTON, GRACY MURRY, ALIAS SOPHIA SIMS, 
EDWARE WILLIAMS, ALIAS HENRY JOHNSON, CHAS. LEE, ALIAS 
THOMAS BUSHIER. 

Six very clever-looking passengers, all in one party from Baltimore, Md., 
the first Sunday in April, 1853. Baltimore used to be in the days of 
Slavery one of the most difficult places in the South for even free colored 
people to get away from, much more for slaves. The rule forbade any 
colored person leaving there by rail road or steamboat, wdthout such applicant 
had been weighed, measured, and then given a bond signed by unquestionable 
signatures, well known. Baltimore was rigid in the extreme, and was a 
never-foiling source of annoyance, trouble and expense to colored people 
generally, and not unfrcquently to slave-holders too, when they were travel- 
ing North with " colored servants." Just as they were ready to start, the 
" Rules " would forbid colored servants until the law was complied with. 
Parties hurrying on would on account of this obstruction " have to wait until 
their hurry was over." As this was all done in the interest of Slavery, the 
matter was not very loudly condemned. But, notwithstanding all this 
weighing, measuring and requiring of bonds, many travelers by the Under- 
ground Rail Road took passage from Baltimore. 

The enterprising individual, whose name stands at the head of this nar- 
rative, came directly from this stronghold of Slavery. The widow Ripkins 
held the title deed for Jefferson. She was unfortunate in losing him, as 
she was living in ease and luxury oflf of Jefferson's sweat and labor. Louisa, 
Harriet and Grace owed service to Geo. Stewart of Baltimore ; Edward was 
owned by Chas. Moondo, and Chas. Lee by the above Stewart. 

Those who would have taken this party for stupid, or for know-nothings, 
would have found themselves very much mistaken. Indeed they were far 
from being dull or sleepy on the subject of Slaveiy at any rate. They had 
considered pretty thoroughly how wrongfully they, with all othere in similar 
circumstances, had been year in and year out subjected to unrequited tod so 



SE VERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT FLA CES. 137 

resolved to leave masters and mistresses to shift for themselves, while they 
would try their fortunes in Canada. 

Four of the party ranged in age from twenty to twenty-eight years of 
age, and the other two from thirty-seven to forty. The Committee on 
whom they called, rendered them due aid and advice, and forwarded them to 
the Committee in New York. 

The following letter from Jefferson, appealing for assistance on behalf of 
his children in Slavery, was peculiarly touching, as were all similar letters. 
But the mournful thought that these appeals, sighs, tears and prayers would 
continue in most cases to be made till death, that nothing could be done 
directly for the deliverance of such sufferers was often as painful as the 
escape from the auction block was gratifying. 

LETTER FROM JEFFERSON PIPKINS. 

Sept. 28, 1856. 
To Wm. Still. Sir : — I take the liberty of writing to you a few lines concerning my 
children, for I am very anxious to get them and I wish you to please try what you can 
do for me. Their names are Charles and Patrick and are living with Mrs. Joseph G. 
"Wray Murphysborough Hartford county, North Carolma; Emma lives with a Lawyer 
Baker in Gatesville North Carolina and Susan lives in Portsmouth Virginia and is stop- 
ping with Dr. Collins sister a Mrs. Nash you can find her out by enquiring for Dr. Collins 
at the ferry boat at Portsmouth, and Rose a coloured woman at the Crawford House can 
tell where she is. And I trust you will try what you think will be the best way. And 
you will do me a great favour. Yours Respectfully, Jefferson Pipkins. 

P. S. I am living at Yorkville near Toronto Canada West. My wife sends her best re- 
spects to Mrs. Still. 



SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. 

In order to economize time and space, with a view to giving an account 
of as many of the travelers as possible, it seems expedient, where a number of 
arrivals come in close proximity to each other, to report them briefly, under 
one head. 

Henry Anderson, alias "William Anderson. In outward appear- 
ance Henry was uninteresting. As he asserted, and as his appearance indi- 
cated, he had experienced a large share of " rugged " usage. Being far in 
the South, and in the hands of a brutal " Captain of a small boat," chances 
of freedom or of moderate treatment, had rarely ever presented themselves 
in any aspect. On the 3d of the preceding March he was sold to a negro 
trader — the thought of having to live under a trader was so terrible, he 
was moved to escape, leaving his wife, to whom he had only been married 
three months. Henry was twenty-five years of age, quite black and a little 
below the medium size. 

He fled from Beaufort, North Carolina. The system of slavery in all 



138 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the region of country whence Henry came, exhibited generally great bru- 
tality and cruelty. 

Charles Congo and wife, Margaret. Charles and his wife were 
fortunate in managing to flee together. Their attachment to each other 
was evidently true. They were both owned by a farmer, who went by the 
name of David Stewart, and resided in Maryland. As Charles' owner did 
not require their services at home, as he had more of that kind of stock than 
he had use for — he hired them out to another farmer — Charles for $105 
per annum; how much for the wife they could not tell. She, however, 
was not blessed with good health, though she was not favored any more 
on that account. Charles' affection for his wife, on seeing how hard she 
had to labor when not well, aroused him to seek their freedom by flight. 
He resolved to spare no pains, to give himself no rest until they were both 
free. Accordingly the Underground Rail Road was sought and found. 
Charles was twenty-eight, with a good head and striking face, as well as 
otherwise well made; chestnut color and intelligent, though unable to read. 
Left two sisters in bondage. Margaret was about the same age as her 
husband, a nice-looking brown-skinned woman ; worth $500. Charles was 
valued at $1200. 

The atmosphere throughout the neighborhood where Charles and IMar- 
garet had lived and breathed, and had their existence, was heavily oppressed 
with slavery. No education for the freeman of color, much less for the 
slave. The order of the day was literally, as far as colored men were con- 
cerned : " No rights which white men were bound to respect." 

Chaskey Brown, Wm. Henry Washington, James Alfred Frisley, and 
Charles Henry Salter. Chaskey is about twenty-four years of age, quite 
black, medium size, sound body and intelligent appearance, nevertheless he 
resembled a " farm hand " in every particular. His master was known by 
the name of Major James H. Gales, and he was the owner of a farm with 
eighteen men, women and children, slaves to toil for him. The Major in 
disposition was very abusive and profane, though old and grey-headed. 
His wife was pretty much the same kind of a woman as he was a man ; one 
who delighted in making the slaves tremble at her bidding. Chaskey was 
a member of the " Still Pond church," of Kent county, Md. Often Chaskey 
was made to feel the lash on his back, notwithstanding his good standing in 
the church. He had a wife and one child. In escaping, he was obliged to 
leave them both. Chaskey was valued at $1200. 

"William Henry was about 20 years of age, and belonged to Doctor 
B. Crain, of Baltimore, who hired him out to a farmer. Not relishing the 
idea of having to work all his life in bondage, destitute of all privileges, 
he resolved to seek a refuge in Canada. He left his mother, four sisters and 
two brothers. 

James is twenty-four years of age, well made, quite black and pretty 



SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. 139 

I 
shrewd. He too was unable to see how it was that he should be worked, and 

flogged, and sold, at the [)leasure of his master and " getting nothing ;" he 
" had rather work for himself." His master was a " speckled-faced — pretty 
large stomach man, but was not very abuseful." He only owned one other. 
V Charles Henry is about thirty years of age, of good proportion, nice- 
looking and intelligent ; but to rough usage he was no stranger. To select 
his own master was a privilege not allowed; privileges of all kinds were 
rare with him. So he resolved to flee. Left his mother, three sisters and 

I five brothers in slavery. He was a member of "Albany Chapel," at Mas- 
sey's Cross Koads, and a slave of Dr. B. Crain. Charles left his wife Anna, 
living near the head of Sassafras, Md. The separation was painful, as was 
everything belonging to the system of Slavery. 

I These were all gladly received by the Vigilance Committee, and the hand 
of friendship warmly extended to them ; and the best of counsel and en- 
couragement was offered ; material aid, food and clothing were also furnished 
as they had need, and they were sent on their way rejoicing to Canada. 

Stephen Taylor, Charles Brown, Charles Henry Hollis, and Luther 
Dorsey. Stephen was a fine young man, of twenty years of age ; he 

\ fled to keep from being sold. He " supposed his master wanted money." 
His master was a " tall, spare-faced man, with long whiskers, very wicked 
and very quick-tempered," and was known by the name of James Smithen, 
of Sandy Hook, Harford county, Md. His wife was also a very "close 
woman." They had four children growing up to occupy their places as op- 
pressors. Stephen was not satisfied to serve either old or young masters any 
longer, and made up his mind to leave the first opportunity. Before this 
watchful and resolute purpose the way opened, and he soon found it compa- 
ratively easy to find his way from Maryland to Pennsylvania, and likewise 
into the hands of the Vigilance Committee, to whom he made known fully 
the character of the place and people whence he had fled, the dangers he 
was exposed to from slave-hunters, and the strong hope he cherished of 
reaching free land soon. Being a young man of promise, Stephen was ad- 
vised earnestly to apply liis mind to seek an education, and to use every 
possible endeavor to raise himself in the scale of manhood, morally, reli- 
giously and intellectually ; and he seemed to drink in the admonitions thus 
given with a relish. After recruiting, and all necessary arrangements had 
been made for his comfort and passage to Canada, he was duly forwarded. 
"One more slave-holder is minus another slave worth at least $1200, which 
is something to rejoice over," said Committee. Stephen's parents were dead; 
one brother was the only near relative he left in chains. 

Charles Brown was about twenty-five years of age, quite black, and 
bore the marks of having been used hard, though his stout and hearty 
appearance would have rendered him very desirable to a trader. He fled 
from "William Wheeling, of Sandy Hook, Md. He spoke of his master as 



140 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

a " pretty bad man/' who was " always quarreling," and " would drink, 
swear and lie." Left simply because he " never got anything for his labor." 
On taking his departure for Canada, he was called upon to bid adieu to his 
mother and three brothers, all under the yoke. His master he describes 
thus — 

"His face was long, cheek-bones high, middling tall, and about twenty-six 
years of age." With this specimen of humanity, Charles was very mucili 
dissatisfied, and he made up his mind not to stand the burdens of Slavery a 
day longer than he could safely make his way to the North. And in making 
an effort to reach Canada, he was quite willing to suffer many things. So 
the first chance Charles got, he started, and Providence smiled upon his 
resolution ; he found himself a joyful passenger on the Underground Rail 
Road, being entertained free, and receiving attentions from the Company all 
along the line through to her British Majesty's boundlessly free territory 
in the Canadas. 

True, the thought of his mother and brothers, left in the prison house, 
largely marred his joy, as it did also the Committee's, still the Committee 
felt that Charles had gained his Freedom honorably, and at the same time, 
had left his master a poorer, if not a wiser man, by at least $1200. 

Charles Henry was a good-looking young man, only twenty years 
of age, and appeared to possess double as nmch natural sense as he would 
require to take care of himself. John Webster of Sandy Hook, claimed 
Charles' time, body and mind, and this was what made Charles unhappy. 
Uneducated as he was, he was too sensible to believe that Webster had any 
God-given right to his manhood. Consequently, he left because his master 
"did not treat him right." Webster was a tall man, with large black 
whiskers, about forty years of age, and owned Charles' two sisters. Charles 
was sorry for the fate of his sisters, but he could not help them if he re- 
mained. Staying to wear the yoke, he felt would rather make it worse 
instead of better for all concerned. 

Luther Dorset is about nineteen years of age, rather smart, black, 
■well made and well calculated for a Canadian. He was prompted to escape 
purely from the desire to be "//'ge." He fled from a " very insulting 
man," by the name of Edward Schriner, from the neighborhood of Sairs- 
ville Mills, Frederick Co., Md. This Schriner was described as a " low 
chunky man, with grum look, big mouth, etc.," and was a member of the 
German Reformed Church. " Don't swear, though might as well ; he was 
so bad other ways." 

Luther was a member of the Methodist church at Jones Hill. Left 
his father in chains ; his mother had wisely escaped to Canada years back, 
when he was but a boy. Where she was then, he could not tell, but hoped 
to meet her in Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 141 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 

JEREMIAH W. SMITH AND WIFE JULIA. 

Richmond was a city noted for its activity and enterprise in slave trade. 
Several slave pens and prisons were constantly kept up to accommodate the 
trade. And slave auctions were as common in Richmond as dress goods 
auctions in Philadelphia ; notwithstanding this fact, strange as it may 
seem, the Underground Rail Road brought away large numbers of passen- 
gers from Richmond, Petersburg and Norfolk, and not a few of them lived 
comparatively within a hair's breadth of the auction block. Many of those 
from these localities were amongst the most intelligent and respectable 
slaves in the South, and except at times when disheartened by some grave 
disaster which had befallen the road, as, for instance, when some friendly 
captain or conductor was discovered in aiding fugitives, many of the thinking 
bondmen were daily manceuvering and watching for opportunities to escape 
or aid their friends so to do. This state of things of course made the 
naturally hot blood of Virginians fairly boil. They had preached long and 
loudly about the contented and happy condition of the slaves, — that the 
chief end of the black man was to worship and serve the white man, with 
joy and delight, with more willingness and obedience indeed than he would 
be expected to serve his Maker. So the slave-holders were utterly at a 
loss to account for the unnatural desire on the part of the slaves to escape to 
the North where they affirmed they would be far less happy in freedom than 
in the hands of those so " kind and indulgent towards them." Despite all 
this, daily the disposition increased, with the more intelligent slaves, to dis- 
trust the statements of their masters especially when they spoke against the 
North. For instance if the master was heard to curse Boston the slave was 
then satisfied that Boston was just the place he would like to go to; or if 
the master told the slave that the blacks in Canada were freezing and starv- 
ing to death by hundreds, his hope of trying to reach Canada was made ten- 
fold stronger ; he was willing to risk all the starving and freezing that the 
country could afford ; his eagerness to find a conductor then would become 
almost painful. 

The situations of Jeremiah and Julia Smith, however, were not considered 
very hard, indeed they had fared rather better than most slaves in Virginia, 
nevertheless it will be seen that they desired to better their condition, to 
keep oif of the auction-block at least. Jeremiah could claim to have no 
mixture in his blood, as his color was of such a pure black ; but with the 
way of the world, in respect to shrewdness and intelligence, he had evidently 
been actively conversant. He was about twenty-six years of age, and in 
stature only medium, with poor health. 

The name of James Kinnard, whom he was obliged to call master and 
serve, was disgusting to him. Kinnard, he said, was a "close and severe 



5.J0 TirE VNDERnnOUND RAIL ROAD. 

mail." At thn H:imo tiino lie was not oonsidciv.l by the coiiimnnlly "a lianl 
mail." From tlio ago of liftcrn yonrs Jcirmiali had been lined oiil, for 
which his owner had received from |50 to $130 per ai.mim. In coiihc- 
.inciicc of his maHtcr'H (inntom of thiiH IctliiiK' «ut Jeremiah, the master had 
avoided <ioel(>r.s' hills, ttc. For the hi-st two years prior to his escape, how- 
ever, .Icicmiah's health had been very treacherous, in eonsequenec of whi<li 
(!„" master had been compelled to receive only !|.50 a year, nick or well. 
About (.lie moiilh befon; .leiTiiiiah left, he was to have been taken on his 
master's farm, with the hope that he could be made more prolitable there 
(hail III' was in beiii-j; hired out. 

Jlis owiita- had (houj^dit once of HeHin}r him, perhaps fearin^r that derc- 
miah mi^^ht unluckily die on his hands. So lu; put him in iirison and 
advertised ; but as he had the asthma pretty badly at that time, he was not 
Baleal>le, (he traders even dec^lined U) buy him. 

AVhil(! these troubles were presentiii};- themselves (o .Jeremiah, .Iiilia, 
his wife, was still more seriously involved, which added to Jeremiah's jx-r- 
plexities, of <'ourse. 

Julia was of a dark brown color, of medium si/e, and thirty years of af^^o. 
F<.urteen years she had been the slave ol" A. Jndson Oane, ami under him 
nhe had peilbniie.! (Ik- duties of nurse, <rhamber-maid, etc., "faithfully and 
salisfieti.rily," as (he certideate furnished her by this owner wi(ness(>d. She 
actually posscssin<r a certiliea(<', which he, Crane, pave her to enable her to 
lliid a new master, as she was then alx.ut, to lie sold. Her master had <x- 
perienced a failure in buHiuess. This was (he reason why she was (o be sold. 
ISlrs. Crane, her mistress, had always pnomised Julia that she should be 
free at her death. liu(, unexpectedly, as Mrs. C^rane was on her Journey 
home from Cape; May, where slu^ had been f.r her health (he summer before 
Julia escaped, she died Huddenly in riiiladelphia. Julia, however, had been 
s..ld twice before her mistress' death ; om-e to (he (rader, Reed, and afterwards 
(,» John iM-eelnnd, and anain was on (he eve of beiii«;- sold. Frceland, her 
last owner, tlion,<;ht she was uuhapi)y beiiiuise Hhe was denied the privilc<;e 
(if ^oini; liom(> (J' ni-hts (o her husband, instead of bein<>; on hand at the 
beck and call of her master and mistress day and ni^dit. So the very day 
Jnlia and her liusbau<l csca|.e»l, arran.;enu<n(s had been made to put h(!r up 
at auction a (hinl (ime. Hut both -lulia aii<l her husband had seen enough 
of Slavery to leave no room to Ik.jx' ihul they could ever find peace or rest 
so lonjr as th.'y remained. So there and (hen, they resolved to strike for 
Canada, via (he Undcrf^aouiid Kail Koad. ]5y a little good management, 
berths were pn.enred for them on one of the Kiehmoiid slcamcrs (beidis 
not Known to lli.' olfu-ers of the boat), and (lu^y were safely kmded in the 
haiKls of the \'igilance Committee, and a most agreeable interview was 

' The CommKtee extended to them the usual hospi(alitles, in the way of 



EIGHT ARRIVALS. I43 

boarrl, accommoflations, and free tickets Canadaward, and wished thera 
a safe and speedy passage. The passengers departed, exceedingly light- 
hearted, Feb. 1, 1854. 



EIGHT ARRIVALS : 

JAMES MARSEY, PERRY HENRY TRUSTY, GEORGE RIIOADS, JAMES RIfOA/jS, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, SARAH ELIZABETH RHOADS AND CHILD, 

MARY ELIZABETH STEVENSON. 

Doubtless there was a sensation in " the carnp," wlien tliis gang was found 
missing. 

I James was a likely-looking young rnan of twenty years of age, dark, 
tall, and sensible; and worth, if we may judge, about ^1,000. ila was 

. owned by a farmer narnr;d James Pittman, a " crabid kind of a man," grey- 

I; headed, with a broken leg; drank very hard, at which times he would swear 
that he would " sell them all to Georgia;" this thrr^at was always unpleasant 
to the ears of James, but it seemerl U) be a satisfaction to the mast^^r. Fear- 
ing that it would be put into execution, James thought he hafl better let no 
time be lost in getting on towards Canada, though he was entitled to his 
Freedom at the age of twenty-five. Left his father, four brothers and two 
sisters. Also left hLs wife, to whom he had been married the previous 
Christmas. 

Ilis master's further stock of slaves consisted of two women, a young 
man and a child. The name of his old mistress was Amelia. iShe was 
" right nice," James admitted. One of Jarnes' brothers had been sold to 

, Gwrgia by Pittman, although he was also entitled to his Free<lom at the 

j age of twenty-five. 

|| His near relatives left in bondage lived near Level Square, Queen Ann'g 

I county, Maryland. His wife's name was Henrietta. "She was free." 

Interesting letter from Jarnes Massey ta his wife. It was forwarded to 
the wjrre,sponding secretary, to be sent to her, but no opportunity was 

I afforded so to do, safely. 

St. Catharines, C. W., April 24, 18o7. 
Di;ap. Wife— I take this opertunity to inforra you that I have Arive in St. Catharines 
this Eving, After Jomey of too weeks, and now find rnysilf on free ground and wish that 
you was here with me But you are not here, when we parted I did not know that I 
should come away so soon an I did, But for that of causin you pain I left as I di^l, I hope 
that you will try to come. But if you cannot, write to me as soon as you can and tell 
me all that you can But dont be Desscure^lged 1 was sor,- to leave you, and I could not 
help It for you know that I promest see you to sister, But I was persuaded By Another 
man go part with it grived mutch, you must not think that I did not care for you. I 
cannot tell how I come, for I was some times on the earth and some times under the 
earth Do not Bee afraid to come But start and keep trying, if you are afrid fitch your 
tow Bister with you for compeny and I will take care of you and treat you like a lady bo 



144 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

long as you live. The talk of cold in this place is all a humbug, it is wormer here than it 
was there when I left, your father and mother has allwaya treated me like their own child 
I have no fault to find in them. I send my Respects to them Both and I hope that they 
will remember me in Prayer, if you make a start come to Philidelpa tell father and 
mother that I am safe and hope that they will not morn after me I shall ever Remember 
them. Ko more at present But yours in Body and mind, and if we no meet on Earth I 
hope that we shall meet in heven. Your husbern. Good night. 

Jame Masey. 

Perry was about thirty-one years of age, round-made, of dark complex- 
ion, and looked quite gratified with his expedition, and the prospect of 
becoming a British subject instead of a Maryland slave. He was not free, 
however, from the sad thought of having left his wife and three children in 
the " jjriaon house,'^ nor of the fact that his own dear mother was brutally 
stabbed to the heart with a butcher knife by her young master, while he 
(Perry) was a babe; nor of a more recent tragedy by which a fellow-ser- 
vant, only a short while before he fled, was also murdered by a stab in the 
groin from another young master. " Powerful bad " treatment, and " no 
pay," was the only reward poor Perry had ever received for his life services. 
Perry could only remember his liaving received from his master, in all, 
eleven cents. Left a brother and sister in Slavery. Perry was worth 
$1200 perhaps. 

Perry was compelled to leave his wife and three children — namely, 
Hannah (wife). Perry Henry, William Thomas and Alexander, who were 
owned by John McGuire, of Caroline county, ISIaryland. Perry was a 
fellow-servant of James Massey, and was held by the same owner who held 
James. It is but just, to say, that it was not in the Pittman family that his 
mother and his fellow-servant had been so barbarously murdered. These 
occurrences took place before they came into the hands of Pittman. 

The provocation for which his fellow-servant was killed, was said to be 
very trifling. In a moment of rage, his young master, John Piper, plunged 
the blade of a small knife into Perry's groin, which resulted in his death 
twenty-six hours afterwards. For one day only the young master kept him- 
self concealed, then he came forward and said he " did it in self-defense," 
and there the matter ended. The half wall never be told of the barbarism 
of Slavery. 

Perry's letter subjoined, explains where he went, and how his mind was 
occupied with thoughts of his wife, children and friends. 

St. Catharines, C. W. June 21, 1857. 

Dear Sir.— I take this opportunity to inform you that I am well at present, and hope 
that these few lines may find you injoying the same Blessing, I have Been for some 
time now, But have not written to you Before, But you must Excuse me. I want you to 
give my Respects to all my inquiring friends and to my wife, I should have let you know 
But I was afraid and all three of my little cliildren too, P. H. Trusty if he was mine Wm. 
T. Trusty and to Alexander I have been A man agge But was assurd nuthin, H. Trusty, 
a hard grand citt. 1 should lie know how times is, Henry Turner if you get this keep it 



EIGHT ARRIVALS. 145 

and read it to yourself and not let any one else Bat yourself, tell ann Henry, Samuel 
Henry, Jacob Bryant, Wm Claton, Mr James at Almira Receved at Mr Jones house the 
Best I could I have Been healthy since I arrived here. My Best Respect to all and my 
thanks for past favours. No more at present But Remain youre obedented Servent &c. 

Heney Trusty. 
Please send me an answer as son as you get this, aijc^ oblige yours, 

Mr Trusty. 

George Rhoads 19 a young man of twenty- five years of age, chestnut 
color, face round, and hating Slavery heartily. He had come from 
under the control of John P. Dellum a farmer, and a crabbed master, who 
"would swear very much when crossed, and would drink moderately every 
day," except sometimes he would " take a spree^' and would then get pretty 
high. Withal he was a member of the Presbyterian church at Perry- 
ville, Maryland ; he was a single man and followed farming. Within the 
last two or three years, he had sold a man and woman; hence, George 
thought it was time to take warning. Accordingly he felt it to be his duty 
to try for Canada, via Underground Rail Road. As his master had always 
declared that if one run off, he would sell the rest to Georgia, George very 
wisely concluded that as an effort would have to be made, they had better 
leave their master with as " few as possible to be troubled with selling." 
Consequently, a consultation was had between the brothers, which resulted 
in the exit of a party of eight. The market price for George would be about 
$1400. A horrid example professed Christians set before the world, while 
holding slaves and upholding Slavery. 

James Rhoads, brother of George, was twenty-three years of age, 
medium size, dark color, intelligent and manly, and would doubtless have 
brought, in the Richmond market, $1700. Fortunately he brought his wife 
and child with him. James was also held by the same task-master who 
held George. Often had he been visited with severe stripes, and had borne 

I his full share of suffering from his master. 

I George Washington, one of the same party, was only about fifteen 

: years of age ; he was tall enough, however, to pass for a young man of 
twenty. George was of an excellent, fast, dark color. Of course, mentally 
he was undeveloped, nevertheless, possessed of enough mother-wit to make 
good his escape. In the slave market he might have been valued at $800. 

■ George was claimed as the lawful property of Benjamin Sylves — a Presby- 
terian, who owned besides, two men, three girls, and a boy. He was " toler- 
able good" sometimes, and sometimes "bad." Some of the slaves supposed 

' themselves to be on the eve of being emancipated about the time George 
left; but of this there was no certainty. George, however, was not among 
this hopeful number, consequently, he thought that he would start in time, 
and would be ready to shout for Freedom quite as soon as any other of his 
fellow-bondmen. George left a father and three sisters. Sarah Elizabeth 
Rhoads, wife of James Rhoads, was seventeen years of age, a tall, dark, 
10 



146 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

young woman, who had had no chances for mental improvement, except 
such as were usual on a farm, stocked wath slaves, where learning to read 
the Bible was against the "rules." Sarah was a young slave mother with a 
babe (of course a slave) only eiglit months old. She was regarded as having 
been exceedingly fortunate in having rescued herself and child from the 
horrid fate of slaves. 

Mary Elizabeth Stephenson is a promising-looking young woman, 
of twenty years of age, chestnut color, and well made. Hard treatment 
had been her lot. Left her mother, two sisters and four brothers in bond- 
age. \yorth 11100. 

Although these travelers were of the " field hand " class, who had never 
been perntitted to see much off of the farm, and had been deprived of hear- 
in- intelligent people talk, yet the spirit of Freedom, so natural to man, was 
oulte uppermost with all of them. The members of the Committee who saw 
them, were abundantly satisfied that these candidates for Canada would prove 
that thev were able to " take care of themselves." 

Their wants were attended to in the usual manner, and they were sent on 
their way rejoicing, the Committee feeling quite a deep interest in them. It 
looked like business to see so many passing over the lload. 



CHARLES THOISIPSON, 

CAERIEB OF "THE NATIONAL AMERICAN," OFF FOR CANADA. 

The subjoined "pass" was brought to the Underground Rail Road sta- 
tion in Philadelphia by Charles, and while it was interesting as throwuig 
li(rht upon his escape, it is important also as aspecimcn of the way the " pass || 
system was carried on in the dark days of Slavery in Virginia: 

" Nat. American Office, 

Richmond, July 20th, 1857. 

Permit Charles to pass and repass from this office to tb«;^^,f ^^^"^^^^ ^^^^h ^^rmvicK ■'' 
on Clay St.. near 11th, at any hour of the n.ght tor one month. \\ M. W. HAr.mviCK. 

It is a very short document, but it used to be very unsafe for a slave in \\ 
Richmond, or any other Southern city, to be found out in the evening 
without a le.al paper of this description. The penalties for being found un- 
prei)nred to face the police were fines, imprisonment and fioggnigs il.e 
satisfaction it seemed alwavs to afford these guardians of the city to find either 
males or females trespassing in this particular, was unmistakable. It gave 
them (the police) tlie opportunity to prove to those they served (slave- 
holders), that thev were the right men in the right place, guarding their in- 
terests. Then again they got the fine for pocket money, and likewise the 



CHARLES TIIOMPSOX. 147 

still greater pleasure of administering tiie flogging. \V'ho would want an 
office, if no opportunity should turn up wliereby proof could be adduced of 
adequate qualifications to meet emergencies? But Charles was too wide 
awake to be caught without his pass day or night. Consequently he hung 
on to it, even after starting on his voyage to Canada. He, however, will- 
ingly surrendered it to a member of the Committee at his special request. 

But in every way Charles was quite a remarkable man. It afforded the 
Committee great pleasure to make his acquaintance, and much practical and 
useful information was gathered from his story, which was felt to be trutliful. 

The Committee feeling' assured that this "chattel" must have been the 
subject of much inquiry and anxiety from the nature of his former position, 
as a prominent piece of property, as a member of the Baptist church, as 
taking ''first premiums" in making tobacco, and as a paper carrier in the 
National American office, felt called upon to note fully his movements before 
and after leaving Richmond. 

In stature he was medium size, color quite dark, hair long and bushy — 
rather of a raw-boned and rugged appearance, modest and self-possessed ; 
with much more intelligence than would be supposed from first observation. 
On his arrival, ere he had " shaken hands with the (British) Lion's paw," 
(which he was desirous of doing), or changed the habiliments in which he 
escaped, having listened to the recital of his thrilling tale, and wishing to get it 
word for word as it flowed naturally from his brave lips, at a late hour of the 
night a member of the Committee remarked to him, with pencil in hand, that 
he wanted to take down some account of his life. " Now," said he, "we shall 
have to be brief. Please answer as correctly as you can the following ques- 
tions :" " How old are you ?" " Thirty-two years old the 1st day of last 
June." "Were you born a slave?" " Yes." "How have you been treated?" 
" Badly all the time for the last twelve years." " What do you mean by 
being treated badly ?" " Have been whipped, and they never give me any- 
thing ; some people give their servants at Christmas a dollar and a half and 
two dollars, and some five, but my master would never give me anything." 
"What was the name of your master?" "Fleming Bibbs." "Where did 
he live?" " In Caroline county, fifty miles above Richmond." " What did 
he do?" " He was a farmer." " Did you ever live with him ?" "Never 
did ; always hired me out, and then I couldn't please him." " What kind of 
a man was he?" " A man with a very severe temper; would drink at all 
times, though would do it slyly." *' Was he a member of any church ?" 
" Baptist church — would curse at his servants as if he wern't in any 
church." "Were his family members of church, too?" "Yes." "What 
kind of family had he ?" "His wife was a tolerable fair woman, but his 
sous were dissipated, all of them rowdies and gamblers. His sons has had 
children by the servants. One of his daiiglders had a child by his grandson 
last April. They are traders, buy and sell." 



148 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

" How many slaves did he own ? " " Sara, Richmond, Henrj'-, Dennis, 
Jesse, Addison, Hilliard, Jenny, Tjiicius, Julia, Charlotte, Easte, Joe, 
Taylor, Louisa, two more small children and Jim." Did any of them know 
that you were going to leave ? " No, I saw my brother Tuesday, but never 
told him a word about it." " What put it into your head to leave?" "It 
was bad treatment ; for being put in jail for sale the 7th of last January ; 
was whipped in jail and after I came out the only thing they told me was 
that I had been selling newspapers about the streets, and was half free." 

"Where did you live then?" "In Richmond, Va. ; for twentv-two 
years I have been living out." " How much did your master receive a 
year for your hire?" "From sixty -five to one hundred and fifty dollars." 
"Did you have to find yourself?" "The people who hired me found me. 
The general rule is in Richmond, for a week's board, seventy-five cents is 
allowed; if he gets any more than that he has got to find it himself." 
" How about Sunday clothing?" *' Find them yourself?" " How about 
a house to live in? " " Have that to find yourself." " Suppose you have a 
Avife and family." "It makes no difference, they don't allow you anything 
for that at all." " Suppose you are sick who pays your doctor's bill ? '' 
" He (master) pays that." " How do you manage to make a little extra 
money ? " " By getting up before day and carrying out papers and doing 
other jobs, cleaning up single men's rooms and the like of that." " What 
have you been employetl at in Richmond ? " " Been working in tobacco 
factory in general ; this year I was hired at a printing-office. The K^itional 
American. I carried papers." "Had you a Avife?" "I did, but her 
master was a very bad man and Avas opposed to me, and was against my 
coming to his place to see my wife, and he persuaded her to take another 
husband in preference to me; being in his hands she took his advice.'' 
" How long ago was that ? " " Very near twelve months ; she got married 
last fall." "Had you any children?" "Yes." "How many?" "Five." 
" Where are they ? " " Three are with Joel Luck, her master, one with his 
sister Eliza, and the other belongs to Judge Hudgins, of Bowling Green 
Court House." "Do you ever exjxx;t to sec them again?" "No, not till 
the day of the Great I am!" "Did you ever have any chance of schooling?" 
"Not a day in my life." "Can you read?" " No, sir, nor write my own 
name." "What do you think of Slavery any how?" " I think it's a great 
curse, and I think the Baptists in Richmond will go to the deepest hell, if 
there is any, for they are so Avickcd they will work you all day and part of 
the night, and tccar cloaks and long faces, and try to get all the work out 
of you they can by telling you about Jesus Christ. All the extra money 
you make they think you will give to hear talk about Jesus Christ. Out 
of their extra money they have to pay a white man Fire hundred dollars a 
year for preachim/." " What kind of preaching does he give them? " " lie 
tells them if they die in their sins they will go to hell ; don't tell them any 



CHARLES THOMPSON. 149 

thing about their elevation ; he would tell them to obey their masters and 
mistresses, for good servants make good masters." " Did you belong to 
the Baptist Church?" "Yes, Second Baptist Church." ''Did you feel 
that the preaching you heard was the true Gospel?" "One part oi' 
it, and one part burnt me as bad as ever insult did. They would tell 
us that we must take money out of our pockets to send it to Africa, to 
enlighten the African race. I think that we were about as blind in Rich- 
mond as the African race is in Africa. All they want you to know, is 
to have sense enough to say master and mistress, and i-an like lightning, 
when they speak to you, to do exactly what they want you to do." " When 
you made up your mind to escape, where did you think you would go to?'' 
" I made up my mind not to stop short of the British protection ; to shake 
hands with the Lion's paw." " Were you not afraid of being captured on 
the way, of being devoured by the abolitionists, or of freezing and starv- 
ing in Canada ?" " Well, I had often thought that I would be in a bad 
condition to come here, without money and clothes, but I made up my mind 
to come, live or die." " What are your impressions from what little you 
have seen of Freedom ?" " I think it is intended for all men, and all men 
ought to have it." ''Suppose your master was to appear before you, and 
offer you the privilege of returning to Slavery or death on the spot, which 
would be your choice?" " Die right there. I made up my mind before I 
started." " Do you think that many of the slaves are anxious about their 
Freedom ?" " The third part of them ain't anxious about it,. because the 
white people have blinded them, telling about the North, — they can't live 
here; telling them that the people are worse off than they are there; they 
say that the ' niggers ' in the North have no houses to live in, stand about 
freezing, dirty, no clothes to wear. They all would be very glad to get their 
time, but want to stay where they are." Just at this point of the interview, 
the hour of midnight admonished us that it was time to retire. Accord- 
ingly, said Mr. Thompson, " I guess we had better close," adding, if he 
"could only write, he could give seven volumes!" Also, said he, "give my 
best respects to Mr. W. W. Hardwicke, and Mr. Perry in the National 
American office, and tell them I wish they will pay the two boys who carry the 
papers for me, for they are as ignorant of this matter as you are." 

Charles was duly forwarded to Canada to shake hands with the Lion's 
paw, and from the accounts which came from him to the Committee, he was 
highly delighted. The following letter from him afforded gratifying evi- 
dence, that he neither forgot his God nor his friends in freedom : 

Detkoit, Sept. 17, 1862. 

Dear Brother in Christ : — It affords me the greatest pleasure imaginable in the time 
I shall occupy in penning these few lines to you and your dear loving wife ; not be- 
cause I can write them to you myself, but for the love and regard I have for you, for I 



150 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

never can forget a man who will show kindness to his neighbor when in distress I re- 
member when I was in distress and out of doors, you took me in; I was hungry, and you 
fed me; for these things God will reward you, dear brother. I am getting along as well 
as I can expect. Smce I have been out here, I have endeavored to make every day tell 
for itself, and I can say, no doubt, what a great many men cannot say, that I have made 
good use of all the time that God has given me, and not one week has been spent in idle- 
ness. Brother William, I expect to visit you some time next summer to sit and have a 
talk with you and Mrs. Still. I hope to see that time, if it is God's will. You will re- 
member me, with my wife, to Mrs. Slill. Give my best respects to all inquiring friends, 
and believe me to be yours forever. Well wishes both soul and body. Please write to 
me sometmaes. ^' W. Thompson. 



BLOOD FLOWED FREELY. 

ABEAM GALLOWAY AND RICHARD EDEX, TWO PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A VESSEL 

LOADED WITH SPIRITS OF TURPENTINE. SHROUDS PREPARED TO PREVENT 

BEING SMOKED TO DEATH. 

The Philadelphia branch of the Underground Rail Road was not for- 
tunate in having very frequent arrivals from North Carolina. Of course 
such of her slave population as managed to become initiated in the myste- 
ries of traveling North by the Underground Rail Road were sensible enough 
to find out nearer and saier routes than through Pennsylvania. Neverthe- 
less the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia occasionally had the pleasure 
of receiving some heroes who were worthy to be classed among the bravest 
of the brave, no matter who they may be who have claims to this distinction. 

In proof of this bold assertion the two individuals whose names stand 
at the beginning of this chapter are presented. Abram was only twenty- 
one years of age, mulatto, five feet six inches high, intelligent and the pic- 
ture of good health. "What was your master's name?" inquired a 
member of the Committee. "Milton Hawkins," answered Abram. "What 
business did Milton Hawkins follow?" again queried said member. "He 
was chief engineer on the Wilmington and Manchester Rail Road " (not a 
branch of the Underground P^il Road), responded Richard. " Describe 
him," said the member. " He was a slim built, tall man with whiskers. 
He was a man of very good disposition. I always belonged to him; he 
owned three. He always said he would .sell before he would use a wliip. 
His wife was a very mean woman ; she Avould whip contrary to his ordere." 
"Who was your father?" was further inqtiircd. "John Wesley Galloway," 
was the prolnpt response. " Describe your father? " " He was captain of 
a government vessel ; he recognized me as his son, and protected me as far 
as he was allowed so to do; he lived ^t Sraithfield, North Carolina. 
Abram's master, Milton Hawkins, lived at Wilmington, N. C." " What 
]>rompted you to escape ? " was next asked. " Because times were hard 
and I could not come up with my wages as I was required to do, so I 



i 




HON. ABRAM GALLOWAY. 

iSi-ci-eto.l in a vessel lua,l,.,l «i,|, tmi„.|,tinf., 



BL OOD FLO WED FEE EL Y. 151 

thought I would try and do better." At this juncture Abram explained 
substantially in what sense times were hard, &g. In the first place iie was 
not allowed to own himself; he, however, preferred hiring his time to serv- 
ing in the usual way. This lavor was granted Abram ; but he was com- 
pelled to pay $15 per month for his time, besides finding himself in clothing, 
food, paying doctor bills, and a head tax of $15 a year. 

Even under this master, who was a man of very good dis{)osition, Abram 
was not contented. In the second place, he " always thought Slavery was 
wrong," although he had " never suffered any personal abuse." Toilin<^»- 
month after month the year round to support his master and not himself, 
was the one intolerable thought. Abram and llichard were intimate 
friends, and lived near each other. Being similarly situated, they could 
venture to communicate the secret feelings of their hearts to each other. 
Richard was four years older than Abram, with not quite so much Anglo- 
Saxon blood in his veins, but was equally as intelligent, and was by 
trade, a " fashionable barber," well-known to the ladies and gentlemen of 
Wilmington. Richard owed service to Mrs. Mary Loren, a widow. " She 
was very kind and tender to all her slaves." " If I was sick," said 
Richard, "she would treat me the same as a mother would." She was the 
owner of twenty, men, women and children, who were all hired out, except 
the children too young for hire. Besides having his food, clothing and 
doctor's expenses to meet, he had to pay the " very kind and tender-hearted 
widow" $12.50 per month, and head tax to the State, amounting to twenty- 
five cents per month. It so happened, that Richard at this time, was 
involved in a matrimonial difficulty. Contrary to the laws of North Caro- 
lina, he had lately married a free girl, which was an indictable offence, and 
for whicli the penalty was then in soak for him — said penalty to consist of 
ttiirty-nine lashes, and imprisonment at the discretion of the judge. 

So Abram and Riciiard put their heads together, and resolved to try the 
Underground Rail Road. They concluded that liberty was worth dying 
for, and that it was their duty to strike for Freedom even if it should 
cost them their lives. The next thing needed, was information about the 
Underground Rail Road. Before a great while the captain of a schooner 
turned up, from Wilmington, Delaware. Learning that his voyage extended to 
Philadelpiiia, they souglit to find out whether this captain was true to Free- 
dom. To ascertain this fact required no little address. It had to be done 
in such a way, that even the captain would not really understand what they 
were up to, should he be found untrue. In this instance, however, he was 
the right man in the right place, and very well understood his business. 

Abram and Richard made arrangements with him to bring them away; 
they learned when the vessel would start, and that slie was loaded with tar, 
rosin, and spirits of turpentine, amongst which the captain was to secrete 
them. But here came the difficulty. In order that slaves might not be 



152 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

secreted in vessels, the slave-holders of North Carolina had procured the 
enactment of a law requiring all vessels coming North to be smoked. 

To escape this dilemma, the inventive genius of Abram and Richard soon 
devised a safe-guard against the smoke. This safe-guard consisted in silk 
oil cloth shrouds, made large, with drawing strings, which, when pulled over 
their heads, might be drawn very tightly around their waists, whilst the 
process of smoking might be in operation. A bladder of water and towels 
were provided, the latter to be wet and held to their nostrils, should there 
be need. In this manner they had determined to struggle against death for 
liberty. The hour approached for being at the wharf. At the appointed 
time they were on hand ready to go on the boat; the captain secreted them, 
according to agreement. They were ready to run the risk of being smoked 
to deatht but as good luck would have it, the law was not carried into 
effect in' this instance, so that the "smell of smoke was not upon tliem." 
The effect of the turpentine, however, of the nature of which they were totally 
ignorant, was worse, if possible, than the smoke would have been. The 
blood was literally drawn from them at every pore in frightful quantities. 
But as heroes of the bravest type they resolved to continue steadfast as long 
as a pulse continued to beat, and thus they finally conquered. 

The invigorating northern air and the kind treatment of the Vigilance 
Committee acted like a charm upon them, and they improved very rapidly 
from their exhaustive and heavy loss of blood. Desiring to retain some me- 
morial of them, a member of the Committee begged one of their silk 
shrouds, and likewise procured an artist to take the i)hotograph of one of 
them ; which keepsakes have been valued very highly. In the regular order 
of arrangements the wants of Abram and Richard were duly met by the 
Committee, financially and otherwise, and they were forwarded to Canada. 
After their safe arrival in Canada, Richard addressed a member of the Com- 
mittee thus: __ T 1 on iQtiT 

Kingston, Jul)'' 20, lb57. 

]Mr William STiLL-Z)«ar Friend : -I take the opertunity of wriphting a few lines 
to let you no that we air all in good health hoping thos few lines may lind you and your 
family engoying the same blessing. We arived in King all saft Canada West Abram 
Galway gos to work this morning at $1 75 per day and John pediford is at work for mr 
peorge mink and i will opne a shop for my self in a few days My wif will send a daiig- 
retipe to your cair whitch you will pleas to send on to me Richard Edons to the cair of 
George Mink Kingston C W Yours with Respect, Richabd Edons. 

Abram, his comrade, allied himself fiuthfully to John Bull until Uncle 
Sam became involved in- the contest with the rebels. In this hour of need 
Abram hastened back to North Carolina to help fight the battles of Free- 
dom. How well he acted his part, we are not informed. We only know 
that, after the war was over, in the reconstruction of North Carolina, Abram 
was promoted to a seat in its Senate. He died in office only a few months 
since. The portrait is almost a "fac-simile.'* 



JOHN PETTIFOG T. 153 



JOHN PETTIFOOT. 

Anglo-African and Anglo-Saxon were about equally mixed in the 
organization of Mr. Pettifoot. His education, with regard to books, was 
quite limited. He had, however, managed to steal the art of reading and 
writing, to a certain extent. Notwithstanding the Patriarchal Institution 
of the South, he was to all intents and purposes a rebel at heart, conse- 
quently he resolved to take a trip on the Underground Rail Road to Canada. 
So, greatly to the surprise of those whom he was serving, he was one 
morning inquired for in vain. No one could tell what had become of Jack 
no more than if he had vanished like a ghost. Doubtless Messrs. McHcnry 
and McCulloch were under the impression that newspapers and money 
230ssessed great power and'could, under the circumstances, be used with entire 
eifect. The following advertisement is evidence, that Jack was much needed 
at the tobacco factory. 

^100 Reward — For the apprehension and delivery to us of a MULATTO 
MAN, named John Massenberg, or John Henry Pettifoot, who has been passing 
as free, under the name of Sydney. He is about 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, spare 
made, bright, with a bushy head of hair, curled under and a small moustache. 
Absconded a few days ago from our Tobacco Factory. McHenry & McCulloch. 

ju 16 3t. 

Jack was aware that a trap of this kind would most likely be set for him, 
and that the large quantity of Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins Avould not 
save him. He was aware, too, that he was the reputed son of a white gen- 
tleman, who was a professional dentist, by the name of Dr. Peter Cards. 
The Doctor, however, had been called away by death, so Jack could see no 
hope or virtue in having a white father, although a " chivalric gentleman," 
while living, and a man of high standing amongst slave-holders. Jack was 
a member of the Baptist church, too, and hoped he was a good Christian ; 
but he could look for no favors from the Church, or sympathy on the score 
of his being a Christian. He knew very well were it known, that he had 
the love of freedom in his heart, or the idea of the Underground Rail 
Road in his head, he would be regarded as having committed the " unpar- 
donable sin." So Jack looked to none of these "broken reeds" in Rich- 
mond in the hour of his trial, but to Him above, whom he had not seen, 
and to the Underground Rail Road. He felt pretty well satisfied, that if 
Providence would aid him, and he could get a conductor to put him on the 
right road to Canada, he would be all right. Accordingly, he acted uji to 
his best light, and thus he succeeded admirably, as the sequel shows. 

"John Henry Pettifoot. John is a likely young man, quite bright 
in color and in intellect also. He was the son of Peter Cards, a dentist by 
profession, and a white man by complexion. As a general thing, he had 
been used 'very well;' had no fault to find, except this year, being hired to 



154 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

McHenry & McCulloch, tobacconists, of Petersburg, Va., whom he found 
rather more oppressive than he agreed for, and supposing that he had * no 
right' to work for any body for nothing, he 'picked up his bed and 
walked.' His mistress had told him'that he was ^willed free,' at her death, 
(jut John was not willing to wait her " motions to die." 

He had a wife in Richmond, but was not allowed to visit her. He left 
one sister aud a step-father in bondage. Mr. Pcttifoot reached Philadelphia 
by the llichmond line of steamers, stowed away among the pots and cooking 
utensils. On reaching the city, he at once surrendered himself into the hands 
of the Committee, and was duly looked after by the regular acting members. 



EMANUEL T. WHITE. 

Emanuel was about twenty-five years of .age, with seven-eighths 
of white blood in his veins, medium size, and a very smart and 
likely-looking piece of property generally. He had the good fortune to 
escape from Edward H. Hubbert, a ship timber merchant of Norfolk, Va. 
Under Hubbert's yoke he had served only five years, having been bought 
by him from a certain Aldridge Mandrey, who was described as a " very 
cruel man," and would " rather fight than eat." " I have licks that will 
carry me to my grave, and will be there till the flesh rots off my bones," 
said Emanuel, adding that his master was a " devil" though a member of the 
Reformed ]\Ietliodist Church. But his mistress, he said, was a " right nice 
little woman, and kept many licks off me." " If you said you were sick, 
he would whip it out of you." From Mandrey he once fled, and was gone 
two months, but was captured at Williamsburg, Va., and received a severe 
flogging, and carried home. Hubbert finally sold Emanuel to a Mr. Grig- 
way of Norfolk; with Emanuel Mr. G. was pretty well suited, but his wife 
was not — he had "too much white blood in him" for her. Grigway and 
his wife were members of the Episcopal Church. 

In this unhappy condition Emanuel fi)und a conductor of the Underground 
Rail Road. A secret passage was secured for him on one of the Richmond 
steamers, and thus he escaped from his servitude. The Committee attended 
to his wants, and forwarded him on as usual. From Syracuse, where he was 
breathing quite freely under the protection of the Rev. J. W. Logucn, he 
wrote the following letter : 

Syracuse, July 29, 1857. 

My Dear Friend, Mr. Still: — I got safe through to Syracuse, and found the house 
of our friend, Mr. J. W. Loguen. Many thanks to you for your kindness to me. I wish 
to say to you, dear sir, that I expect my clothes will be sent to Dr. Landa, and I wish, if 
yow please, gf't them and send them to the care of Mr. Loguen, at Syracuse, for me. He 
•will be in possession of my whereabouts and will send them to me. Remember me to 
Mr. Landa and Miss Millen Jespan, and much to you and your family. 

Truly Yours, Manual T. White. 



ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. 155 

THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOUETEEN MONTHS OLD. 

There is found the following brief memorandum on the Records of 
the Underground Rail Road Book, dated July, 1857 ; 

" A little child of fourteen months old was conveyed to its mother, who 
had been compelled to flee without it nearly nine months ago." 

While the circumstances connected with the coming of this slave child were 
deeply interesting, no further particulars than the simple notice above were 
at that time recorded. Fortunately, however, letters from the good friends, 
who plucked this infant from the jaws of Slavery, have been preserved to 
throw light on this little one, and to show how true-hearted sympatliizers 
with the Slave labored amid dangers and difficulties to save the helpless 
bondman from oppression. It will be observed, that both these friends wrote 
from Washington, D. C, the seat of Government, where, if Slavery was not 
seen in its worst aspects, the Government in its support of Slavery appeared 
in a most revolting light. 

LETTER FROM " J. B." 

Washington, D. C, July 12, 1857. 

Deae Sir : — Some of our citizens, I am told, lately left here for Philadelphia, three of 
■whom were arrested and brought back. 

I beg you will inform me whether two others — (I., whose wife is in Philadelphia, was 
one of them), ever reached your city. 

To-morrow morning Mrs. Weems, witli her baby, will start for Philadelphia and see you 
probably over night. Yours Truly, J. B. 

" J. B." was not only a trusty and capable conductor of the Under- 
ground Rail Road in Washington, but was also a practical laAvyer, at the 
same time. His lawyer-like letter, in view of the critical nature of the case, 
contained but few words, and those few naturally enough were susceptible 
of more than one construction. 

Doubtless those styled " our citizens," — " three of whom were arrested 
and brought back," — were causing great anxiety to this corresjwndent, not 
knowing how soon he might find himself implicated in the " running off," 
etc. So, while he felt it to be his duty, to still aid the child, he was deter- 
mined, if the enemy intercepted his letter, he should not find much comfort 
or information. The cause was safe in such careful hands. The following 
letters, bearing on the same case, are also from another good conductor, who 
was then living in Washington. 

LETTERS FROM E. L. STEVENS. 

Washington, D. C, July 8, 1857. 
My Deap. Sib :— I write you now to let you know that the children of E. are yet well, 
and that Mrs. Arrah Weems will start with one of them for Philadelphia to-morrow or 
next day. She will be with you probably in the day train. She goes for the purpose of 



jtjg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

makinc an effort to redeem her last child, now in Slavery. The whole amount necessary 
is raise°d, except about $300. She will take her credentials with ber and you can place 
the mosi implicit reliance on her statemeuts. The story in regard to the Weems family 
was published in Frederick Douglass' paper two years ago. bmce then the two middle 
boys have been redeemed and there is only one left in Slavery, and he is in Alabama. The 
master has agreed to take for him just what he gave. $1100. Mr. Lewis Tappan has his 
"tter and the money, except the amount specified. There were about ^5UU0 raised in 
England to redeem this family, and they are now all free except this one And there never 
was a more excellent and worthy family than the Weems' family. I do hope, that Mrs. 
W will find friends who can advance the amount required. 

Truly Yours, E. L. Stevens. 

Washington. D. C, July 13th, 1857. 
My Friend :-Your kind letter in reply to mine about Arrah was duly received. As 
she is doubtless with you before this, she will explain all. I propose that a second jour- 
ney be made by her or some one else, in order to take the other. They have been a grea 
burden to the good folks here and should have been at home \o.^ ere this AiTah will 
explain everything. I want, however, to say a word m her behalf. I there is a 
persoTin the worll, that deserves the hearty co-operation of e^^y friend o humani y^ 
that person is Arrah Weems, who now. after a long series of ^^If--;^"^^'"^^^^ *^, ^^ 
others in their struggle for their God-given rights. soUots a small amount to r deem 
the last one of her own children in Slavery. Never have ^ ^^\^\;^-'^^^^ ^^ 
aroused in behalf of any object as in behalf of this most worthy family. /'^^ -" ^^^^ 
you what I have done. And I do hope, that our friends in Philadelphia and New lork 
will assist her to make up the full amount required for the purchase of the boy. 

After she does what she can in P., will you give her the proper direction about getting 
to New York and to Mr. Tappan's? Inform him of what she has done &c. 

Please write me as soon as you can as to whether she arrived safe y, &c. ^ we m your 
opinion, also, as to the proposal about the other. Had you not better keep the littl one 
L P. tiil the other is taken there? Inform me also where E. is, how she is getting along, 
&c., who living with. &c. Yours Truly, ^ . . 

In this instance, also, as in the case of "J. B.," the care and anxiety 
of other souls, besides this child, crying for deliverance, weighed heavily 
on the mind of Mr. Stevens, as may be inferred from certain references m 
his letters. Mr. Stevens' love of humanity, and impartial freedom, even m 
those dark days of Slavery, when it was both unpopular and unsafe to allow 
the cries of the bondman to awaken the feeling of humanity to assist the 
suffering, was constantly leading him to take sides with the oppressed and 
as he appears in this correspondence, so it was his wont daily to aid the 
helpless, who were all around him. Arrah Weems, who had the care of the 
child, alluded to so touchingly by Mr. Stevens, had known, to her licart s 
sorrow, how intensely painful it was to a mother's feelings to have her chil- 
dren torn from her by a cruel master and sold. For Arrah had had a 
number of children sold, and was at that very time striving diligently to 
raise money to redeem the last one of them. And through such kind- 
hearted friends as Mr. Stevens, the peculiar hardships of this interestmg 
family of \Yeems' were brought to the knowledge of thousands of philanthro- 
pists in this country and England, and liberal contributions had already 



ESCAPE OF A YO UNG SLA VE MO THER. 1 57 

been made by friends of the Slave on both sides of the ocean. It may now 
be seen, that while this child had not been a conscious suiferer from the 
wicked system of Slavery, it had been the object of very great anxiety and 
suifering to several persons, who had individually perilled their own free- 
dom for its redemption. This child, however, was safely brought to the 
Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia, and was duly forwarded, md friends 
in New York, to its mother, in Syracuse, where she had stopped to work 
and wait for her little one, left behind at the time she escaped. 



ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER. 

LEFT HER LITTLE BABY-BOY, LITTLE GIRL AND HUSBAND BEHIND. 

She anxiously waits their coming in Syracuse, N. Y. Not until after the 
foregoing story headed, the " Escape of a Child," etc., had been put into the 
hands of the printer and was in type, was the story of the mother discov- 
ered, although it was among the records preserved. Under changed names, 
in many instances, it has been found to be no easy matter to cull from a 
great variety of letters, records and advertisements, just when wanted, all the 
particulars essential to complete many of these narratives. The case of the 
child, alluded to above, is a case in point. Thus, however, while it is im- 
possible to introduce the mother's story in its proper place, yet, since it has 
been found, it is too important and interesting to be left out. It is here 
given as follows: 
l^ $800 REWARD. — RAN AWAY from the subscriber on Saturday, ihr^ 30th 



of August, 1856, my SERVANT WOMAN, named EMELINE CHAPMAN, 

^^ about 25 years of age; quite dark, slender built, speaks short, and stammers some; 

with two children, one a female about two and a half years old; the other a male, seven 
or eight months old, bright color. 1 will give the above reward if they are delivered to 
me in Washington. Mrs. Emily Thompson, 

s23-TU, Th&stg Capitol Hill, Washington, D. C. 

Eraeline Chapman, so particularly described in the " Baltimore Sun" of 
the 23d of September, 1856, arrived by the regular Underground Rail Road 
train from Washington. In order to escape the responsibility attached to 
her original name, she adopted the name of Susan Bell. Thus for free- 
dom she was willing to forego her name, her husband, and even her little 
children. It was a serious sacrifice; but she had been threatened with the 
auction block, and she well understood what that meant. With regard to 
usage, having lived away from her owner, Emeline did not complain of 
any very hard times. True, she had been kept at work very constantly, 
and her owner had very faithfully received all her hire. Emeline had not 
even been allowed enough of her hire to find herself in clothing, or any- 
thing for the support of her two children — for these non-essentials, her 
kind mistress allowed her to seek elsewhere, as best she could. Emeline's 
husband was named John Henry; her little girl she called Margaret 



158 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Ann, and her babe she had named after its father, all with the brand of 
Slavery upon them. The love of freedom, in the breast of this spirited 
young Slave-wife and mother, did not extinguish the love she bore to her 
husband and children, however otherwise her course, in leaving them, as siie 
did, might appear. For it was just this kind of heroic and self-sacrifioin(»' 
struggle, that appealed to the hearts of men and compelled attention. 
The letters of Biglow and Stevens, relative to the little child, prove this 
fact, and additional testimony found in the aj>pended letter from Rev. J. W. 
Loguen conclusively confirms the same. Indeed, who could close his eyes 
and ears to the plaintive cries of such a mother? Who could refrain from 
aiding on to freedom children honored in such a heroic parent ? 

Syracuse, Oct. 5, 1856. 

Dear Friend Still : — I write to yon for Mrs. Susan Bell, who was at your city some 
time in September last. She is from Washington city. She left her dear little children 
behind (two children). She is stopping in our city, and wants to hear from her children 
very ranch indeed. She wishes to know if you have heard from Mr. Biglow, of Washing- 
ton city. She will remain here until she can hear from you. She feels very anxious about 
her children, I will assure yon. I should have written before this, but I have been from 
home much of the time since she came to our city. She wants to know if Mr. Biglow has 
heard anything about her husband. If you have not written to Mr. Biglow, she wishes 
you would. She sends her love to you and j^our dear family. She says that yon were 
all kind to her. and she does not forget it. You will direct your letter to me, dear brother, 
and I will see that she gets it. 

Miss F. E, Walkins left our house yesterday for Ithaca, and other places in that part of 
the State. Frederick Douglass, Wm. J. Watkins and others were with us last week; 
G^rritt Smith with others. Miss Watkins is doing great good in our part of the State. 
We think much indeed of her. She is such a good and glorious speaker, that we are all 
charmed with her. We have had thirty-one fugitives in the last twenty-seven days; but 
yon. no doubt, have had many more than that. I hope the good Lord may bless you and 
spare you long to do good to the hunted and outraged among our brethren. 

Yours truly, J. W. Loguex, 

Agent of the Underground Kail Eoad. 



SAMUEL W. JOHNSON. 

ARRIVAL FROM THE "DAILY DISPATCH" OFFICE. 

"Sam" was doing Slave labor at the office of the Richmond "Daily Dis- 
patch," as a carrier of that tlioroughly pro-slavery sheet. "Sam " had pos- 
sessed himself somehow of a knowledge of reading and writing a little, and 
for the news of the day he had quite an itching ear. Also with regard to 
his freedom he was quite solicitous. Being of an ambitious turn of mind, he 
hired his time, for which he paid his master $175 i)er annum in regular 
quarterly payments. Besides paying this amount, he iiad to find liimself in 
board, clothing, and pay doctor's expenses. He had had more than one 
owner in his life. The last one, however, he spoke of thus: "His name is 



SAMUEL W. JOHNSON. I59 

James B. Foster, of Richmond, a very hard man. He owns three more 
Skives besides myself." In escaping, " Sam" was obliged to leave his wife, 
who was owned by Christian Bourdon. His attachment to her, iud^i-ino- 
from his frequent warm expressions of affection, was very strong. But, as 
strong as it was, he felt that he could not consent to remain in slavery 
any longer. " Sam" had luckily come across a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin, 
and in perusing it, all his notions with regard to " Masters and Servants," 
soon underwent an entire change, and he began to cast his eyes around him 
to see how he might get his freedom. One who was thoroughly awake as 
he was to the idea of being free, with a fair share of courage, could now 
and then meet with the opportunity to escape by the steamers or 
schooners coming North. Thus Samuel found the way open and on one of 
the steamers came to Philadelphia. On arriving, he was put at once in the 
charge of the Committee. While in their hands he seemed filled with as- 
tonishment at his own achievements, and such spontaneous expressions as 
naturally flowed from his heart thrilled and amazed his new found friends, 
and abundant satisfaction was afforded, that Samuel AV^ashington Johnson 
would do no discredit to his fugitive comrades in Canada. So the Com- 
mittee gladly aided him on his journey. 

After arriving in Canada, Samuel wrote frequently and intelligently. The 
subjoined letter to his wife shows how deeply he was attached to her, and, 
at the same time, what his views were of Slavery. The member of the 
Committee to whom it was sent with the request, that it should be forwarded 
to her, did not meet with the opportunity of doing so. A copy of it was 
preserved with other Underground Rail Road documents. 

LETTER FROM SAMUEL W. JOHNSON TO HIS WIFE. 

My Dear Wife I now embrace this golden opportunity of writing a few Lines to in- 
form you that 1 am well at present engoying good health and hope that these few lines 
may find you well also My dearest wife I have Left you and now I am in a foreign land 
about fourteen hundred miles from you but though my wife my thoughts are upon you 
all the time My dearest Frances I hope you will remember me now gust as same as vou 
did when I were there with you because my mind are with you night and day the Love 
that I bear for you in my breast is greater than I thought it was if I had thought I had so 
much Love for you. I dont think I ever could Left being I have escape I and has fled into 
a land of freedom I can but stop and look over my past Life and say what a fool I was 
for staying in bondage as Long My dear wife I dont want you to get married before ycu 
send me some letters because I never shall get married until I see you again My mind 
dont deceive and it appears to me as if I shall see you again at my time of writing this 
letter I am.desitute of money I have not got in no business yet but when I do get into 
business I shall write you and also remember you Tell my Mother and Brother and all 
enquiring friends that I am now safe in free state I cant tell where I am at present but 
Direct your Letters to Mr. William Still in Philadelphia and I will get them Answer 
this as soon as you can if you please for if you write the same day you receive it it will 
take a fortnight to reach me No more to relate at present but still remain your aflfec- 
tionate husband Mr. Still please defore this piece out if you please 

Bamxjel Washington Johnson;. 



IGO THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

\yhethcr Samuel ever met with the opportunity of communicating Avitli 
his wife, the writer cannot say. But of all the trials which Slaves had 
to endure, the separations of husbands and wives were the most difficult 
to bear up under. Although feeling keenly the loss of his wife, Samuel's 
breast swelled with the thought of freedom, as will be seen from the letter 
which he wrote immediately after landing in Canada: 

St. Catharine, Upper Canada West. 

Mr. William Still : — I am now in safety I arrived at home safe on the 11th inst at 
12 o'clock M. So I hope that you will now take it upon yourself to inform me something 
of that letter I left at your house that night when I left there and write me word how you 
are and how is your wife I wish you may excuse this letter for I am so full that I can- 
not express my mind at all I am only got $1.50 and I feel as if J had an independent 
fortune but I dont want you to think that I am going to be idle because I am on free 
ground and I shall always work though I am not got nothing to do at present Direct 
your letter to the post ofl&ce as soon as possible. 

Samuel W. Johnsox. 



FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE. 

Stephen Amos, alias Henry Johnson, Harriet, alias Mary Jane 
Johnson (man and wife), and their four children, Ann Rebecca, Wm. H., 
Elizabeth and Mary Ellen. Doubtless, in the eyes of a Slaveholder, a more 
" likely-looking " family could not readily be found in Baltimore, than the 
one to be now briefly noticed. The mother and her children were owned by 
a young slave-holder, who went by the name of AVilliam Giddings, and 
resided in Prince George's county, Md. Harriet acknowledged, that she 
had been treated "tolerably well in earlier days" for one in her condition; 
but, as in so many instances in the experience of Slaves, latterly, times had 
changed with her and she was compelled to serve under a new master who 
oft-times treated her " very severely." On one occasion, seven years pre-| 
viously, a brother of her owner for a trifling offence struck and kicked 
her so brutally, that she was immediately thrown into a fit of sickness, which 
lasted " all one summer " — from this she finally recovered. 

On another occasion, about one year previous to her escape, she was sei;^cd 
by her owner and thrust into prison to be sold. In this instance the inter- 
ference of the Uncle of Harriet's master saved her from the auction block. 
The young master, was under age, and at the same time under the guardian- 
ship of his Uncle. The young master had early ac(piired an ardent taste 
for fast horses, gambling, etc. Harriet felt, that her chances for the future 
in the hands of such a brutal master could not be other than miserable. 
Her husband had formerly been owned by John S. Giddings, who was said 
to have been a " mild man." He had allowed Stephen (her husband) to I 
buy himself, and for eighteen months prior to the flight, he had been [ 



FAMIL Y FROM BAL TTMORE. 161 

what was called a free man. It should also be further stated in justice to 
Stephen's master, that he was so disgusted with the manner in which 
Stephen's wife was treated, that he went so far as to counsel Stephen to 
escape with his wife and children. Here at least is one instance where a 
Maryland slave-holder lends his influence to the Underground Rail Road 
cause. The counsel was accepted, and the family started on their perilous 
flight. And although they necessarily had manifest trials and difficulties to 
discourage and beset them, they battled bravely with all these odds and 
reached the Vigilance Committee safely. Harriet was a bright mulatto, 
with marked features of character, and well made, with good address and 
quite intelligent. She was about twenty-six years of age. The children 
also were remarkably fine-looking little creatures, but too young to know 
the horrors of Slavery. The Committee at once relieved them of their heavy 
load of anxiety by cheering words and administering to their necessities with 
regard to food, money, etc. After the family had somewhat recovered from 
the fatigue and travel-worn condition in which they arrived, and were pre- 
pared to resume their journey, the Committee gave them the strictest caution 
with regard to avoiding slave-hunters, and also in reference to such points 
on the road where they would be most in danger of going astray from a 
lack of knowledge of the way. Then, with indescribable feelings of sym- 
pathy, free tickets were tendered them, and they having been conducted to 
the depot, were sent on their way rejoicing. 



ELIJAH HILTON. 

FROM EICHMOND. 

After many years of hard toiling for the support of others, the yoke 
pressed so heavily upon Elijah's shoulders, that he could not endure Slave 
life any longer. In the hope of getting rid of his bondage, by dexterous 
management and a resolute mind, which most determined and thoughtful 
men exercise when undertaking to accomplish great objects, he set about 
contriving to gain his freedom. In proof of Elijah's truthfulness, the adver- 
tisement of Mr. R. J. Christians is here offered, as taken from a Richmond 
paper, about the time that Elijah passed through Philadelphia on the Under- 
ground Rail Road, in 1857. 

RAN AWAY— $500 REWARD.— Left the Tobacco Factory of the sub- 
scriber, on the 14th inst., on the pretence of being sick, a mulatto man, named 
ELIJATI, the property of Maj. EdvvardJohnson, of Chesterfield county. He is 
about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high, spare made, bushy hair, and very gpnteel ap- 
pearance ; he is supposed to be making his way North. The above reward will 
be paid if delivered at my factory. Ko. J. Christians. 

jy 21— ts. 

From his infancy up to the hour of his escape, not a breath of free air 




162 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

had he ever been permitted to breathe. He was first owned by Mrs. Caro- 
line Johnson, " a stingy widow, the owner of about fifty slaves, and a mem- 
ber of Dr. Plummer's church." Elijah, at her death, was willed to her son. 
Major Johnson, who was in the United States service. Elijah spoke of 
him as a "favorable man," but added, "I'd rather be free. I believe I can 
treat myself better than he can or anybody else." For the last nineteen 
years he had been hired out, sometimes as waiter, sometimes in a tobacco 
factory, and for five years in the Coal Klines. 

At the mines he was treated very brutally, but at Cornelius Hall's To- 
bacco factory, the suffering he had to endure seems almost incredible. The 
poor fellow, with the sears upon his person and the unmistakable earnestness 
of his manner, only needed to be seen and heard to satisfy the most incre- 
dulous of the truth of his story. For refusing to be flogged, one time 
at Hall's Factory, the overseer, in a rage, "took up a hickory club" and 
laid his head " open on each side." Overpowered and wounded, he was 
stripped naked and compelled to receive three hundeed lashes, by which 
lie was literally excoriated from head to foot. For six months afterwards 
he was " laid up." Last year he was hired out for "one hundred and eighty 
dollars," out of which he " received but five dollars." This year he brought 
" one hundred and ninety dollars." Up to the time he escaped, he had re- 
ceived " two dollars," and the promise of " more at Christmas." Left 
brothers and sisters, all ignorant of his way of escape. The following pass 
brought away by Elijah speaks for itself, and will doubtless be interesting 
to some of our readers who are ignorant of what used to be Republican usages 

in the "land of the Free." 

Richmond, July 3d, 1857. 

Permit the Bearer Elijah to pass to and from my FACTORY, to Frederick Williams, 
In the Vallie, 
for one month, untill 11 o'clock at night. By A. B. Wells, 

R. J. Ceristian. 
[Pine Apple Pactory.] 

As usual, the Vigilance Committee tendered aid to Elijah, and forwarded 
him on to Canada, whence he wrote back as follows: 

Toronto, Canada West, July 28. 

Dear friend in due respect to your humanity and nobility I now take my pen in hand 
to inform you of my health I am enjoying a reasonable proportion of health at this 
lime and hope when "these few lines come to hand they may find you and family the same 
dear Sir I am in Toronto and are working at my ole branch of business with meny of my 
friends I want you to send those to toronto to Mr Tueharts on Edward St what I have 
been talking about is my Clothes I came from Richmond Va and expect my things to come 
to you So when they come to you then you will send them to Jesse Tuehart Edward 
St no 43. 

I must close by saying I have no more at present I still remain your brother, 

Elijah Hilton. 



SOLOMON BRO WN AND WILLIAM HOGG, alias JOHN SMITH 163 
SOLOMON BROWN. 

AREIVED PEE CITY OF EICHMOND. 

This candidate for Canada managed to secure a private berth on tlie steam- 
ship City of liichraond. He was thus enabled to leave his old mistress, 
Mary A. Ely, in Norfolk, the place of her abode, and the field of his servi- 
tude. Solomon was only twenty-two years of age, rather under the medium 
size, dark color, and of much natural ability. He viewed Slavery as a great 
hardship, and for a length of time had been watching for an opportunity to 
free himself. He had been in the habit of hiring his time of his mistress, 
for which he paid ten dollars per month. This amount failed to satisfy 
the mistress, as she was inclined to sell him to North Carolina, where Slave 
stock, at that time, was commanding high prices. The idea of North 
Carolina and a new master made Solomon rather nervous, and he was 
thereby prompted to escape. On reaching the Committee he manifested 
very high appreciation of the attention paid him, and after duly resting for 
a day, he was sent on his way rejoicing. Seven days after leaving Phila- 
delphia, he wrote back from Canada as follows: 

St. Cathaeines, Feb. 20th, 1854. 

Me. Still — Deae Sie : — It is with great pleasure that I have to inform yon, that I have 
arrived safe in a land of freedom. Thanks to kind friends that helped me here. Thank 
God that I am treading on free soil. I expect to go to work to-morrow in a steam factory. 

I would like to have you, if it is not too much trouble, see Mr. Minhett, the steward on 
the boat that I came out on, when he gets to Norfolk, to go to the place where my clothes 
are, and bring them to you, and you direct them to the care of Rev. Hiram Wilson, St. 
Catharines, Niagara District, Canada West, by rail-road via Suspension Bridge. You men- 
tioned if I saw Mr. Foreman. I was to deliver a message — he is not here. I saw two 
yesterday in church, from Norfolk, that I had known there. You will send my name, 
James Henry, as you knew me by that name; direct my things to James Henry. My 
love to your wife and children. 

Yours Respectfully, Solomon Brown. 



WILLIAM HOGG, alias JOHN SMITH. 

TEAVELEE FROM MAETLAND. 

William fled from Lewis Roberts, who followed forming in Baltimore 
county, Md. In speaking of him, William gave him the character of being 
a "fierce and rough man," who owned nine head of slaves. Two of Wil- 
liam's sisters were held by Roberts, when he left. His excuse for running 
away was, " ill-treatment." In traveling North, he walked to Columbia (in 
Pennsylvania), and there took the cars for Philadelphia. The Committee 
took charge of him, and having given him the usual aid, sent him hopefully 
on his way. After safely reaching Canada, the thought of his wife in a land 



1(34 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

of bondage, pressed so deeply upon his mind, that he was prompted to make 
an etJbrt to rescue her. Tlie following letter, written on his behalf by the 
Rev. 11. Wilson, indicates his feelings and wishes with regard to her : 

St. Cathaeines, Canada West, 24th July, 1854. 

Dear Friekd, William Still:— Your encouraging letter, to John Smith, was duly 
received by him, and I am requested to write again on his behalf. His colored friend in _ 
Baltimore county, who would favor his designs, is Thomas Cook, whom he wishes you to 
address, Baltimore post-office, care of Mr. Thomas Spicer. 

He has received a letter from Thomas Cook, dated the 6th of June, but it was a long 
time reaching him. He wishes you to say to Cook, that he got his letter, and that he 
would like to have him call on his wife and make known to her, that he is m good health, 
doing well here, and would like to have her come on as soon as she can. 

As she is a free woman, there will, doubtless, be no difficulty in her coming right 
throu-h He is working in the neighborhood of St. Catharines, but twelve miles from 
Niagara Falls. You will please recollect to address Thomas Cook, m the care of Thomas 
Spicer Baltimore Post-office. Smith's wife is at, or near the place he came from, and. 
doubtless, Thomas Cook knows all about her condition and circumstances. Please write 
again to John Smith, in mv care, if you please, and request Thomas Cook to do the same. 
Very respectfully youra in the cause of philanthropy. Hieam Wilson. 



TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. 

As the way of travel, via the Undergroutid Rail Road, under the most 
favorable circumstances, even for the sterner sex, was hard enough to test 
the strongest nerves, and to try the faith of the bravest of the brave, 
every woman, who won her freedom, by this perilous undertaking de- 
serves commemoration. It is, therefore, a pleasure to thus transfer from 
the old Record book the names of Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley, who 
fled from ISIarvland in 1857. Their lives, however, had not been ni any 
way very remarkable. Ann was tall, and of a dark chestnut color with an 
intelligent countenance, and about twenty-four years of age She had hi cd 
various situations as a Slave. Sometimes she was required to serve in the 
kitchen, at other times she was required to toil in the fidd, with the plow, 
hoe, and the like. Samuel Harrington, of Cambridge District Maryland, 
was the name of the man for whose benefit Ann labored during her younger 
days. She had no hesitation in saying, that he was a very ^H-^^tured 
man :" he however, was a member of the "old time Methodist Chuiyh In 
Slave propertv he had invested only to the extent of some five or six head 
About three years previous to Ann's escape, one of her brothers fled and 
went to Canada. This circumstance so enraged the owner, that he declared 
he would "sell all" he owned. Accordingly Ann was soon P"t on the 
auction block, and was bought by a man who went by the name of William 
Moore. Moore was a married man, who, with his wife, was addicted to in- 



CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 165 

temperance and carousing. Ann found that she had simply got "out 
of the fire into the frying-pan." She was really at a loss to tell when 
her lot was the harder, whether under the " rum drinker," or the old 
time Methodist. In this state of mind she decided to leave all and go to 
Canada, the refuge for the fleeing bondman. Lavina, Ann's companion, 
was the wife of James Woolfley. She and her husband set out together, with 
six others, and were of the party of eight who were betrayed into Dover 
jail, as has already been described in tliesc pages. After figliting their 
way out of the jail, they separated (for prudential reasons). The husband 
of Lavina, immediately after the conflict at the jail, passed on to Canada, 
leaving his wife under the protection of friends. Since that time several 
mc^iths had elapsed, but of each other nothing had been known, before she 
received information on her arrival at Philadelphia. The Committee was 
glad to inform her, that her husband had safely passed on to Canada, and 
that she would be aided on also, where they could enjoy freedom in a free 
country. 



CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK. 

TWENTY-ONE PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A BOAT, NOVEMBER, 1855. 



P Captaix F. was certainly no ordinary man. Although he had been 
living a sea-faring life for many years, and the marks of this calling were 
plainly enough visible in his manners and speech, he was, nevertheless, 
unlike the great mass of this class of men, not addicted to intemperance and 

; I profanity. On the contrary, he was a man of thought, and possessed, in a 
large measure, those humane traits of character which lead men to sympa- 
thize with suffering humanity wherever met with. 

It must be admitted, however, that the first impressions gathered from a 
hasty survey of his rough and rugged appearance, his large head, large 
mouth, large eyes, and heavy eye-brows, with a natural gift at keeping 

^concealed the inner-workings of his mind and feelings, were not calculated 
to inspire the belief, that he was fitted to be entrusted with the lives of un- 
protected females, and helpless children; that he could take pleasure in 
risking his own life to rescue them from the hell of Slavery; that he could 
deliberately enter the enemy's domain, and with the faith of a martyr, flice 
the dread slave-holder, with his Bowie-knives and revolvers — Slave-hunters, 
and blood-hounds, lynchings, and penitentiaries, for humanity's sake. But 
his deeds proved him to be a true friend of the Slave; whilst his skill, bra- 
very, and success stamped him as one of the most daring and heroic Cap- 
tains ever connected with the Underground Kail Road cause. 

At the time he was doing most for humanity in rescuing bondsmen from 



166 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Slavery, Slave-laws were actually being the most rigidly executed. To show 
mercy, in any sense, to man or woman, who might be caught assisting a poor 
Slave to flee from the prison-house, was a matter not to be thought of in 
Virginia. This was perfectly well understood by Captain F. ; indeed he did 
not hesitate to say, that his hazardous operations might any day result in 
the "sacrifice" of his life. But on this point he seemed to give himself no 
more concern than he would have done to know which way the wind would 
blow the next day. He had his own convictions about dying and the future, 
and he declared, that he had " no fear of death," however it might come. 
Still, he was not disposed to be reckless or needlessly to imperil his life, or 
the lives of those he undertook to aid. Xor was he averse to receiving 
compensation for his services. In Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, and other 
places where he traded, many slaves were fully awake to their condition. 
The great slave sales were the agencies that served to awaken a large number. 
Then the various mechanical trades were necessarily given to the Slaves, for 
the master had no taste for "greasy, northern mechanics." Then, again, the 
stores had to be supplied with j^orters, draymen, etc., from the slave popula- 
tion. In the hearts of many of the more intelligent amongst the slaves, 
the men, as mechanics, etc., the women, as dress-makers, chamber-maids, etc., j 
notwithstanding all the opposition and hard laws, the spirit of Freedom 
was steadily burning. Many of the slaves were half brothers, and sisters, 
cousins, nephews, and nieces to their owners, and of course " blood 
would tell." 

It was only necessary for the fact to be made known to a single rcliablej 
and intelligent slave, that a man with a boat running North had the love o: 
Freedom for all mankind in his bosom to make that man an object of the 
greatest interest. If an angel had ai)peared amongst them doubtless his pre- 
sence would not have inspired greater anxiety and hope than did the presence 
of Captain F. The class most anxious to obtain freedom could generally 
manage to acquire some means which they would willingly offer to captains 
or conductors in the South for such assistance as was indis]>ensable to their 
escape. Many of the slaves learned if they could manage to cross Mason 
and Dixon's line, even though they might be utterly destitute and penniless, 
that they would then receive aid and protection from the Vigilance Com- 
mittee. Here it may be well to state that, whilst the Committee gladly 
received and aided all who might come or be brought to them, they never 
employed agents or captains to go into the South with a view of enticing 
or running off slaves. So when ca})tains operated, they did so with the 
full understanding that they alone were responsible for any failures attending 
their movements. 

The way is now clear to present Captain F. with his schooner lying at 
the wharf in Norfolk, loading with wheat, and at the same time with twenty- 
one fugitives secreted therein. While the boat was thus lying at her moor- 



CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 1G7 

ing, the rumor was flying all over town tliat a number of slaves had escaped, 
which created a general excitement a degree less, perhaps, than if the 
citizens had been visited by an earthc^ualve. The mayor of the city with a 
posse of officers with axes and long spears repaired to Captain F.'s boat. 
The fearless, commander received his Honor very coolly, and as gracefully 
as the circumstances would admit. The mayor gave liim to understand who 
he was, and by what authority he appeared on the boat, and what he meant 
to do. " Very well," replied Captain F., " here I am and this is my boat, 
go ahead and search." His Honor with his deputies looked quickly around, 
and then an order went forth from the mayor to "spear the wheat thoroughly." 
The deputies obeyed the command with alacrity. But the spears brought 
neither blood nor groans, and the sagacious mayor obviously concluded that 
he was "barking up the wrong tree." But the mayor was not there for 
nothing. " Take the axes and go to work," was the next order ; and the 
axe was used with terrible effect by one of the deputies. The deck and other 
parts of the boat were chopped and split ; no greater judgment being ex- 
ercised when using the axe than when spearing the wheat ; Captain F. all 
the while wearing an air of utter indifference or rather of entire composure. 
Indeed every step they took proved conclusively that they were wholly 
ignorant with regard to boat searching. At this point, with remarkable 
shrewdness. Captain F. saw wherein he could still further confuse them by a 
bold strategical move. As though about out of patience with the mayor's 
blunders, the captain instantly reminded liis Honor that he had " stood still 
long enough" while his boat was being "damaged, chopped up," &c. "Now 
if you want to search," continued he, "give me the axe, and then point out 
the spot you want opened and I will open it for you very quick." While 
uttering these words he presented, as he was capable of doing, an indignant and 
defiant countenance, and intimated that it mattered not where or when a man 
died provided he was in the right, and as though he wished to give particularly 
strong emphasis to what he was saying, he raised the axe, and brought it 
down edge foremost on the deck with startling effect, at the same time 
causing the splinters to fly from the boards. The mayor and his posse 
seemed, if not dreadfully frightened, completely confounded, and by the time 
Captain F. had again brought down his axe with increased power, demand- 
ing where they would have him open, they looked as though it was time for 
them to retire, and in a few minutes after they actually gave up the search 
and left the boat without finding a soul. Daniel in the lions' den was not 
safer than were the twenty-one passengers secreted on Captain F.'s boat. 
The law had been carried out with a vengeance, but did not avail with this 
skilled captain. The " five dollars" were paid for being searched, the amount 
which was lawfully required of every cajitain sailing from Virginia. And 
the captain steered direct for the City of Brotherly Love. The wind of 
heaven favoring the good cause, he arrived safely in due time, and delivered 



168 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

his precious freight in the vicinity of Philadelphia within the reach of the 
Vigilance Committee. The names of the passengers were as follows : 

Alan Tatum, Daniel Carr, Michael Vaughn, Thomas Nixon, 
Frederick Nixon, Peter Petty, Nathaniel Gardener, John 
Brown, Thomas Freeman, James Foster, Godfrey Scott, Willis 
Wilson, Nancy Little, John Smith, Francis Haines, David 
Johnson, Phillis Gault, Alice Jones, Ned Wilson, and Sarah C. 
W^ii-SON, and one other, who subsequently passed on, having been 
detained on account of sickness. These passengers were most "likely- 
looking articles;" a number of them, doubtless, would have commanded the 
very highest prices in the Richmond market. Among them were some good 
mechanics — one excellent dress-maker, some " prime " waiters and chamber- 
maids ; — men and women with brains, some of them evincing remarkable 
intelligence and decided bravery, just the kind of passengers that gave 
the greatest satisfaction to the Vigilance Committee. The interview with 
these passengers was extremely interesting. Each one gave his or her 
experience of Slavery, the escape, etc., in his or her own way, deeply 
impressing those who had the privilege of seeing and hearing them, with 
the fact of the growing spirit of Liberty, and the wonderful perception and 
intelligence possessed by some of the sons of toil in the South. While all 
the names of these passengers were duly entered on the Underground Rail 
Road records, the number was too large, and the time they spent with the 
Committee too short, in which to write out even in the briefest manner more 
than a few of the narratives of this party. The following sketches, how- 
ever, are important, and will, doubtless, be interesting to those at least who 
were interested in the excitement which existed in Norfolk at the time of 
this memorable escape: 

Alan Tatum. Alan was about thirty years of age, dark, intelligent, and 
of a good physical organization. For the last fourteen years he had been 
owned by Lovey White, a w'idow and the owner of nine slaves, from whom 
she derived a comfortable support. This slave-holding madam was a mem- 
ber of the Methodist Church, and was considered in her general deportment 
a " moderate slave-holder." For ten years prior to his escape, Alan had 
been hiring hjs time, — for this privilege he paid his mistress, the widow, 
$120 per aiHium. If he happened to be so unfortunate as to lose time 
by sickness Mithin the year, he was obliged to make that uj). In 
addition to these items of expenditure, he had his own clothes, etc., to find. 
Although Alan had at first stated, that his mistress was "moderate," further 
on in his story, as he recounted the exactions above alluded to, his tune 
turned, and ho declared, that he was ])rom|)ted to leave because he disliked 
his mistress; that "she was mean and without principle." Alan left three 
sisters, one brother, and a daughter. The names of the sisters and brother 
were as follows: Mary Ann, Rachel and William — the daughter, Mary. 

Daniel Carr. Daniel was about thirty-eight years of age, dark mu- 



CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 1G9 

latto, apparently of sound body, — good mind and manly. The man to 
whom he had been compelled to render hard and unpaid labor and call 
master, was known by the name of John C. McBolo. McBole lived at 
Plymouth, North Carolina, and was in the steam-mill business. McBole 
'lad bought Daniel in Portsmouth, where he had been raised, for ^1150, only 
two years previously to his escape. Twice Daniel had been sold on the auc- 
tion-block. A part of his life he had been treated hard. Two unsuccessful 
attempts to escape were made by Daniel, after being sold to North Carolina; 
for this offence, he was on one occasion stripped naked, and flogged 
severely. This did not cure him. Prior to his joining Captain F.'s party, 
he had fled to the swamps, and dwelt there for three months, surrounded 
with wild animals and reptiles, and it was tins state of solitude that he left 
directly before finding Captain F. Daniel had a wife in Portsmouth, to 
whom he succeeded in paying a private visit, when, to his unspeakable joy, 
he made the acquaintance of the noble Captain F., whose big heart was de- 
lighted to give him a passage North. Daniel, after being sold, had been 
allowed, within the two years, only one opportunity of visiting his wife ; 
being thus debarred he resolved to escape. His wife, whose name was Han- 
nah, had three children — slaves — their names were Sam, Dan, and " baby." 
The name of the latter was unknown to him. 

Michael Vaughn. Michael was about thirty-one years of age, with 
superior physical proportions, and no lack of common sense. His color was 
without paleness — dark and unfading, and his manly appearance was quite 
striking. Michael belonged to a lady, whom he described as a " very 
disagreeable woman." " For all my life I have belonged to her, but for the 
last eight years I have hired my time. I paid my mistress $120 a year; a 
part of the time I had to find my board and all my clothing." This was 
the direct, and unequivocal testimony that jVIlchael gave of his slave life, 
which was the foundation for alleging that his mistress was a " very disa- 
greeable woman." 

Michael left a Mafe and one child in Slavery; but they were not owned by 
his mistress. Before escaping, he felt afraid to lead his companion into the 
secret of his contemplated movements, as he felt, that there was no possible 
way for him to do anything for her deliverance ; on the other hand, any 
revelation of the matter might prove too exciting for the poor soul ; — her 
name was Esther. That he did not lose his affection for her whom he was 
obliged to leave so unceremoniously, is shown by the appended letter : 

New Bedford, August 22d, 1855. 

Dear Sir : — I send you this to inform you that I expect my wife to come that way. If 
she should, you will direct her to me. When I came through your city last Fall, you 
took my name in your office, which was then given you, Michael Vaughn ; since then my 
name is William Brown, No. 130 Kempton street. Please give my wife and child's name to 
Dr. Lundy, and tell him to attend to it for me. Her name is Esther, and the child's 
name Louisa. Truly yours, William Brown. 



170 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

Michael worked in a foundry. In church fellowship he was connected 
with the Methodists — his mistress with the Baptists. 

Thomas Nixon was about nineteen years of age, of a dark hue, and 
quite intelligent. He had not much excuse to make for leaving, except, that 
he was " tired of staying '^ with his " owner," as lie " feared he might 
be sold some day," so he " thought " that he might as well save him the 
trouble. Thomas belonged to a Mr. Bockover, a wholesale grocer. No. 12 
Brewer street. Thomas left behind him his mother and three brothers. 
His father was sold away when he was an infant, consequently he never saw 
him. Thonias was a member of the Methodist Church ; his master was of 
the same persuasion. 

FEEDERick Nixon was about thirty-three years of age, and belonged 
truly to the wide-awake class of slaves, as his marked physical and mental 
appearance indicated. He had a more urgent excuse for escaping than 
Thomas; he declared that he fled because his owner wanted "to work 
him hard without allowing him any chance, and had treated him rough." 
Frederick was also one of Mr. Bockover's chattels ; he left his wife, Eliza- 
beth, with four children in bondage. They were living in Eatontown, North 
Carolina. It had been almost one year since he had seen them. Had he 
remained in Norfolk he had not the slightest prospect of being reunited to 
his wife and children, as he had been already separated from them for about 
three vears. This painful state of affairs only increased his desire to leave 
those who were brutal enough to make such havoc in his domestic 
relations. 

Peter Petty was about twenty-four years of age, and wore a happy 
countenance; he was a person of agreeable manners, and withal pretty 
smart. He acknowledged, that he had been owned by Joseph Boukley, 
Hair Inspector. Peter did not give Mr. Boukley a very good character, 
however; he said, that Mr. B. was " rowdy ish in his habits, was deceitful Jind 
sly, and would sell his slaves any time. Hard bondage — something like the 
children of Israel," was his simple excuse for fleeing. He hired his time of 
his master, for which he was compelled to pay $156 a year. When he lost 
time by sickness or rainy weather, he was required to make up the deficiency, 
also find his clothing. He left a wife — Lavinia — and one child, Eliza, both 
slaves. I*eter communicated to his wife his secret intention to leave, and 
she acquiesced in his going. He left his parents also. All his sisters and 
brothers had been sold. Peter woidd have been sold too, but his owner 
was under the impression, that he was " too good a Christian" to violate 
the laws by running away. Peter's master was quite a devoted Methodist, 
and was attached to the same Church with Peter. While on the subject of 
religion, Peter was asked about the kind and character of preaching that he 
had been accustomed to hear ; whereupon he gave the following graphic spe- 
cimen : " Servants obey your masters; good servants make good masters; 



CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK. 171 

wlien your mistress speaks, to you don't pout out your mouths ; when you 
want to go to church ask your mistress and master," etc., etc. Peter declared, 
that he had never heard but one preacher speak against slavery, and that 
"one was obliged to leave suddenly for the North." He said, that a Quaker 
lady spoke in meeting against Slavery one day, which resulted in an out- 
break, and final breaking up of the meeting. 

Phillis Gault. Phillis was a widow, about thirty years of age ; the 
blood of two races flowed in about equal projjortions through her veins. 
Such was her personal appearance, refinement, manners, and intelligence, 
that had the facts of her slave life been unknown, she would have readily 
passed for one who had possessed superior advantages. But the facts in 
her history proved, that she had been made to feel very keenly the horri- 
fying effects of Slavery ; not in the field, for she had never worked there ; 
nor as a common drudge, for she had always been required to fill higher 
spheres ; she was a dress-maker — but not without fear of the auction block. 
This dreaded destiny was the motive which constrained her to escape with 
the twenty others ; secreted in the hold of a vessel expressly arranged for 
bringing away slaves. Death had robbed her of her husband at the time 
that the fever raged so fearfully in Norfolk. This sad event deprived her 
of the hope she had of being purchased by her husband, as he had intended. 
She was haunted by the constant thought of again being sold, as she had 
once been, and as she had witnessed the sale of her sister's four children 
after the death of their mother. 

Phillis was, to use her own striking expression in a state of "great 
horror;" she felt, that nothing would relieve her but freedom. After having 
fully pondered the prospect of her freedom and the only mode offered 
by which she could escape, she consented to endure bravely whatever of 
suffering and trial might fall to her lot in the undertaking — and as was the 
case with thousands of others, she succeeded. She remained several days in 
the family of a member of the Committee in Philadelphia, favorably impress- 
ing all who saw her. As she had formed a very high opinion of Boston, 
from having heard it so thoroughly reviled in Norfolk, she desired to go 
there. The Committee made no objections, gave her a free ticket, etc. 
From that time to the present, she has ever sustained a good Christian 
character, and as an industrious, upright, and intelligent woman, she has 
been and is highly respected by all who know her. The following letter is 
characteristic of her : 

Boston, March 22, 1858. 
My Dear Sir — I received your photograph by Mr Cooper and it afforded me much 
pleasure to do so i hope that these few lines may find you and your family well as it 
leaves me and little Dicky at present i have no interesting news to tell you more than 
there is a great revival of religion thro.ugh the land i all most forgoten to thank you for 
your kindness and our little Dick he is very wild and goes to school and it is my desire 
and prayer for him to grow up a useful man i wisn you would try to gain some informa- 



172 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tion from Norfolk and write me word how the times are there for i am afraid to write i 
wish yoo would see the Doctor for me and ask him if he could carefully find out any way 
that we could steal little Johny for i think to raise nine or ten hundred dollars for such a 
child is outraigust just at this time i feel as if i would rather steal him than to buy him 
give my kinde regards to the Dr and his family tell Miss Margret and Mrs Landy that i 
would like to see them out here this summer again to have a nice time in Cambridge 
Miss Walker that spent the evening with me in Cambridge sens much love to yoo and 
Mrs. Landy give my kindes regards to Mrs Still and children and receive a portion for 
yoo self i have no more to say at present but remain yoor respectfully. 

Flaeece p. Gault. 
When you write direct yoo letters Mrs. Fbjrece P. Gault, No 62 Pinkney St. 



ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. 

MATILDA MAHONEY, — DR. J. W. PENNINGTON'S BROTHER AND SONS CAPTURED AND 

CARRIED BACK. 

"While many sympathized with the slave in his chains, and freely wept 
over his destiny, or gave money to help buy his freedom, but few could 
be found who were willing to take the risk of going into the South, and 
standing face to face with Slavery, in order to conduct a panting slave to 
freedom. The undertaking was too fearful to think of in most cases. 
But there were instances when men and women too, moved by the love of 
freedom, would ta,ke their lives in their hands, beard the lion in his den, and 
nobly rescue the oppressed. Such an instance is found in the case of Ma- 
tilda jMahoney, in Baltimore. 

The story of Matilda must be very brief, although it is full of thrilling 
interest. She was twenty-one years of age in 1854, when she escaped and 
came to Philadelphia, a handsome young woman, of a light complexion, 
quite refined in her manners, and in short, possessing great personal attrac- 
tions. But her situation as a slave was critical, as will be seen. 

Her claimant was \Vm. Rigard, of Frederick, Md., who hired her to a 
Mr. Reese, in Baltimore ; in this situation her duties were general house- 
work and nursing. With these labors, she was not, however, so much 
dissatisfied as she was with other circumstances of a more alarming nature: 
her old master was tottering on the verge of the grave, and his son, a trader 
in New Orleans. These facts kept Matilda in extreme anxiety. For two 
years prior to her escape, the young trader had been trying to influence his 
father to let him have her for the Southern market ; but the old man had not 
consented. Of course the trader knew quite well, that an " article" of her 
appearance would command readily a very high price in the New Orleans 
market. But Matilda's attractions had won the heart of a young man in 
the North, one who had known her in Baltimore in earlier days, and this 



ARRI VALS FR OM DIFFERENT FLA CES. 173 

lover was willing to make desperate efforts to rescue her from her perilous 
situation. Whether or not he had nerve enough to venture down to Balti- 
more to accompany his intended away on the Underground Kail Road, 
his presence would not have aided in the case. He had, however, a friend 
who consented to go to Baltimore on this desperate mission. The friend 
was James Jefferson, of Providence, R. I. With the strategy of a skilled 
soldier, Mr. Jefferson hurried to the Monumental City, and almost under 
the eyes of the slave-holders and slave-catchers, despite of pro-slavery 
breastworks, seized his prize and speeded her away on the Underground 
Railway, before her owner was made acquainted with the fact of her in- 
tended escape. Ow Matilda's arrival at the station in Philadelphia, several 
other passengers from different points, happened to come to hand just at that 
time, and gave great solicitude and anxiety to the Committee. Among these 
were a man and his wife and their four children, (noticed elsewhere), from 
Maryland. Likewise an interesting and intelligent young girl who had 
been almost miraculously rescued from the prison-house at Norfolk, and in 
addition to these, the brother of J. Wr Pennington, D. D., with his two sons. 
While it was a great gratification to have travelers coming along so fast, 
and especially to observe in every countenance, determination, rare manly 
and womanly bearing, with remarkable intelligence, it must be admitted, 
that the acting committee felt at the same time, a very lively dread of 
the slave-hunters, and were on their guard. Arrangements were made to 
send the fugitives on by different trains, and in various directions. Matilda 
and all the others with the exception of the father and two sons (relatives 
of Dr. Pennington) successfully escaped and reached their longed-for haven 
in a free land. The Penningtons, however, although pains had been taken 
to apprize the Doctor of the good news of the coming of his kin, whom he 
had not seen for many, many years, were captured after being in New York 
some twenty-four hours. In answer to an advisory letter from the secretary 
of the Committee the following from the Doctor is explicit, relative to 
his wishes and feelings with regard to their being sent on to New York. 

29 6th Avenue, New Yoek, May 24th, 1854. 

My Deae Mr. Still :— Your kind letter of the 22d inst has come to hand and I have 

to thank you for your offices of benevolence to my bone and my flesh, I have had the 

pleasure of doing a little for your brother Peter, but I do not think it an offset. My 

burden has been great about these brethren. I hope they have started on to me. Many 

thanks, my good friend. Yours Truly. 

J. W. C. Pennington. 

This letter only served to intensify the deep interest which had already 
been awakened for the safety of all concerned. At tlie same time also it made 
the duty of the Committee clear with regard to forwarding them to N. Y. 
Immediately, therefore, the Doctor's brother and sons were furnished with 
free tickets and were as carefully cautioned as possible with regard to slave- 



174 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

hunters, if encountered on the road. In company with several other 
Underground Rail Road passengers, under the care of an intelligent guide, 
all were sent oft* in due order, looking quite as well as the most respectable 
of their race from any part of the country. The Committee in New 
York, with the Doctor, were on the look out of course ; thus without diffi- 
culty all arrived safely in the Empire City. 

It would seem that the coming of his brother and sons so overpowered 
tlie Doctor that he forgot how imminent their danger was. The meeting 
and interview was doubtless very joyous. Few perhaps could realize, even 
in imagination, the feelings that filled their hearts, as the Doctor and his 
brother reverted to their boyhood, when they were both slaves together in 
Maryland ; the separation — the escape of the former many years previous — 
the contrast, one elevated to the dignity of a Doctor of Divinity, a scholar 
and noted clergyman, and as such well known in the United States, and 
Great Britain, whilst, at the same time, his brother and kin were held in 
chains, compelled to do unrequited labor, to come and go at the bidding of 
another. Were not these reflections enough to incapacitate the Doctor for 
the time being, for cool thought as to how he should best guard against 
the enemy ? Indeed, in view of Slavery and its horrid features, the wonder 
is, not that more was not done, but that any thing was done, that the victims 
were not driven almost out of their senses. But time rolled on until nearly 
twenty-four hours had passed, and while reposing their fiitigued and weary 
limbs in bed, just before day-break, hyena-like the slave-hunters pounced 
upon all three of them, and soon had them hand-cufted and hurried oft" to a 
United States' Commissioner's office. Armed with the Fugitive Law, and 
a strong guard of officers to carry it out, resistance would have been simply 
useless. Ere the morning sun arose the sad news was borne by the telegraph 
wires to all parts of the country of this awful calamity on the Underground 
Rail Road. 

Scarcely less painful to the Committee was the news of this accident, than 
the news of a disaster, resulting in the loss of several lives, on the Camden 
and Amboy Road, would have been to its managers. This was the first 
accident that had ever taken place on the road after passengers had reached 
the Philadelphia Committee, although, in various instances, slave-hunters 
had been within a hair's breadth of their prey. 

Ail that was reported respecting the arrest and return of the Doctor's 
kin, so disgraceful to Christianity and civilization, is taken from the 
Liberator, as follows : 



ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT FLA CES. \ 75 



THREE FUGITIVE SLAVES ARRESTED IN NEW YORK, AND GIVEN UP TO THEIR 

OWNERS. 

NEW VoRK, May 25th. 

About three o'clock this morning, three colored men, father and two sons, 
known as Jake, Bob, and Stephen Pennington, were arrested at the instance 
of David Smith and Jacob Grove, of Washington Co., Md., who claimed 
them as their slaves. They were taken before Commissioner Morton, of the 
United States Court, and it was understood that they would be examined at 
11 o'clock; instead of that, however, the case was heard at once, no persons 
being present, when the claimnants testified that they were the owners of 
said slaves and that they escaped from their service at Baltimore, on Sunday 
last. 

From what we can gather of the proceedings, the fugitives acknowledged 
themselves to be slaves of Smith and Grove. The commissioner considerins: 
the testimony sufficient, ordered their surrender, and they were accordingly 
given up to their claimants, who hurried them off at once, and they are now 
on their way to Baltimore. A telegraph despatch has been sent to Philadel- 
phia, as it is understood an attempt will be made to rescue the parties, when 
the cars arrive. There was no excitement around the commissioner's office, 
owing to a misunderstanding as to the time of examination. The men were 
traced to this city by the claimants, who made application to the United 
States Court, when officers Horton and De Angeles were deputied by the 
marshal to effect their arrest, and those officers, with deputy Marshal 
Thompson scoured the city, and finally found them secreted in a house in 
Broome St. They were brought before Commissioner Morton this morning. 
No counsel appeared for the fugitives. The case being made out, the usual 
affidavits of fear of rescue were made, and the warrants thereupon issued, and 
the three fugitives were delivered over to the U. S. Marshal, and hurried off 
to Maryland. They were a father and his two sons, father about forty-five 
and sons eighteen or nineteen. TJie evidence shows them to have recently 
escaped. The father is the brother of the Rev. Dr. Pennington, a highly 
respected colored preacher of this city. 

Xew York, May 28. 
Last evening the church at the corner of Prince and Marion streets was 
filled with an intelligent audience of white and colored people, to hear Dr. 
Pennington relate the circumstance connected with the arrest of his brother 
and nephews. He showed, that he attempted to afford his brother the assis- 
tance of counsel, but was unable to do so, the officers at the Marshal's office 
having deceived him In relation to the time the trial was to take place be- 
fore the Commissioners. Hon. E. F. Culver next addressed the audience, 
showing, that a great injustice had been done to the brother of Dr. Pen- 



176 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

nington, and though he, up to that time, had advocated peace, he now had 
the spirit to tear down the building over the Marshal's head. Intense in- 
terest was manifested during the proceedings, and much sympathy in behalf 
of Dr. Pennington. • 

THE FUGITIVE SLAVES IN BALTIMORE. 

The U. S. Marshal, A. T. Hillyer, Esq., received a dispatch this morning 
from officers Horton and Dellugelis, at Baltimore, stating, that they had ar- 
rived there with the three slaves, arrested here yesterday (the Peuningtons), 
the owners accompanying them. The officers will return to New York, this 
evening. — N. Y. Exp'ess, 27th. 

New York, May 30. 

The Rev. Dr. Pennington has received a letter from Mr. Grove, the claim- 
ant of his brother, who was recently taken back from this city, oifering to 
sell him to Dr. Pennington, should he wish to buy him, and stating, that he 
would await a reply, before " selling him to the slave-drivers." Mr. Groce, 
who accompanied his " sweet heart," Matilda, in the same train which con- 
veyed the Penningtons to New York, had reason to apprehend danger to 
all the Underground Rail Road passengers, as will appear from his sub- 
joined letter: 

Elmiea, May 28th. 

Dear Luke : — I arrived home safe with my precious charge, and found all well. I 
have just learned, that the Penningtons are taken. Had he done as I wished him he 
would never have been taken. Last night our tall friend from Baltimore came, and 
caused great excitement here by his information. The lady is perfectly safe now in Can- 
ada. I will write you and Mr. Still as soon as I get over the excitement. This letter was 
first intended for Mr. Gains, but I now send it to you. Please let me hear their move- 
ments. Yours truly, ^ L. Groce. 

But sadly as this blow was felt by the Vigilance Committee, it did not 
cause them to relax their efforts in the least. Indeed it only served to stir] 
them up to renewed diligence and watchfulness, although for a length of 
time afterwards the Committee felt disposed, when sending, to avoid New 
York as much as possible, and in lieu thereof, to send vid Elmira, where ' 
there was a depot under the agency of John W. Jones. Mr. Jones was a 
true and prompt friend of the fugitive, and wide awake with regard to 
Slavery and slave-holders, and slave hunters, for he had known from sad 
experience in Virginia every trait of character belonging to these classes. 

In the midst of the Doctor's grief, friends of the slave soon raised money 
to purchase his brother, about $1,000; but the unfortunate sons were doomed 
to the auction block and the far South, where, the writer has never exactly 
learned. 



FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 177 



« FLEEING GIEL OF FIFTEEN," IN MALE ATTIRE. 

PROFESSORS H. AND T. OFFER THEIR SERVICES — CAPTAINS B. ALSO ARE ENLISTED 

— SLAVE-TRADER GRASPING TIGHTLY HIS PREY, BUT SHE IS RESCUED — 

LONG CONFLICT, BUT GREAT TRIUMPH — ARRIVAL ON THANKSGIVING 

DAY, NOV. 25, 1855. 

It was the business of the Vigilance Committee, as it was clearly under- 
stood by the friends of the Slave, to assist all needy fugitives, who might in 
any way manage to reach Philadelphia, but, for various reasons, not to 
send agents South to incite slaves to run away, or to assist them in so doing. 
Sometimes, however, this rule could not altogether be conformed to. Cases, 
in some instances, would appeal so loudly and forcibly to humanity, civiliza- 
tion, and Christianity, that it would really seem as if the very stones 
would cry out, unless something was done. As an illustration of this point, 
the story of the young girl, which is now to be related, will afford the most 
striking proof. At the same time it may be seen how much anxiety, care, 
hazard, delay and material aid, were required in order to effect the delive- 
rance of some who were in close places, and difficult of access. It will be 
necessary to present a considerable amount of correspondence in this case, 
to bring to light the hidden mysteries of this narrative. The first letter, in 
explanation, is the following : 

LETTER FEOM J. BIGELOW, ESQ. 

Washington, D. C, June 27, 1854. 

Mr. Wm. Still — Bear Sir : — I have to thank you for the prompt answer you had the 
kindness to give to my note of 22d inst. Having found a correspondence so quick and 
easy, and withal so very flattering, I address you again more fully. 

The liberal appropriation for transportation has been made chiefly on account of a female 
child of ten or eleven years old, for whose purchase I have been authorized to offer $700 
(refused), and for whose sister I have paid $1,600, and some $1,000 for their mother, &c. 

This child sleeps in the same apartment with its master and mistress, which adds to the 
difficulty of removal. She is some ten or twelve miles from the city, so that really the 
chief hazard will be in bringing her safely to town, and in secreting her until a few days of 
storm shall have abated. All this, I think, is now provided for with entire safety. 

The child has two cousins in the immediate vicinity ; a young man of some twenty-two 
years of age, and his sister, of perhaps seventeen — both Slaves, but bright and clear-headed 
as anybody. The young man I have seen often — the services of both seem indispensable 
to the main object suggested ; but having once rendered the service, they cannot, and 
ought not return to Slavery. They look for freedom as the reward of what they shall 
now do. 

Out of the $300, cheerfully offered for the whole enterprise, I must pay some reasonable 
sum for transportation to the city and sustenance while here. It cannot be much : for the 
balance, I shall give a draft, which will he promptly paid on their arrival in New York. 

If I have been understood to oiTer the whole $300, it shall be paid, though I have meant 
as above stated. Among the various wavs that have been suggested, has been that of 

12 



j^g THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

takmc. all of them into the car3 here ; that, I think, will be found impracticable. I find so 

much°vigilance at the depot, that I would not deem it safe, though in any kmd of carnage 

they might leave in safety at any time. , „ , wi.„ 

All the rest I leave to the experience and sagacity of the gentleman who maps out the 

'""NowTwill thank you to reply to this and let me know that it reaches you in safety, 
and is not put m a careless place, whereby I may be endangered ; and state also whether 
all my propositions are understood and acceptable, and whether, (pretty quickly after I shall 
inform you that all things are ready), the gentleman will make bis appearance ? 

I live alone. My office and bed-room, &c., are at the corner of E. and 7th streets, op- 
posite the east end of the General Post Office, where any one may call upon me 
' It would, of course, be imprudent, that this letter, or any o her .rUten parh^ular^ be 
in his pockets for fear of accident. Yours very respectfully. J. Bigelow. 

While this letter clearly brought to light the situation of things, its 
author, however, had scarcely begun to conceive of the numberless difficul- 
ties which stood in the way of success before the work could be accom- 
plished The information which Mr. Bigelow's letter contained of the 
painful'situation of this young girl was submitted to different parties who 
could be trusted, with a view of finding a person who might possess suffi- 
cient courage to undertake to bring her away. Amongst those consulted 
we two or three captains who had on former occasions done good service 
in the cause. One of these captains was known in Underground Rail-Road 
circles as the "powder boy."* He was willing to undertake the work, 
and immediately concluded to make a visit to Washington, to see how the 
"land lay" Accordingly in company with another Underground Rail 
Road captlin, he reported himself one day to Mr. Bigelow with as much 
assurance as if he were on an errand for an office under the government. 
The impression made on Mr. Bigelow's mind may be seen from the follow- 
ing letter; it may also be seen that he was fully alive to the necessity of 
precautionary measures. 

SECOND LETTER FROM LAWYER BIGELOW. 

Washikgton. D. C. September 9th, 1855. 
Me Wm. Still, Deau Sir :-I strongly hope the little matter of business so long 
pendmg and about which I have written you so many times will take a move nov. 
have the promise that the merchandize shall be delivered in this city to-mght. L.k so 
^anvothe Promises, this also may prove a failure, though I have reason to believe tl 
T.vill not I shall however know before I mail this note. In case the goods arrive here 
i sh 1 hope to e voir long-talked of " Professional gentleman " m Washington, as soon 
so si H - I find m'e by the enclosed card, which shall be a -t>sfactory introdu. 
illZhna. You have never given me his name, nor am I anxious to know it. But 
on a pw" visit made last faU to friend Wm. Wright, in Adams Co., I suppose I acci- 
dentallv learned it to be a certain Dr. H-. Well, let him come. 

I h:!d an interesting call a week ago from two gentlemen, masters of vessels, and 

T^ad been engaged at different times in carrying powder in his boat from a powder magazine, 
and from this circumstance, was familiarly called the " Powder Boy. 



FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE A TTIRE. 1 79 

brothers, one of whom, I understand, you know as the " powder boy." I had a little 
Jight freight for them ; but not finding enough other freight to ballast their craft, they 
went down the river looking for wheat, and promising to return soon. I hope to see 
them often. 

I hope this may find you returned from your northern trip,* as your time proposed was 
out two or three days ago. 

I hope if the whole particulars of Jane Johnson's case f are printed, you will send me 
the copy as proposed. 

I forwarded some of her things to Boston a few days ago, and had I known its import- 
ance in court, I could have sent you one or two witnesses who would prove that her 
freedom was intended by her before she left Washington, and that a man was engaged 
here to go on to Philadelphia the same day with her to give notice there of her case, 
though I think he failed to do so. It was beyond all question her purpose, before leaving 
Washington and provable too, that if Wheeler should make her a free woman by takincr 
her to a free state " to use it rather." 

Tuesday, 11th September. The attempt was made on Sunday to forward the merchan- 
dize, but failed through no fault of any of the parties that I now know of. It will be re- 
peated soon, and you shall know the result. 

" Whorra for Judge Kane." I feel so indignant at the man, that it is not easy to write 
the foregoing sentence, and yet who is helping our cause like Kane and Douglas, not 
forgetting Stringfellow. I hope soon to know that this reaches you in safety. 

It often happens that light freight would be offered to Captain B., but the owners can- 
not by possibility advance the amount of freight. I wish it were possible in some such 
extreme cases, that after advancing all they have, some public fund should be found to pay 
the balance or at least lend it. 

[I wish here to caution you against the supposition that I would do any act, or say a 
word towards helping servants to escape. Although I hate slavery so much, I keep my 
hands clear of any such wicked or illegal act.] Yours, very truly, J. B. 

Will you recollect, hereafter, that in any of my future letters, in which I may use [ ] 
whatever words may be within the brackets are intended to have no signification what- 
ever to you, only to blind the eyes of the uninitiated. You will fiud an example at 
the close of my letter. 

Up to this time the chances seemed favorable of procuring the ready services 
of either of the above mentioned captains who visited Lawyer Bigek)w for 
the removal of the merchandize to Philadelphia, providing the shippino- 
master coidd have it in readiness to suit their convenience. But as these 
captains had a number of engagements at Richmond, Petersburg, &c., it was 
not deemed altogether safe to rely ujion either of them, consequently in 
order to be prepared in case of an emergency, the matter was laid before two 
professional gentlemen who were each occui\ving chairs in one of the medical 
colleges of Philadclpliia. They were known to be true friends of the slave, 
and had possessed withal some experience in Underground Rail Road 
matters. Either of these professors was willing to undertake the operation, 
provided arrangements could be completed in time to be carried out during 
the vacation. In this hopeful, although painfully indefinite position the 

* Mr. Bigelow's correspondent had been on a visit to the fugitives to Canada, 
t Jane Johnson of the Passmore Williamson Slave Case. 



i 



jgQ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

matter rom.mccl for more than a year; but the correspondence and anxiety 
increased, and M'ith them disappointments and difficulties multiplied. The 
hope of Freedom, however, buoyed up the heart of the young slave girl 
durincthe long months of anxious waiting and daily expectation for the 
hour of delivei^nce to come. Equally true and faithfu also did Mr. Bige- 
low prove to the last; but at times he had some painfully dark seasons to 
encounter, as may be seen from the subjoined letter : 

Washington, D. C, October 6th, 1855. 
Mb. Still, Deak Sik:-I regret exceedingly to learn by your favor of 4th instant^ 
that all things are not ready. Although 1 cannot speak of any immediate and positive 
din-er [ Yet it is well known that the city is full of incendiaries] 

Plrhap you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any hour of day or n,ght 
wiult any show of authority to have his house ransacked by constables, and if others d 
"Ind commit the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can convi 
hem Teh outrages are always common here, and no kind of P-P-Y ''.'Ti n 
CO "ed protection only, can be considered safe. [I don't say that much liberty should not 
be Xen to on^t^^^^^^ account of numerous runaways, but it don't always work or 
go'.] Before advertising they go round and offer rewards to sharp colored men o per- 
laps on. or two hundred dollars, to betray runaways, and having discovered their hiding- 
i^lace seize them and then cheat their informers out of the money. , ■ „„ 

■^ [X«^I a la...aiUUn, .»nj I am an.iou, ■". 'f ^^ "^f"",*";:'! am 
r.™mct or suspicion. [Be sure that the manummion is f,dl and legal] And as 1 am 
cona.ct or suspicion „„„ don't lose a moment in giving me relief. The 

rdTa^flCyetTr :1 s'eem^ dreadful ; do reduce it to days ,f possible, and give me 

-'ire;':;;';"? ;S;irtLd. .ut wm be, [a„d . .. de,a, too ,ong, ma, be sold 

"It wt'a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so much delay would be 
necLlTy. '[I repeat again that I must have the tMng done 1^ y ^ere o. P W ' 
a good lawyer to draw up the deed of manumission.] ^lours iiuiy, 

Great was the anxiety felt in Washington. It is certainly not too much to 
say, that an equal amount of anxiety existed in Philadelphia respecting he 
safety of the merchandise. At this juncture Mr. Bigelow had come to he 
conclusion that it was no longer safe to write over his own name but that 
he would do well to henceforth adopt the name of the renowned Quakei, 
Wm. Penn, (he was worthy of it) as in the case of the following letter. 

Washington, D. C, November 10th, 1855. 
Devk Sib -Doctor T. presented my card last night about half past eight which I in^ 
BtantW recognised. I. however, soon became suspicious, and f ^^^^^ -f,"", f '.^ 
find the docL using your name and the well known names of Mr. McK. and Mr. W. 

A „o+ TipifViPr he nor I could conjecture the object of his visit. 
'1 h'e doc ^"agreeaUe and sensiWe, and doubUess a true-hearted man. He seemed to 

-^:::iz:i:^^.X^;LA. -^ penis, though i -- -2-; 

he did do, this morning. 



FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN 3IALE ATTIRE. 181 

This morning after eight, I got your letter of the 9th, but it gives me but little enlight- 
enment or satisfaction. You simply say that the doctor is a true man, which I cannot 
doubt, that you thought it best we should have an interview, and that you supposed I 
would meet the expenses. You informed me also that the " P. Boy " left for Richmond, 
on Friday, the 2d, to be gone the length of time named m your last, I must infer that to be 
ten days though in your last you, assured me that the " P. Boy " would certainly start for 
this place (not Richmond) in two or three days, though the difficulty about freight might 
cause delay, and the whole enterprise might not be accomplished under ten days, Ac, &c. 
That time having elapsed and I having agreed to an extra iifty dollars to ensure prompt- 
ness. I have scarcely left my office since, except for my hasty meals, awaiting his arrival. 
You now inform me he has gone to Richmond, to be gone ten days, which will expire to- 
morrow, but you do not say he will return here or to Phila., or where, at the expiration 
of that time, and Dr. T. could tell me nothing whatever about him. Had he been able to tell 
me that this best plan, which I have so long rested upon, would fail, or was abandoned, I 
could then understand it, but he says no such thing, and you say, as you have twice be- 
fore said, " ten days more." 

Now, my dear sir, after this recapitulation, can you not see that I have reason for great 
embarrassment? I have given assurances, both here and in New York, founded on your 
assurances to me, and caused my friends in the latter place great anxiety, so much that I 
have had no way to explain my own letters but by sending your last two to Mr. Tappan. 

I cannot doubt, I do not, but that you wish to help me, and the cause too, for which 
both of us have made many and large sacrifices with no hope of reward in this world. If 
in this case I have been very urgent since September Dr. T. can give you some of my 
reasons, they have not been selfish. 

The whole matter is in a nutshell. Can I, in your opinion, depend on the " P. Boy," 
and when? 

If he promises to come here next trip, will he come, or go to Richmond ? This I think 
is the best way. Can I depend on it? 

Dr. T. promised to write me some explanation and give some advice, and at first I 
thought to await his letter, but on second thought concluded to tell you how I feel, as I 
have done. 

Will you answer my questions with some explicitness, and without delay? 

I forgot to inquire of Dr. T. who is the head of your Vigilance Committee, whom I may 
address concerning other and further operations ? Yours very truly, Wm. Penn. 

P. S. I ought to say, that I have no doubt but there were good reasons for the P. Boy's 
going to Richmond instead of W. ; hut what can they be ? 

Whilst there are a score of other interesting letters, bearing on this case, 
the above must suffice, to give at least, an idea of the perplexities and 
dangers attending its early history. Having accomplished this end, a more 
encouraging and pleasant phase of the transaction may now be introduced. 
Here the difficulties, at least very many of them, vanish, yet in one respect, 
the danger became most imminent. The following letter shows that the girl 
had been successfully rescued from her master, and that a reward of five 
hundred dollars had been offered for her. 

Washington, D. C, October 12, 1855. 
Mr. Wm. Still: — As yott pick tjt all the news that is sTiRRiNa, I contp.ibtjte a 

FEW SCRAPS to TOUR STOCK, GGINO TO SHOW THAT THE POOR SLAVE-HOLDERS HAVE THEIR 
TROUBLES AS WELL AS OTHER PEOPLE. 



232 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Four heavy losses on one small scrap cut from a single number of the "Sun !" 
How vexatious I How provoking! On the other hand, think of the poor, timid, 
breathless, FLYING CHILD OF FIFTEEN! FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD! 
Oh, for succor! To whom in all this wide land op Freedom shall she flee and 
FIND safety ? Alas !— Alas !— The law points to no one I 

Is she still running with bleeding feet?* Or hides she in some cold cave, 
to rest and starve? "$500 reward." Yours, for the weak and the poor. 

PERISH THE REWARD. ^ . "^^ ^" 

Having thus succeeded in getting possession of, and secreting this fleeing 
child of fifteen, as best they could, in Washington, all concerned were com- 
pelled to "possess their souls in patience," until the storm had passed. 
Meanwhile, the "child of fifteen" was christened "Joe Wright," and 
dressed in male attire to prepare for traveling as a lad. As no oppor- 
tunity had hitherto presented itself, whereby to prepare the "package" for 
shipment, from Washington, neither the "powder boy" nor Dr. T.,t was 
prepared to attend to the removal, at this critical moment. The emergency 
of the case, however, cried loudly for aid. The other professional gentleman 
(Dr. H.), was now appealed to, but his engagements in the college forbade his 
absence before about Thanksgiving day, which was then six weeks off. This 
fact was communicated to A¥ashington, and it being the only resource left, 
the time named was necessarily acquiesced in. In the interim, "Joe" was 
to perfect herself in the art of wearing pantaloons, and all other male rig. 
Soon the days and weeks slid by, although at first the time for waiting 
seemed long, when, according to promise. Dr. H. was in Washington, with 
his horse and buggy prepared for duty. The impressions made by Dr. H., 
on William Penn's mind, at his first interview, will doubtless be interesting 
to all concerned, as may be seen in the following letter : 

Washington, D. C, November 26, 1855, 

My Dear Sir:— A recent letter from "my friend, probably has led you to expect this 
from me. He was delighted to receive yours of the 23d, stating that the boy was aU 
right. He found the " Prof, gentleman" a 2)erfect gentleman; cool, quiet, thoughtful, and 
perfectly competent to execute his undertaking. At the first three minutes of their mter- 
view, he felt assured that all would be right. He, and all concerned, give you and that 
gentleman sincere thanks for what you have done. May the blessings of Him, who cares 
for the poor, be on your heads. 

The especial object of this, is to inform you that there is a half dozen or so of packages 
here, pressing for transportation; twice or thrice that number are also pressing, but less 
60 than the others. Their aggregate means will average, say, $10 each ; besides these, 
we know of a few, say three or four, able and smart, but utterly destitute, and kept so 
purposely by their oppressors. For all these, we feel deeply interested; $10 each would 
not be enough for the '' powder boy." Is there any fund from which a pittance could be 
spared to help these poor creatures? I don't doubt but that they would honestly repay 

* At the time this letter w^s written, she was then under Mr. B.'s protection in Washington, and 
had to he so kept for six weeks. His question, therofore, "is she still running with bleeding feet,' 
eto., was simply a precautionary step to blind any who might p.rchnnce investigate the matter. 

t Dr. T. was one of the professional gentlomea alluded to above, who had expressed a willingness 
to act as an ageut in the matter. 




MAKIA WKEMS ESCAPING IN MAI.K ATTIKK. 



FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 183 

a small loan as soon as they (jould earn it. I know full well, that if you begin with such 
cases, there is no boundary at which you can stop. For years, one half at least, of my 
friend's time here has been gratuitously given to oases of distress among this class. He 
never expects or desires to do less; he literally has the poor always with him. He knows 
that it is so with you also, therefore, he only states the case, being especially anxious for 
at least those to whom I have referred. 

I think a small lot of hard coal might always be sold here from the vessel at a profit. 
Would not a like lot of Cumberland coal always sell in Philadelphia? 

My friend would be very glad to see the powder boy here again, and if he brings coal, 
there are those here, who would try to help him sell. 

Keply to your regular correspondent as usual. Wm. Penn. 

By the presence of the Dr., confidence having been reassured that all 
would be right, as well as by the " inner light," William Penn experienced 
a great sense of relief. Everything having been duly arranged, the doctor's 
horse and carriage stood waiting before the White House (William Penn 
preferred this place as a starting point, rather than before his own office 
door). It being understood that " Joe " was to act as coachman in passing 
out of Washington, at this moment he was called for, and in the most 
polite and natural manner, with the fleetness of a young deer, he jumped 
into the carriage, took the reins and whip, whilst the doctor and William 
Penn were cordially shaking hands and bidding adieu. This done, the 
order was given to Joe, " drive on." Joe bravely obeyed. The faithful 
horse trotted off willingly, and the doctor sat in his carriage as composed as 
though he had succeeded in procuring an honorable and lucrative office 
from the White House, and was returning home to tell his wife the good 
news. The doctor had some knowledge of the roads, also some acquaintances 
in Maryland, through which State he had to travel ; therefore, after leaving 
the suburbs of Washington, the doctor took the reins in his own hands, as 
he felt that he was more experienced as a driver than his young coachman. 
He was also mindful of the fact, that, before reaching Pennsylvania, his 
faithful beast would need feeding several times, and that they consequently 
would be obliged to pass one or two nights at least in Maryland, either at 
a tavern or farm-house. 

In reflecting upon the matter, it occurred to the doctor, that in earlier 
days, he had been quite intimately acquainted with a farmer and his family 
(who were slave-holders), in Maryland, and that he would about reach their 
house at the end of the first day's journey. He concluded that he could 
do no better than to renew his acquaintance with his old friends on this 
occasion. After a very successful day's travel, night came on, and the 
doctor was safely at the farmer's door with his carriage and waiter boy; 
the doctor was readily recognized by the farmer and his family, who seemed 
glad to see him; indeed, they made quite a "fuss" over him. As a matter 
of strategy, the doctor made quite a "fuss" over them in return; nevertheless, 
he did not fail to assume airs of importance, which were calculated to lead 



;jg4 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

them to think that he had grown older and wiser than when they knew him 
in his younger days. In casually referring to the manner of his traveling, 
he alluded to the fact, that he was not very well, and as it had been a 
considerable length of time since he had been through that part of the 
country, he thought that the drive would do him good, and especially the 
si-ht of old familiar places and people. The farmer and his family felt 
themselves exceedingly honored by the visit from the distinguished doctor, 
and manifested a marked willingness to spare no pains to render his nights 
lod'i-ing in every way comfortable. 

The Dr. being an educated and intelligent gentleman, well posted on other 
questions besides medicine, could freely talk about forming in all its 
branches, and "niggers" too, in an emergency, so the evening passed oflf 
ple^isantly with the Dr. in the parlor, and " Joe " in the kitchen. The Dr., 
however, had given " Joe " precept upon precept, " here a little, and there a 
little," as to how he should act in the presence of master white people, or 
slave' colored people, and thus he was prepared to act his part with due ex- 
actness. Before the evening grew late, the Dr., fearing some accident, inti- 
mated, that he was feeling a "little languid," and therefore thought that he 
had better " retire." Furthermore he added, that he was " liable to vertigo, 
when not quite well, and for this reason he must have his boy " Joe " sleep 
in the room with him. " Simply give him a bed quilt and he will flire well 
enough in one corner of the room," said the Dr. The proposal was 
readily acceded to, and carried into effect by the accommodating host. The 
Dr. was soon in bed, sleeping soundly, and " Joe," in his new coat and 
pants, wrapped up in the bed quilt, in a corner of the room quite com- 
fortably. 

The next morning the Dr. arose at as early an hour as was prudent tor^ a 
gentleman of his position, and feeling refreshed, partook of a good breaR- 
fast, and was ready, with his boy, " Joe," to prosecute their journey. Face, 
eyes, hope, and steps, were set as flint, Pennsylvania-ward. What time the 
followincr day or night thev crossed Mason and Dixon's line is not recorded 
on th(^ Underground Rail Road books, but at four o'clock on Thanksgiving 
Day, the Dr. safely landed the " fleeing girl of fifteen " at the residence of 
the writer in Philadelphia. On delivering up his charge, the Dr. simply 
remarked to the writer's wife, " I wish to leave this young lad with you a 
short while, and I will call and see further about him." Without further 
explanation, lie stepped into his carriage and hurried away, evidently 
anxious to report himself to his wife, in order to relieve her mind of a 
great weight of anxiety on his account. The writer, who happened to be 
absent from home when the Dr. called, returned soon afterwards. " The 
Dr. ha.s been here" (he was the family physician), "and left this 'young 
lad,' and said, that he would call again and see about him," said Mrs. b. 
The " young lad" was sitting quite composedly in the dining-room, with his 



FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 185 

cap ou. The writer turned to him and inquired, "I suppose you are 
the person that the Dr. went to Washington after, are you not ?" " No " 
said " Joe." " Where are you from then?" was the next question. "From 
York, sir." " From Yorlv ? Wliy then did the Dr. bring you here ?" was 
the next query, " the Dr. went expressly to Washington after a young girl, 
who was to be brought away dressed up as a boy, and I took you to be the 
person." Without replying " the lad " arose and walked out of the house. 
The querist, somewhat mystified, followed him, and then when the two 
were alone, ^' the lad " said, " I am the one the Dr. went after." After con- 
gratulating her, the writer asked why she had said, that she was not from 
Washington, but from York. She explained, that the Dr. had strictly 
charged her not to own to any person, except the writer, that she was from 
Washington, but from York. As there were persons present (wife, hired 
girl, and a fugitive woman), when the questions were put to her, she felt 
that it would be a violation of her pledge to answer in the affirmative. 
Before this examination, neither of the individuals present for a moment en- 
tertained the slightest doubt but that she was a " lad," so well had she 
acted her part in every particular. She was dressed in a new suit, which 
fitted her quite nicely, and with her unusual amount of common sense, she 
appeared to be in no respect lacking. To send off a prize so rare and re- 
markable, as she was, without affording some of the stockholders and 
managers of the Road the pleasure of seeing her, was not to be thought of. 
In addition to the Vigilance Committee, quite a number of persons were in- 
vited to see her, and were greatly astonished. Indeed it was difficult to 
realize, that she was not a boy, even after becoming acquainted with the 
facts in the case. 

The following is an exact account of this case, as taken from the Under- 
ground Rail Road records : 

"Thanksgiving Day, Nov., 1855. 

Arrived, Ann Maria Weems, a/ia.s 'Joe Wright,' alias 'Ellen Capron,' 
from Washington, through the aid of Dr. H. She is about fifteen years of 
age, bright mulatto, well grown, smart and good-looking. For the last three 
years, or about that length of time, she has been owned by Charles M. Price, 
a negro trader, of Rockville, Maryland. Mr. P. was given to 'intempe- 
rance,' to a very great extent, and gross 'profanity.' He buys and sells 
many slaves in the course of the year. ' His wife is cross and peevish.' 
She used to take great pleasure in 'torturing' one ' little slave boy.' He 
was the son of his master (and was owned by him) ; this was the chief cause 
of the mistress' spite." 

Ann Maria had always desired her freedom from childhood, and although 
not thirteen, when first advised to escape, she received the suggestion with- 
out hesitation, and ever after that time waited almost daily, for more thau 



jgg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

two years, tlie chance to flee. Her friends were, of course, to aid her, and 
make arrangements for her escape. Her owner, fearing that she m.ght es- 
cape, for a long time compelled her to sleep in the chamber with her master 
and mistress;" indeed she was so kept until about three weeks before she 
fled. She left her parents living in Washington. Three of her brothers had 
been sold South from their parents. Her mother had been purchased for 
$1,000, and one of her sisters for $1,600 for freedom. Before Ann Maria 
was thirteen years of age $700 was offered for her by a friend, who 
desired to procure her freedom, but the offer was promptly refused as were 
succeeding ones repeatedly made. The only chance of procuring her free- 
dom, depended upon getting her away on the Underground Rail Road. She 
^vas neatly attired in male habiliments, and in that manner came all the way 
from Washington. After passing two or three days with her new friends in 
Philadelphia, she was sent on (in male attire) to Lewis Tappan, of Jsew 
York, who had likewise been deeply interested in her case from the be- 
ginning, and who held himself ready, as was understood, to cash a draft lor 
three hundred dollars to compensate the man who might risk his own liberty 
in bringing her on from Washington. After having arrived safely in New 
York, she found a home and kind friends in the family of the Rev. A. N 
Freeman, and received quite an ovation characteristic of an Underground 

Rail Road. , , . , /. ^i r • j 

After having received many tokens of esteem and kindness from the friends 
of the slave in New York and Brooklyn, she was carefully forwarded on to 
Canada, to be educated at the " Buxton Settlement." ^ 

An interesting letter, however, from the mother of Ann Maria, conveying 
the intelligence of her late great struggle and anxiety in laboring to free her 
last child from Slavery is too important to be omitted, and hence is inserted 
in connection with this narrative. 

LETTER FROM THE MOTHER. 

Washington, D. C, September 19th, 1857. 
Wm. Stili. Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. Sik :-I have just sent for my son Augustus ia 
Akbla I Lave sent elevei hundred dollars which pays for h.s body and some thirty 
tl a s to pay his fare to Washington. I borrowed one hundred and -gbty doUars 
make out the eleven hundred dollars. I was not very successful m Syracuse I olected 
only twelve dollars, and in Rochester only two dollars. I did not know that he season 
was'so unpropitious. The wealthy had all gone to the spnngs. /'^^^^ .^/-J^; 
turned by thi time. I hope you will exert yourself and help me get a part ot the mon y 
I owe at least I am obHged to pay it by the 12th of next month. I was unwell when 
IreTurned through PhJelphia.'or I should have called. I had been from home five 

""'My'son Augustus is the last of the family in Slavery. I feel rejoiced that he is soon to 
be free and with me. and of course feel the greatest solicitude about raasmg the one hun- 
dred and eighty dollars I have borrowed of a kind friend, or who has borrowed it for me 
at bank. I hope and pray you will help me as far as possible. Tell Mr. Douglass to re- 
member me, and if he can, to interesl his friends for me. 



FLEEING QIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 187 

You will recollect that five hundred dollars of our money was taken to buy the sister of 
Henry H. Garnett's wife. Had I been able to command this I should not be necessitated 
to ask the favors and indulgences I do. 

I am expecting daily the return of Augustus, and may Heaven grant him a safe deliv- 
erance and smile propitiously upon you and all kind friends who have aided in his return 
to me. 

Be pleased to remember me to friends, and accept yourself the blessing and prayers 
of your dear friend, Earro Weems. 

P. S. Direct your letter to E. L. Stevens, in Duff Green's Row, Capitol Hill, Washing- 

'°°'^-''- ■ , E.W. 

That William Penn who worked so faithfully for two years for the 
deliverance of Ann Maria may not appear to have been devoting all his 
time and sympathy towards this single object it seems expedient that two or 
three additional letters, proposing certain grand Underground Rail Road 
plans, should have a place here. For this purpose, therefore, the following 
letters are subjoined. 

LETTERS FEOM WILLIAM PENN. 

Washington, D. C, Oct. 3, 1851 

Dear Sir : — I address you to-day chiefly at the suggestion of the Lady who will hand 
you my letter, and who is a resident of your city. 

After stating to you, that the case about which I have previously written, remains just 
as it was when I wrote last — full of difficulty — I thought 1 would call your attention to 
another enterprise ; it is this : to find a man with a large heart for doing good to the op- 
pressed, who will come to Washington to live, and who will lualk out to Penri'a., or a 
part of the way there, once or twice a week. He will find parties who will pay him for 
doing so. Parties of say, two, three, five or so, who will pay him at least $5 each, for the 
privilege of following him, but will never speak to him ; but will keep just in sight of hira 
and obey any sign he may give ; say, he takes off his hat and scratches his head as a 
sign for them to go to some barn or wood to rest, &o. No living being shall be found to 
say he ever spoke to them. A white man would be best, and then even parties led out by 
him could not, if they would, testify to any understanding or anything else against a white 
man. I think he might make a good living at it. Can it not be done ? 

If one or two safe stopping-places could be found on the way — such as a barn or shed, 
they could walk quite safely all night and then sleep all day — about two, or easily three 
nights would convey them to a place of safety. The traveler might be a peddler or huck- 
ster, with an old horse and cart, and bring us in eggs and butter if he pleases. 

Let him once plan out his route, and he might then take ten or a dozen at a time, and 
they are often able and willing to pay $10 a piece. 

I have a hard case now on hand ; a brother and sister 23 to 25 years old, whose mother 
lives in your city. They are cruelly treated; they want to go, they ought to go ; but they 
are utterly destitute. Can nothing be done for such cases? If you can think of anything 
let me know it. I suppose you know me ? 

I 
Washington, D. C, April 3, 1856. 

Dear Sir : — I sent you the recent law of Virginia, under which all vessels are to be 
searched for fugitives within the waters of that State. 

It was long ago suggested by a sagacious friend, that the " powder boy " might find a 



188 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

better port in the Chesapeake baj', or in the Patuxent river to communicate with this vi- 
cinity, than by entering the Potomac river, even were there no such law. 

Suppose he opens a trade with some place south-west of Annapolis, 25 or 30 miles from 
here, or less. He might carry wood, oysters, &c., and all his customers from this vicinity 
might travel in that direction without any of the suspicions that might attend their jour- 
neyings towards this city. In this way, doubtless, a good business might be carried on 
without interruption or competition, and provided the plan was conducted without affecting 
the inhabitants along that shore, no suspicion would arise as to the manner or magnitude 
of his business operations. How does this strike you ? What does the " powder boy " 
think of it ? 

I heretofore intimated & pressing necessity on the part of several females — they are va- 
riously situated — two have children, say a couple each ; some have none — of the latter, 
one can raise $50, another, say 30 or 40 dollars — another who was gazetted last August 
(a copy sent you), can raise, through her friends, 20 or 30 dollars, &c., &c. None of these 
can walk so far or so fast as scores of men that are constantly leaving. I cannot shake off 
my anxiety for these poor creatures. Can you think of anything for any of these? Ad- 
dress your other correspondent in answer to this at your leisure. Yours, 

Wm. Penn. 

P. S. — April 3d. Since writing the above, I have received yours of 31st. I am re- 
joiced to hear that business is so successful and prosperous — may it continue till the article 
shall cease to be merchandize. 

I spoke in my last letter of the departure of a " few friends." I have since heard of 
their good health in Penn'a. Probably you may have seen them. 

In reference to the expedition of which you think you can "hold out some little encour- 
agement," I will barely remark, that I shall be glad, if it is undertaken, to have all the 
notice of the time and manner that is possible, so as to make ready. 

A friend of mine says, anthracite coal will always pay here from Philadelphia, and 
thinks a small vessel might run often — that she never would be searched in the Potomac, 
unless she went outside. 

You advise caution towards Mr. P. I am precisely of your opinion about him, that he 
is a " queer stick," and while I advised him carefully in reference to his own under- 
takings, I took no counsel of him concerning mine. Y''ours, 

W. P. 

Washington, D. C, April 23d, 1856. 

Deae Sir: — I have to thank you for your last two encouraging letters of 31st of March 
and 7th April. I have seen nothing in the papers to interest you, and having bad health 
and a press of other engagements, I have neglected to write you. 

Enclosed is a list of persons referred to in my last letter, all most anxious to travel — all 
meritorious. In some of these I feel an especial interest for what they have done to help 
others in distress. 

I suggest for yours and the " powder boy's" consideration the following plan : that he 
shall take in coal for Washington and come directly here — sell his coal and go to George- 
town for freight, and wait for it. If any fancy articles are sent on board, I understand he 
has a place to put them in, and if he has I suggest that he lies still, still waiting for 
freight till the first anxiety is over. Vessels that have just left are the ones that will be 
inquired after, and perhaps chased. If he lays still a day or two all suspicion will be pre- 
vented. If there shall be occasion to refer to any of them hereafter, it may be by their 
numbers in the list. 

The family — 5 to 11 — will be missed and inquired after soon and urgently; 12 and 13 will 
also be soon missed, but none of the others. 




JOHN UENBY HILL. 



Page 189. 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 189 

If all this can be done, some little time or notice must be had to get them all ready. 
They tell me they can pay the sums marked to their names. The aggregate is small, but 
as i told you, they are poor. Let me hear from you when convenient. 

Truly Yours, Wm. Penn. 

1. A woman, may be 40 years old, $40.00 

2. " " 40 " with 3 children, say 4, 6, and 8,* 15.00 

3. A sister of the above, younger 10.00 

4. A very genteel mulatto girl about 22 25.00 

6. A woman, say 45, "1 These are all one 

6. A daughter, 18, | family, either of 

7. A son, 1(3, them leaving 

8. A son, 14, j- alone, they think, 

9. A daughter, 12, | would cause the 

10. A son, say 22, | balance to be sold. 

11. A man, the Uncle, 40, J 

12. A very genteel mulatto girl, say 23 25.00 

13. " " " " 24 25.00 



50.00 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 

JOH:^ HEJfRY, HEZEKIAH, AND JAJIES HILL. — JOHN MAKES A DESPERATE RESISTANCE 

AT THE SLAVE AUCTION AND ESCAPES AFTER BEING SECRETED NINE MONTHS, 

HEZEKIAH ESCAPED FROM A TRADER AND WAS SECRETED THIRTEEN M0NTH3 

BEFORE HIS FINAL DELIVERANCE. — JAMES WAS SECRETED THREE YEARS 

IN A PLACE OF GREAT BUFFERING, AND ESCAPED. IN ALL FIVE 

YEARS AND ONE MONTH. 

Many letters from John Henry show how incessantly his mind ran out 
towards the oppressed, and the remarkable intelligence and ability he dis- 
played with the pen, considering that he had no chance to acquire book 
knowledge. After having fled for refuge to Canada and having become a 
partaker of impartial freedom under the government of Great Britain, to 
^ many it seemed that the fugitive should be perfectly satisfied. Many ap- 
peared to think that the fugitive, having secured freedom, had bat little 
occasion for anxiety or care, even for his nearest kin. " Change your 
name." '^ Never tell any one how you escaped." " Never let any one know 
where you came from." " Never think of writing back, not even to your 
wife; you can do your kin no good, but may do them harm by writing." 
" Take care of yourself" " You are free, well, be satisfied then." " It will 
do you no good to fret about your wife and children; that will not get 
them out of Slavery." Such was the advice often given to the fugitive. 
Men who had been slaves themselves, and some who had aided in the escape 
of individuals, sometimes urged these sentiments on men and women whose 
hearts were almost breaking over the thought that their dearest and best 
friends were in chains in the prison-house. Perhaps it was thoughtlessness 

* The children might be left behind. 



J 90 TUE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

on the part of some, and a wish to inspire due cautiousness on the part of 
others, that prompted this advice. Doubtless some did soon forget their 
friends. They saw no way by which they could readily communicate with 
them. Perhaps Slavery had dealt with them so cruelly, that little hope or 
aspiration was left in them. 

It was, however, one of the most gratifying facts connected with the fugi- 
tives, the strong love and attachment that they constantly expressed for their 
relatives left in the South; the undying faith they had in God as evinced 
by their touching appeals on behalf of their fellow-slaves. But few probably 
are aware how deeply these feelings were cherished in the breasts of this people. 
Forty, fifty, or sixty years, in some instances elapsed, but this ardent sympa- 
thy and love continued warm and unwavering as ever. Children left to the 
cruel mercy of slave-holders, could never be forgotten. Brothers and sisters 
could not refrain from weeping over the remembrance of their separation on 
the auction block : of having seen innocent children, feeble and defenceless wo- 
men in the grasp of a merciless tyrant, pleading, groaning, and crymg m vam 
for pity Not to remember those thus bruised and mangled, it would seem 
alike unnatural, and impossible. Therefore it is a source of great satisfoc- 
tion to be able, in relating these heroic escapes, to present the evidences ot 
the strong affections of this greatly oppressed race. 

John Hexry never forgot those with whom he had been a fellow-suffeiv^r 
in Slavery; he was always fully awake to their wrongs, and longed to be 
doing something to aid and encourage such as were striving to get their 
Freedom. He wrote many letters in behalf of others, as well as for himse f, 
the tone of which, was always marked by the most zealous devotion to the 
slave, a high sense of the value of Freedom, and unshaken confidence that 
God was on the side of the oppressed, and a strong hope, that the day was 
not far distant, when the slave power would be " suddenly broken and that 

without remedy." , . , , ^, 

Notwithstanding the literary imperfections of these letters, they ai^ 
deemed well suited to these pages Of course, slaves were not allowed book 
learning. Virginia even imprisoned white women for teachmg free colored 
children the alphabet. AYho has forgotten the imprisonment of Mrs. 
Douglass for this offense? In view of these facts, no apology is needed on 
account of Hill's grammar and spelling. , , , .i + f^ 

In these letters, may be seen, how much liberty was valued how the tas e 
of Freedom moved the pen of the slave; how the thought of fellow-boml- 
men, under the heel of the slave-holder, aroused the spirit of indignation 
and wrath; how importunately appeals were made for help from man and 
from God; how much joy was felt at the arrival of a fugitive and the 
intense sadness experienced over the news of a fivilure or capture ot a slave. 
Not only are the feelings of John Henry Hill represented m th^se epistle , 
but the feelings of veiy many others amongst the intelligent fugitives 



I 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 191 

over the country are also represented to the letter. It is more with a view 
of doing justice to a brave, intelligent class, whom the public are ignorant 
of, than merely to give special prominence to John and his relatives as 
individuals, that these letters are given. 

ESCAPE OF JOHN HENRY HILL FROM THE SLAVE AUCTION IN RICHMOND, ON THE 
FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1853. 

John Henry at that time, was a little turned of twenty-five years of 
age, full six feet high, and remarkably well proportioned in every respect. 
He was rather of a brown color, with marked intellectual features. John 
was by trade, a carpenter, and was considered a competent workman. The 
year previous to his escape, he hired his time, for which he paid his owner 
^150. This amount John had fully settled up the last day of the year. 
As he was a young man of steady habits, a husband and father, and withal 
an ardent lover of Liberty; his owner, John Mitchell, evidently observed 
these traits in his character, and concluded that he was a dangerous piece 
of property to keep ; that his worth in money could be more easily manao-ed 
than the man. Consequently, his master unceremoniously, without inti- 
mating in any way to John, that he was to be sold, took him to Richmond, 
on the first day of January (the great annual sale day), and directly to the 
slave-auction. Just as John was being taken into the building, he^was in- 
vited to submit to hand-cuffs. As the thought flashed upon his mind that 
he was about to be sold on the auction-block, he grew terribly desperate. 
" Liberty or death " was the watchword of that awful moment. In the 
twinkling of an eye, he turned on his enemies, with his fist, knife, and feet, 
so tiger-like, that he actually put four or five men to flight, his master 
among the number. His enemies thus suddenly baffled, John wheeled, 
and, as if assisted by an angel, strange as it may appear, was soon out of 
sight of his pursuers, and securely hid away. This was the last hour of 
John Henry's slave life, but not, however, of his struggles and sufferings 
for freedom, for before a final chance to escape presented itself, nine months 
elapsed. The mystery as to where, and how he fared, the following account, 
in his own words, must explain — 

Nine months I was trying to get away. I was secreted for a long time in a kitchen of 
a merchant near the corner of Franklyn and 7th streets, at Richmond, where I was well 
taken care of, by a lady friend of my mother. When I got Tired of staving in that place, 
I wrote myself a pass to pass myself to Petersburg, here I stopped with^'a very prominent 
Colored person, who was a friend to Freedom stayed here until two white fripnds told 
other friends if I was in the city to tell me to go at once, and stand not upon the order of 
going, because they had hard a plot. I wrot a pass, started for Richmond, Reached 
Manchester, got off the Cars walked into Richmond, once more got back into the same old 
Den Stayed here from the 16th of Aug. to 12th Sept. On the 11th ot Sept. 8 o'clock 
R. M. a message came to me that there had been a State Room taken on the steamer 
City of Richmond for my benefit, and I assured the party that it would be occupied if 



192 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

God be willing. Before 10 o'clock the next morning, on the 12th, a beautiful Sept. day, I 
arose early, wrote my pass for Norfoll: left my old Den with a many a good bye, turned 
out the back way to 7th St., thence to Main, down Main behind 4 night waich to old 
Rockett's and after about 20 minutes of delay I succeed in Reaching the State Room. 
My Conductor was very much Excited, but 1 felt as Composed as 1 do at this moment, 
for I had started from my Den that morning for Liberty or for Death providing myself 
with a Brace of Pistels. Yours truly J. H. Hill. 

A private berth was procured for him on the steamship City of Rich- 
mond, for the amount of $125, and thus he was brought on safely to Phila- 
delphia. While in the city, he enjoyed the hospitalities of the Vigilance 
Committee, and the greetings of a number of friends, during the several 
days of his sojourn. The thought of his wife, and two children, left in 
Petersburg, however, naturally caused him much anxiety. Fortunately, 
they were free, therefore, he was not without hope of getting them ; morer 
over, his wife's father (Jack McCraey), was a free man, well known, and 
very well to do in the world, and would not be likely to see his daughter 
and grandchildren suffer. In this particular. Hill's lot was of a favorable 
character, compared with that of most slaves leaving their wives and 
children. 

FIRST LETTER 

ON ARRIVING IN CANADA. 

Toronto, October 4th, 1853. 

Dear Sir : — T take this method of informing you that I am well, and that I got to this 
city all safe and sound, though I did not get here as soon as I expect, I left your city on 
Saterday and I was on the way untel the Friday following. I got to New York the same 
day that I left Philadelphia, but I had to stay there untel Monday evening. I left that 
place at six o'clock. I got to Albany next morning in time to take the half past six 
o'clock train for Rochester, here I stay untel Wensday night. The reason I stay there so 
long Mr. Gibbs given me a letter to Mr Morris at Rochester. I left that place Wensday, 
but I only got five miles from that city that night. I got to Lewiston on Thurday after- 
noon, but too late for the boat to this city. 1 left Lewiston on Friday at one o'clock, got 
to this city at five. Sir I found this to be a very handsome city. I like it better than 
any citv I ever saw. It are not as large as the city that you live in, but it is very large 
place much more so than I expect to find it. I seen the gentleman that you given me 
letter to. I think him much of a gentleman. I got into work on Monday. The man 
whom I am working for is name Myers ; but I expect to go to work for another man by 
name of Tinsly, who is a master workman in this city. He says that he will give me 
work next week and everybody advises me to work for Mr. Tinsly as there more surity in 
him. 

Mr. Still, I have been looking and looking for my friends for several days, but have not 
seen nor heard of them. I hope and trust in the Lord Almighty that all things are well 
with them. My dear sir I could feel so much better sattisfied if I could hear from my 
wife. Since I reached this city I have talagraphed to friend Brnwn to send my thing to 
me, but I cannot hear a word from no one at all. I have written to Mr. Brown two or 
three times since I left the city. I trust that he has gotten ray wife's letters, that is if she 
has written. Please direct your letters to me, near the corner Sarah and Edward street, 
until I give you further notice. You will tell friend B. how to direct his letters, as I for- 



FIVE YEAR8 AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. I93 

gotten it when I writt to him, and ask him if he has heard anything from Virginia. Please 
to let me hear from him without delay for my very soul is trubled about my friends whom 
I expected to of seen here before this hour. Whatever you do please to write. I shall 
look for you paper shortly. Believe me sir to be your well wisher. 

John H. Hill. 
SECOND LETTER. 

Expressions nf gratitude— The Custom House refuses to charge him duty— He is greatly 
concerned for his wife 

Toronto, October 30th, 1853. 

My Dear Friend :— I now write to inform you that I have received my things all safe 
and sound, and also have shuck hand with the friend that you send on to this place one 
of them is stopping with me. His name is Chas. Stuert, he seemes to be a tolerable smart 
fellow. I Rec'd my letters. I have taken this friend to see Mr. Smith. However will 
give him a place to board untell he can get to work. I shall do every thing I can for them 
all that I see the gentleman wish you to see his wife and let her know that he arrived safe, 
and present his love to her and to all the friend. Mr. Still, I am under ten thousand ob- 
ligation to you for your kindness when shall I ever repay ? S. speek very highly of vou. 
I will state to you what Custom house master said to me. He ask me when he Presented 
my efects are these your efects. I answered yes. He then ask me was I going to settle in 
Canada. I told him I was. He then ask me of my case. I told all about it. He said I am 
happy to see you and all that will come. He ask me how much 1 had to pay for my Paper. 
i told him half dollar. He then told me that I should have my money again. He a Rose 
from his seat and got my money. So my friend you can see the people Ind tell them all 
this is a land of liberty and believe they will find friends here. My best love to all. 

My friend I must call upon you once more to do more kindness for me that is to. write 
to my wife as soon as you get this, and tell her when she gets ready to come she- will pack 
and consign her things to you. You will give her some instruction, but not to your ex- 
penses but to her own. 

When you write direct your letter to Phillip Ubank, Petersburg, Va. My Box ar- 
rived here the 27th. 

My dear sir I am in a hurry to take this friend to church, so I must close by saying I 
am your humble servant in the cause of liberty and humanity. John H. HillT 

THIRD LETTER. 
Canada is highly praised— The Vigilance Cotnmittee is imjolored to send all the Fugitives 
there— •' Farmers and Mechanics wanted"— " No living in Canada for Negroes," as 
argued by " Masters," flatly denied, dc, &c., &c. 

So I ask you to send the fugitives to Canada. I don't know much of this Province but 
I beleaves that there is Rome enough for the colored and whites of the United States. We 
wants farmers mechanic men of ail qualification &o, if they are not made we will make 
them, if we cannot make the old, we will make our children. 

Now concerning the city toronto this city is Beautiful and Prosperous Levele city. Great 
many wooden codages more than what should be but I am in hopes there will be more of 
the Brick and Stonn. But I am not done about your Republicanism. Our masters have 
told us that there was no living in Canada for a Negro but if it may Please vour gentle- 
manship to publish these facts that we are here able to earn our bread 'and money 
enough to make us comftable. But I say give me freedom, and the United States may have 
all her money and her Luxtures, yeas give Liberty or Death. Pm in America, but not 
under Such a Government th.t I cannot express myself, speak, think or write So as I am 
able and if my master had allowed me to have an education I would make them Ameri- 
can Slave-holders feel me, Yeas I would make them tremble when I spoke and v'hen I 

13 



194 



THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 



take my Pen in hand their knees smote together. My Dear Sir suppose I was an educated 
man. I could write you sometliing worth reading, but you know we poor fugitives whom 
has just come over from the South are not able to write much on no subject whatever, but 
I hope by the aid of my God I will try to use my midnight lamp, untel I can have some 
influence upon the American Slavery. If some one would say to me, that they would 
give my wife bread untel I could be Educated I would stoop my trade this day and take 
up my books. 

But a crisis is approaching when assential requisite to the American Slaveholders when 
blood Death or Liberty will be required at their hands. 1 think our people have depened 
too long and too much on false legislator let us now look for ourselves. It is true that 
England however the Englishman is our best friend but we as men ought not to depened 
upon her Remonstrace with the Americans because she loves her commercial trade as any 
Nations do. But I must say, while we look up and acknowledge the Power greatness and 
honor of old England, and believe that while we sit beneath the Silken folds of her flag of 
Perfect Liberty, we are secure, beyond the reach of the aggressions of the Blood hounds 
and free from the despotism that would wrap around our limbs by the damable Slave- 
holder. Yet we would not like spoiled childeren depend upon her, but upon ourselvesj 
and as one means of strengthening ourselves, we should agitate the emigration to Canada. 
I here send you a paragraph which I clipted from the weekly Glob. I hope you will pub- 
lish so that Mr. Williamson may know that men are not chattel here but reather they are 
men and if he wants his chattle let him come here after it or his thing. I wants you to 
let the whole United States know we are satisfied here because I have seen more Pleasure 
since I came here then I saw in the U. S. the 24 years that I served my master. Come 
Poor distress men women and come to Canada where colored men are free. Oh how sweet 
the word do sound to me yeas when I contemplate of these things, my very flesh creaps 
my heart thrub when I think of my beloved friends whom I left in that cursid hole. Oh 
my God what can I do for them or shall I do for them. Lord help them. Suflfer them to. 
be no longf^r depressed beneath the Bruat Creation but may they be looked upon as mer 
made of the Bone and Blood as the Anglo-Americans. May God in his mercy Give Lib- 
erty to all this world. I must close as it am late hour at night. I Remain your friend 
in the cause of Liberty and humanity, 

John H. Hill, a fugitive. 

If you know any one who would give me an education write and let me know for I am 
in want of it very much. Your with Respect, 

J. H. H. 



If the sentiments in the above letter do not indicate an uncommon degree 
of natural intelligence, a clear perception of the wrongs of Slavery, and 
a just apj)reciation of freedom, where shall we look for the signs of intellect 
and manhood ? 

FOURTH LETTER. 

Lonfjs for his wife — In hearing of the return of a Fugitive from Philadelphia is madel 
sorrowful — His love of Freedom increases, <&c., &c. 

Toronto, November 12ih, 1853. 
My Dkar Rtit.l : — Your letter of the 3th came to hand tbursday and also three copes I 
all of wliich I was glad to Received they have taken my attention all together Every! 
Time I got them. I also Rec'd. a letter from my frii^nd Brown. Mr. Brown stated to mef 
that he had heard from my wife but he did not say what way he heard. I am looking fori 
my wife every day. Yes I want her to come then I will be better sattisfied. My friend I 
am a free man and feeles alright about that matter. I am doing tolrable well in my line! 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 195 

of business, and think 1 will do better after little. I hope you all will never stop any of 
our Brotheran that makes their Escep from the South but send them on to this Place 
where they can be free man and woman. We want them here and not in your State 
where they can be taken away at any hour. Nay but let him ccme here where he can 
Enjoy the Rights of a human being and not to be trodden under the feet of men like them- 
selves. All the People that comes here does well. Thanks be to God that I came to this 
place. 1 would like very well to see you all but never do I expect to see you in the United 
States. I want you all to come to this land of Liberty where the bondman can be free. 
Come one come all come to this place, and I hope my dear friend you will send on here. I 
shall do for them as you all done for me when I came on here however I will do the best 
I can for them if they can they shall do if they will do, but some comes here that can't do 
well because they make no efford. I hope my friend you will teach them such lessons as 
Mrs. Moore Give me before I left your city. I hope she may live a hundred years longei 
and enjoy good health. May God bless her for the good cause which she are working in. 
Mr. Still you ask me to remember you to Nelson. I will do so when I see him, he are on 
the lake so is Stewart. 1 received a letter to-day for Stewart from your city which letter 
I will take to him when he comes to the city. He are not stoping with us at this time. I 
was very sorry a few days ago when I heard that a man was taken from your city. 

Send them over here, then let him come here and take them away and 1 will try to have 
a finger in the Fie myself. You said that you had written to my wife ten thousand thanks 
for what you have done and what you are willing to do. My friend whenever you hear 
from my wife please write to me. Whenever she come to your city please give instruc- 
tion how to travel. I wants her to come the faster way. I wish she was here now. I 
wish she could get a ticket through to this place. I have mail a paper for you to day. 

We have had snow but not to last long. Let me hear from 3'ou. My Respect friend 
Brown. I will write more when I have the opportunity. Yours with Respect, 

John H. Hill. 

P. S. My dear Sir. Last night after I had written the above, and bad gone to bed, I 
heard a strange voice in the house. Saying to Mr. Myers to come quickly to one of our 
colod Brotheran out of the street. We went and found a man a Carpenter laying on the 
side walk woltun in his Blood. Done by some unknown Person as yet but if they stay on 
the earth the law will deteck them. It is said that party of colord people done it, which 
party was seen to come out an infame house. 

Mr. Myers have been down to see him and Brought the Sad news that the Poor fellow 
was dead. Mr. Scott for Henry Scott was the name, he was a fugitive from Virginia he 
came here from Pittsburg Pa. Oh, when I went where he laid what a shock, it taken my 
Sleep altogether night. When I got to Sopt his Body was surrounded by the Policeman. 
The law has taken the woman in cusidy. I write and also send you a paper of the case 
when it comes out. J. H. Hill. 

FIFTH LETTER. 
He rejoices over the arrival of his wife — but at the same time, his heart is bleeding over 
a dear friend whom he had promised to help before he left Slavery. 

Toronto, December 29th, 1853. 
My Dear Friend : — It affords me a good deel of Pleasure to say that my wife and 
the Children have arrived safe in this City. But my wife had very bad luck. She lost 
her money and the money that was belonging to the children, the whole amount was 35 
dollars. She had to go to the Niagara falls and Telegraph to me come after her. She got 
to the falls on Sat'dy and I went after her on Monday. We saw each other once again 
after so long an Abstance, you may know what sort of metting it was, joyful times of 



196 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

corst. My wife are well Satisfied here, and she was well Pleased during her stay in your 
citv. My Trip to the falls cost Ten Eighty Seven and half. The things that friend Brown 
Shiped to me by the Express costed .$24^. So you can see fiting out a house Niagara 
falls and the cost for bringing my things to this place, have got me out of money, but for 
all I am a free man. 

The weather are very cold at Present, the snow continue to fall though not as deep here 
as it 13 in Boston. The people haves their own Araouseraents, the weather as it is now, 
they don't care for the snow nor ice, but they are going from Ten A. M. until Twelve 
P. M., the hous that we have open don't take well because we don't Sell Spirits, which 
'we are trying to avoid if we can. 

Mr. Still, I hold in my hand A letter from a friend of South, who calls me to promise 
that I made to him before I left. My dear Sir, this letter have made my heart Bleed, 
since I Received it, he also desires of me to remember him to his beloved Brethren and 
then to Pray for him and his dear friends who are in Slavery. I shall Present his letter 
to the churches of this city. I forward to 5'our care for Mrs. Moore, a few weeks ago. 
Mrs. Hill sends her love to your wife and yourself. 

Please to write, 1 Sincerely hope that our friends from Petersburg have reached your 
city before this letter is dated. I must close by saying, that I Sir, remain humble and 
obedient Servant, J- H- H. 

SIXTH LETTER. 

He is now earnestly appealing in behalf of a friend in Slavery, with a view to procuring 
aid and assistance from certain parties, by which this particular friend in bondage 

might be resetted. 

•^ Toronto, March 8th, 1854. 

My Dear friekd Still :— We will once more truble you opon this great cause of 

freedom, as we know that you are a man, that are never fatuged in Such a glorious cause. 

Sir, what I wish to Say is this. Mr. Forman has Received a letter from his wife dated the 

29th ult. She States to him that She was Ready at any time, and that Everything was 

Right with her, and she hoped that he would lose no time in sending for her for she was 

Ready and awaiting for him. Well friend Still, we learnt that Mr. Minkens could not bring 

her the account of" her child. We are very sorry to hear Such News, however, you will 

please to read this letter with care, as we have learnt that Minkens Cannot do what we 

wishes to be done; we perpose another way. There is a white man that Sale from 

Richmond to Boston, that man are very Safe, he will bring F's wife with her child. Sc 

you will do us a favour will take it upon yourself to transcribe from this letter what w. 

shall write. I. E. this there is a Colored g^n. that workes on the basin in R— d thi: 

man's name is Esue Foster, he can tell Mrs. forman all about this Saleor. So you car 

place the letter in the hands of M. to take to forman's wife. She can read it for herself. Shi 

will find Foster at ladlum's warehouse on the Basin, and when you write call my name t 

him and he will trust it. this foster are a member of the old Baptist Church. Whei 

you have done all you can do let us know what you have done, if you hears anything c 

my uncle let me know. 

SEVENTH LETTER. 

He laments over his uncle's fate, who was suffering in a dungeon-like place of concealmei 

daily waitinn for the opporttmity to escape. . ,^. ,„^, 

^ "^-^ Toronto, March 18th, 1864. 

My Dear Still:— Yours of the 15th Reached on the 11th, found myself and famil 
very well, and not to delay no time in replying to you, as there was an article in yov 
letter which article Roused me very much when I read it; that was you praying lo me t 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 197 

be cautious how I write down South. Be so kind as to tell me in your next letter whether 

you have at any time apprehended any danger in my letters however, in those bond 

: southward; if there have been, allow me to beg ten thousand pardon before God and man, 

■ for I am not design to throw any obstacle in the way of those whom I left in South, but 
to aide them in every possible way. I have done as you Requested, that to warn the 

■ friends of the dager of writing South. I have told all you said in yours that Mr. Min- 
kms would be in your city very soon, and you would see what you could do for me, do 
you mean or do speak in reference to my dear uncle. I am hopes that you will use every 
ifford to get him from the position in which he now stand. I know how he feels at this 
time, for I have felt the same when I was a runway. I was bereft of all participation 
with my family for nearly nine months, and now that poor fellow are place in same posi- 
tion. Oh God help I pray, what a pitty it is that I cannot do him no good, but I 
sincerely hope that you will not get fatigued at doing good in such cases, nay, I think 
other wises of you, however, I Say no more on this subject at present, but leave it for 
you to judge. 

On the 13th inst. you made Some Remarks concerning friend Forman's wife, I am 
Satisfied that you will do all you can for her Release from Slavery, but as you said 
you feels for them, so do I, and Mr. Foreman comes to me very often to know if I 
have heard anything from you concerning his wife, they all comes to for the same. 

God Save the Queen. All my letters Southward have passed through your hands 
with an exception of one. John H. Hill. 

EIGHTH LETTER. 
Death has snatched away one of his children and he has cause to mourn. In his grief 
he recounts his struggles for freedom, and his having to leave his wife and children. He 
acknowledges that he had to " work very hard for comforts," but he declares thai he 
would not " exchange with the comforts of ten thousand slaves." 

Toronto Sept 14th 1854 
i My Dear friend Still : — this are the first opportunity that I have had to write you 
I since I Reed your letter of the 20th July, there have been sickness and Death in my 
family since your letter was Reed, our dear little Child have been taken from us one 
whom we loved so very Dear, but the almighty God knows what are best for us all. 

Louis Henry Hill, was born in Petersburg Va May 7th 1852. and Died Toronto 
' August 19th 1854 at five o'clock P. M. 

Dear Still I could say much about the times and insidince that have taken place since 
• the coming of that dear little angle jest spoken of. it was 12 months and 3 days from the 
' time that I took departure of my wife and child to proceed to Richmond to awaite a con- 
veyance up to the day of his death. 

it was thursday the 13th that I lift Richmond, it was Saturday the 15th that I land to 
my great joy in the city of Phila. then I put out for Canada. I arrived in this city on Fri- 
day the 30th and to my great satisfaction. I found myself upon Briton's free land, not 
only free for the white man bot for all. 

this day 12 months I was not out of the reach the slaveholders, but this 14th day of 
Sept. I am as Free as your President Pearce. only I have not been free so long How- 
ever the 30th of the month I will have been free only 12 months. 

It is true that I have to work very hard for comfort but I would not exchange with ten 
thousand slave that are equel with their masters. I am Happy, Happy. 

Give love to Mrs. Still. My wife laments her child's death too much, wil you be so 
kind as to see Mr. Brown and ask him to write to me, and if he have heard from Peters- 
burg Va. Yours truely J. H. Hill. 



jgg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

NINTH LETTER. 
He is anxiously wailing for the arrival of friends from the South. Hints that slave- 
holders would be very unsafe in Canada, should they be foolish enough to visU that 
country for the purpose of enticing slaves back. ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ 

My Dear Still :— Your letter of the 16th came to hand just in time for my per- 

pose I perceivs by your statement that the money have not been to Petersburg at all 

done just what was right and I would of sent the money to you at first, but my dear 

friend I have called upon you for so many times that I have been ashamed of myself to 

call any more So vou may perceive by the above written my obligations to you, you said 

that vou had written on to Petersburg, you have done Right which I believes is your 

general way of doing your business, the money are all right I only had to pay a 6d ou 

the Ten dollars, this money was given to by a friend in the city N. york, the fnend was 

from Richmond Virginia (a white man) the amount was fifteen dollars, I forward a letter 

to you yesterday which letter I forgot to date, my friend I wants to hear from Virginia 

the worst of all things, you know that we expect some freneds on and we cannot hear 

anv thin- from them which makes us uneasy for fear that they have attempt to come 

away and been detected. I have ears open at all times, listen at all hours expecting to 

hear from them Please to see friend Brown and know from him if he has heard anything 

from our friends, if he have not. tell him write and inquiare into the matter why it is that 

thev have not come over, then let me hear from you all. r -u u a 

We are going to have a grand concert &c I mean the Abolisnous Socity. I will attend 

mvself and also my wife if the Lord be willing you will perceive in previous letter that 

I mension something concerning Mr Forman's wife if there be any chance whatever please 

te proceed, Mr Foreman sends his love te you Requested you to do all you can to get his 

wife away from Slavery. 

Our best respects te your wife. You promisted me that you would write somthing con. 
cerning our arrival in Canada but I suppose you have not had the time as yet, I would 
be very "lad to read your opinion on that matter 

I have notice several articles in the freeman one of the Canada weaklys concerning the 
Christiana prisoners respecting Castnor Hanway and also Mr. Rauffman. if I had one 
hundred dollars te day I would give them five each, however I hope that I may be able 
te subscribe something for their Relefe. in Regards to the letters have been written from 
Canada te the South the letters was not what they thought them to be and if the slave- 
holders know when they are doing well they had better keep their side for if t.hey comes 
over this side of the lake 1 am under the impression they will not go back with somethin 
that their mother boned them with whether thiar slaves written for them or not. i 
know some one here that have written his master te come after him, but not because he 
expect te go with him home but because he wants to retaleate upon his persecuter, but 1 
would be sorry for man that have written for his master expecting te return with hira 
because the people here would kill them. Sir I cannot write enough te express myselt 
80 I must close by saying I Remain yours. Jo^N H. Hill. 

TENTH LETTER. 
Great joy over an arrival— Twelve months praying for the deliverance of an Uncle 
groaning in a hiding-place, while the Slave-hunters are daily expected-Slrong ap- 
peals for aid, dc, <&c. ^^^^^^^_ j^^^^^y ^^^^ ^855_ 

My Dear Friend :— It is with much pleasure that I take this opportunity of addressing 
you with these few lines hoping when they reeches you they may find yourself and family 
enjoying good health as they leaves us at present. 



FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. I99 

And it is with much happiness that I can say to you that Mrs. Mercor arrived in this 
city on yesterday. Mr. Mercer was at my house late in the evening, and I told him that 
when he went home if hear anything from Virginia, that he must let me know as soon as 
possible. He told me that if he went home and found any news there he would come 
right back and inform me thereof. But little did he expect to find his dearest there. You 
may judge what a meeting there was with them, and may God grant that there may be 
some more meetings with our wives and friends. I had been looking for some one from the 
old sod for several days, but I was in good hopes that it would be my poor Uncle. But 
poor fellow he are yet groaning under the sufferings of a horrid sytam, Expecting every 
day to Receive his Doom. Oh, God, what shall I do, or what can I do for him ? I have 
prayed for him more than 12 months, yet he is in that horrid condition. I can never hear 
anything Directly from him or any of my people. 

Once more I appeal to your Humanity. Will you act for him, as if you was in slavery 
yourself, and I sincerely believe that he will come out of that condition? Mrs. M. have 
told me that she given some directions how he could be goten at, but friend Still, if this 
conductor should not be successfuU this time, will you mind him of the Poor Slave agam. 
I hope you will as Mrs. Mercer have told the friend what to do I cannot do more, there- 
fore I must leve it to the Mercy of God and your Exertion. 

The weather have been very mile Ever since the 23rd of Dec. I have thought consider- 
able about our condition in this country Seeing that the weather was so very faverable to 
us. I was thinking a few days ago, that nature had giving us A country & adopted all 
things Sutable. 

You will do me the kindness of telling me in your next whether or not the ten slaves 
have been Brought out from N. C. 

I have not hard from Brown for Nine month he have done some very Bad letting me 
alone, for what cause I cannot tell. Give my Best Kespect to Mr. B. when you see him 
I wish very much to hear from himself and family. You will please to let me hear from 
you. My wife Joines me in love to yourself and family. 

Yours most Respectfully, 

John H. Hill. 

P. S. Every fugitive Regreated to hear of the Death of Mrs. Moore. I myself think 
that there are no other to take her Place. yours J H H 

ELEVENTH LETTER. 
[extract.] 
Rejoices atheanng of the success of the Underground Rail Road- Liquires particu- 
larly after the "fellow " who " cut off the Patrol's head m Maryland." 

Hamilton, August 15th, 1856. 
Dear Friend :-I am very glad to hear that the Underground Rail Road is doing such 
good business, but tell me in your next letter if you have seen the heroic fellow that cut 
ott the head of the Patrol in Maryland. We wants that fellow here, as John Bull has a 
great deal of hghting to do, and as there is a colored Captain in this city, I would seek to 
have that fellow Promoted, Provided he became a soldier. 

Great respect, John H. Hill. 

P. S.— Please forward the enclosed to Mr. McCray. 



200 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



TWELFTH LETTER. 

[extract.] 

Believes in praying for the Slave-but Llunks " fire and sword" wouUbe more effective 

with Slave-holders. 

Hamilton, Jan. oth, Ibov. 

Mr Still -—Our Tappers contains long details of insurrectionary movements among 
the'slaves at the South and one paper adds that a great Nomber of Generals, Captains 
with other officers had being arrested. At this day four years ago I left Petersburg for 
Richmond to meet the man whom called himself my master, but he wanted money worser 
that day than I do this day, he took me to sell me, he could not have done a better thing lor 
me for I intended to leave any how by the first convaiance. I hard some good Prayers put 
up for the suffers on last Sunday evening in the Baptist Church. Now friend still I beleve 
that Prayers affects great good, but I beleve that the fire and sword would aff-ect more 
good in this case. Perhaps this is not your thoughts, but I must acknowledge this to be 
my Polacy. The world are being turned upside down, and I think we might as well 
take an active part in it as not. We must have something to do as other people, und 
I hope this moment among the Slaves are the beginning. I wants to see something go 

ou while I live. tt i i t^ttxt w ttttt 

Yours truly, John x±. Hill. 

THIRTEENTH LETTER. 

Sad tidings from Richmond— Of the arrest of a Captain with Slaves on board as Under- 

around Rail Road passengers. 

^ Hamilton, June 5th, 1868. 

Dear Friend Still:— I have just beard that our friend Capt. B. have being taken. 
Prisoner in Virginia with slaves on board of his vessel. I hard this about an hour ago. 
the Person told me of this said he read it in the newspaper, if this be'so it is awfull. You 
will be so kind as to send me some information. Send me one of the Virginia Papers. 
Poor fellow if thev have got him, I am sorry, sorry to my heart. I have not heard from 
my Uncle for a long time if have heard or do hear anything from him at any time you will 
oblige me by writing. I wish you to inquire of Mr. Anderson's friends (if you know any 
of them), if they have heard anything from him since he was in your city. 1 have written 
to him twice since he was here according to his own directions, but never received an an- 
swer. I wants to hear from my mother very much, but cannot hear one word. You will 
present my best regards to the friend. Mrs. Hill is quite sick. 

Yours truly, J- H. Hill. 

P. S — I have not received the Anti-Slavery Standard for several weeks. Please for- 
ward any news relative to the Capt. J. H. M. 



THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL. 

(uncle of JOHN HENRY HILL.) 

Impelled by the love of freedom Hezekiah resolved that he would work 
no longer for nothin;.;; that he would never be sold on the auction block; 
that he no lon<;er would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would die 
rather than be a slave. This decision, however, had only been entertained 



THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL. 201 

by him a short time prior to his escape. For a number of years Hezckiah 
had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he shoukl succeed in 
obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an understanding with his 
owner with this object in view. At different times he had paid on account 
for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six hundred dollars more than he was 
to have paid according to the first agreement. Although so shamefully de- 
frauded in the first instance, he concluded to bear the disappointment as 
patiently as possible and get out of the lion's mouth as best he could. 

He continued to work on and save his money until he had actually come 
within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand. At this point instead 
of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his sur- 
prise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he 
was at work. The errand of the trader was soon made known. Hezekiah 
simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his 
coat, which he seized and ran. He was pursued but not captured. This 
occurrence took place in Petersburg, Va., about the first of December, 1854. 
On the night of the same day of his escape from the trader, Hezekiah 
walked to Richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a friend. He 
was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty years of age just 
in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two men. 

A heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find 
him in this hiding-place under the floor. He strongly hoped to get away 
soon ; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed. At 
different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a private 
passage to Philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool, some 
one always got ahead of him. Two or three times he even managed to 
reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place under 
the floor. Some were under the impression that he was an exceedingly 
unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him. But his courage 
sustained him unwaveringly. 

Finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was pro- 
cured for him on the steamship Pennsylvania, and with a little slave boy, 
seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though 
placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to Philadelphia, greatly to the 
astonishment of the Vigilance Committee, who had waited for him so long 
that they had despaired of his ever coming. 

The joy that filled Hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never de- 
scribed. Nane but one who had been in similar straits could enter into 
his feelings. 

He had left his Avife Louisa, and two little boys, Henry and Manuel. 
His passage cost one hundred dollars. 

Hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were in- 
vited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble 



202 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

struggles and his triumph ; needing rest and recruiting, he was made 
welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might feel 
disposed so to do. He remained several days, and then went on to Canada 
rejoicing. After arriving there he returned his acknowledgment for favors 
received, &c., in the following letter : 

Toronto Jan^24th 1856. 

Mr. Still : — this is to inform you that Myself and little boy, arrived safely in this city 
this day the 241 h, at ten o'clock after a very long and pleasant trip. I had a great deal 
of attention paid to me while on the way. 

I owes a great deel of thanks to yourself and friends, I will just say hare that when I 
arrived at New York, I found Mr. Gibbs sick and could not be attended to there. How- 
ever, I have arrived alright. 

You will please to give ray respects to your friend that writes in the office with you, 
and to Mr Smith, also Mr Brown, and the friends, Mrs Still in particular. 

Friend Still you will please to send the enclosed to John Hill Petersburg I want him 
to send some things to me you will be so kind as to send your direction to them, so that 
the things to your care, if you do not see a convenient way to send it by hands, you 
will please direct your letter to Phillip Ubank Petersburg. Yours Respectfully H Hill. 



JAMES— (BROTHER OF JOHN HENRY HILL). 

For three years James suffered in a place of concealment, before he found 
the way opened to escape. When he resolved on having his freedom he was 
much under twenty-one years of age, a brave young man, for three years, 
with unfailing spirit, making resistance in the city of Richmond to the slave 
Power ! 

Such heroes in the days of Slavery, did much to make the infernal system 
insecure, and to keep alive the spirit of freedom in liberty-loving hearts the 
world over, wherever such deeds of noble daring were made known. But of 
his heroism, but little can be reported here, from the fact, that such accounts 
as were in the possession of the Committee, were never transferred from the 
loose slips of paper on which they were first written, to the regular record 
book. But an important letter from the friend with whoip he was secreted, 
written a short while before he escaped (on a boat), gives some idea of his 

condition : 

Richmond, Va., February 16th, 1861. 

Dear Brother Still: — T received a message from brother Julius anderson, asking me 
to send the bundle on but I has no way to send it, I have been waiting and truly hopeing 
that you would make some arrangement with some person, and send for the parcel. I 
have no way to send it, and I cannot communicate the subject to a stranger there is a 
Way by the N. y. line, but they are all strangers to me, and of course I could not 
approach them With this subject for I would be indangored myself greatly, this busi- 
ness is left to you and to you alone to attend to in providing the way for me to send on 
the parcel, if you only make an arrangement with some person and let me know the said 



FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, AND DELAWARE. 203 

person and the article which they ia to be sent on then I can send the parcel, unless you 
do make an arrangement with some person, and assure them that they will receive the 
funs for delivering the parcel this Business cannot be accomplished, it is in your power 
to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it is not in my power to do 
so, the bundle has been on my hands now going on 3 years, and I have suffered a great 
de.ll of danger, £yid is still suffering the same. I have understood Sir that there were no 
difficul about the mone that you had it in your possession Ready for the bundle whenever 
it is delivered. But Sir as I have said I can do nothing now. Sir I ask you please 
through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a way for the bundle to 
be sent and relieve me of the danger in which I am in. you might succeed in making 
an arrangement with those on the New york Steamers for they dose such things but 
please let me know the man that the arrangement is made with — please give me au 
answer by the bearer. yours truly friend C. A. 

At last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely- 
made his way to freedom, and proceeded to Boston, where he now resides. 
Wiiile the Committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this poor 
fellow, it was painful to feel that it was not in their power to answer his 
prayers — not until after his escape, was it possible so to do. But his 
escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words can well express. 
At present, John Henry Hill is a justice of the peace in Petersburg. Heze- 
kiah resides at West Point, and James in Boston, rejoicing that all men are 
free in the United States, at last. 



FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE. 

ARCHER BARLOW, ALIAS EMIT ROBIN'S. 

This passenger arrived from Norfolk, Va. in 1853. For the last four 
years previous to escaping, he had been under tiie yoke of Dr. George 
Wilson. Archer declared that he had been '^ very badly treated " by the 
Doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving. True, the doctor had been 
good enough to allow him to iiire his time, for which he required Archer to 
pay the moderate sum of $120 per annum. As Archer had been " sickly " 
most of the time, during the last year, he complained that there was " no 
reduction " in his hire on this account. Upon reflection, therefore. Archer 
thought, if he had justice done him, he would be in possession of this "one 
hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other rights, instead of having to 
toil for another without pay ; so he looked seriously into the matter of mas- 
ter and slave, and pretty soon resolved, that if others chose to make no effort 
to get away, for himself he would never be contented, until he was free. When 
a slave reached this decision, he was in a very hopeful state. He was near 
the Underground Rail Road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later. At 
this thoughtful period, Archer was thirty-one years of age,, a man of 
medium size, and belonged to the two leadinor branches of southern 



204 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

liunianity, i. e., he was half white and half colored — a dark mulatto. His 
arrival in Philadelphia, per one of the Richmond steamers, was greeted 
with joy by the Vigilance Committee, who extended to him the usual aid 
and care, and forwarded him on to freedom. For a number of years, he 
has been a citizen of Boston. 



SAMUEL BUSH, alias WILLIAM OBLEBEE. 

This "piece of property" fled in the fall of 1853. As a specimen of this 
article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence. He was a man of 
dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the "superior" 
southern blood in his veins ; in stature, he was only ordinary. For leaving, 
he gave the following reasons : " I found that I was working for my master, 
for his advantage, and when I was sick, I had to pay just as much as if I 
were well — $7 a month. But my master was cross, and said that he 
intended to sell me — to do better by me another year. Times grew worse 
and worse, constantly. I thought, as I had heard, that if I could raise thirty 
dollars I could come away." He at once saw the value of money. To 
his mind it meant liberty from that moment. Thenceforth he decided to 
treasm-e up every dollar he could get hold of until he could accumulate at 
least enough to get out of "Old Virginia." He was a married man, and 
thought he had a wife and one child, but on reflection, he found out that 
they did not actually belong to him, but to a carpenter, by the name of 
Bailey. The man whom Samuel was compelled to call master was named 
Iloyle. 

The Committee's interview with Samuel was quite satisfactory, and they 
cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the same 
time. 



JOHN SPENCER AND HIS SON WILLIAM, AND JAMES 

ALBERT. 

These individuals escaped from the eastern shore of Maryland, in the 
Spring of 1853, but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the freedom 
they had aimed to find, in New Jersey. They procured employment in 
the ncighl)orhood of Haddonfield, some six or eight miles from Camden, 
New Jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well. 

Things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm 
" slave-hunters were discovered in the neighborhood," and sufficient evi- 
dence WIU3 obtained to make it quite ])lain that, John, William and 
James were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot 



HETTY SCOTT, alias MARGARET DUNCANS AND DAUGHTER. 205 

pursuit." When brought to the Committee, they were pretty thoroughly 
alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to Canada. While the Com- 
mittee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid, they nev- 
ertheless, felt, in view of the imminent dangers existing under the fugitive 
slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way, should be very plainly 
given to understand, that if they were captured they would have themselves 
the most to blame.. But- the dread of Slavery was strong in the minds of 
these fugitives, and they very fully realized their folly in stopping in New 
Jersey. The Committee procured their tickets, helped them to disguise 
themselves as much as possible, and admonished them not to stop short of 
Canada. 



HETTY SCOTT ALIAS MARGARET DUNCANS AND 
DAUGHTER PRISCILLA. 

This mother and daughter had been the " chattels personal " of Daniel 
Coolby of Harvard, Md. Their lot had been that of ordinary slaves in 
the country, on farms, &c. The motive which prompted them to escape was 
the fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them. He had a right to 
do so ; but Hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great um- 
brage at her " kind master.'^ In this " disQbedient " state of mind, she de- 
termined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats of Mr. 
Daniel Coolby, that he should not much longer have the satisfaction of en- 
joying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring. She at once began to 
prepare for her journey. 

She had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately 
acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom 
she felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting 
them to accompany her. The young couple were ready converts to the 
eloquent speech delivered to them by Hetty on Freedom, and were quite 
willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency. Up to the hour of 
setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were being 
carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind. At 
the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order. 

Arriving at Quakertown, Pa., they found friends of the slave, who wel- 
comed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all 
concerned. For prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate the 
party, to send some one way and some another. Thus safely, through the 
kind offices and aid of the friends at Quakert(nvn, they were duly forwarded 
on to the Committee in Philadelphia. Here similar acts of charity were ex- 
tended to them, and they were directed on to Canada. 



206 ^'^^ UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



ROBERT FISHER. 

THIS PASSENGER AVAILS HIMSELF OF HOLIDAY WEEK, BETWEEN CHRISTMAS 
AND NEW year's, TO MAKE HIS NORTHERN TRIP. 

RoBKRT was about thirty years of age, dark color, quite tall, and in talk- 
ing with him a little while, it was soon discovered that Slavery had not 
crushed all the brains out of his head by a good deal. Nor was he so much 
attached to his " kind-hearted master," John P^dward Jackson, of Anne 
Arundel, Md., or his old fiddle, that he was contented and happy while in 
bondage. Far from it. The fact was, that he hated Slavery so decidedly 
and had such a clear common sense-like view of the evils and misery of the 
system, that he declared he had as a matter of principle refrained from mar- 
rying, in order that he might have no reason to grieve over having added 
to the woes of slaves. Nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity 
offered to escape. According to law he was entitled to his freedom at the 
age of twenty-five. 

But what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to 
respect?" Many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in 
Slavery, as if no will had ever been made. Robert had too much sense 
to suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress. This 
method, therefore, was considered out of the question. But in the mean- 
time he was growing very naturally in favor of the Underground Rail Road. 
From his experience Robert did not hesitate to say that his master was 
"mean," " a very hard man," who would work his servants early and late, 
without allowing them food and clothing .sufhcient to shield them from the 
cold and hunger. Robert certainly had unmistakable marks about him, of 
having been used roughly. He thought very well of Nathan Harris, a fel- 
low-servant b(>l()iigii)g to the same owner, and he made up his mind, if 
Nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the loneliness 
of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the slave-hunter, 
nor the scantiness of their means should det^T him from making his way 
to freedom. Nathan listened to the proposal, and was suddenly converted 
to freedom, and the two united during Christmas week, 1854, and set out on 
the Underground Rail Road. It is needless to say that they had trying 
difTiculties to encounter. These they expected, but all were overcome, and 
they reached the Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia safely, and were 
cordially welcomed. During the interview, a fidl interchange of thought 
resulted, the fugitives were well cared for, and in due time both were for- 
warded on, free of cost. 



HANSEL WAPLES. ROSE ANNA TONNELL, AND MARY ENNIS. 207 



HANSEL WAPLES. 

This traveler arrived from Millsboro, Indian River, Delaware, where he 
was owned by Wra. E. Burton. While Hansel did not really own hiniselfj 
he had the reputation of having a wife and six children. In June, some 
six months prior to her husband's arrival, Hansel's wife had been allowed 
by her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy 
herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never returned. 
Doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of the most high- 
handed stealing. Hansel did not speak of his owner as being a hard man, 
but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good" as the best that 
he was acquainted with. While this Avas true, however, PTansol had quite; 
good ground for believing that his master was about to sell him. Dread- 
ing this fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his wife to a Free 
state. Exactly where to look or how to find her he could not tell. 

The Committee advised him to "search in Canada." And in order to 
enable him to get on quickly and safely, the Committee aided him with 
money, &c., in 1853. 



ROSE ANNA TONNELL alias MARIA HYDE. 

She fled from Isaac Tonnell of . Georgetown, Delaware, in Christmas 
week, 1853. A young woman with a little boy of seven years of age 
accompanied Rose Anna. Further than the simple fact of their having 
thus safely arrived, except the expense incurred by the Committee, no other 
particulars appear on the records. 



MARY ENNIS alias LTCIA HEMMIN. 

Mary arrived with her two children in the early Spring of 1851. 

The mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of ago, quite tall, 
with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sym- 
pathy at first sight. Her oldest child was a little girl seven years of 
age, named Lydia; the other was named Louisa Caroline, three years of age, 
both promising in appearance. They were the so called property of John 
Ennis, of (Georgetown, Delaware. For their flight they chose the dead of 
Winter. After leaving they made their way to West Chester, and there 
found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they reached 
Philadelphia. Probably the friends with whom they stopped thought 
the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on her 



208 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

support to travel. Long before this mother escaped, thoughts of liberty- 
filled her heart. She was ever watching for an opportunity, that would en- 
courage her to hope for safety, when once the attenn)t should be made. Un- 
til, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be sold, she 
could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey. This threat to 
sell proved .in multitudes of instances, " the last straw on the camel's back." 
When nothinjr else would start tliem this would, Marv and her children 
were the only slaves owned by this Ennis, consequently her duties were that 
of "Jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and sometimes in the barn, 
as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is needless to say, that her life was 
rendered servile to the last degree. 

To bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid 
such tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of 
barbarism as existed in poor little Delaware, was doubly gratifying to the 
Committee. 




«SA:\r," "ISAAC," "PERRY," "CHARLES," AND "GREEN." 

ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.— Ran away on Satur- 
(lay night, the 20th September, 1856, from the subscriber, living in the ninth 
district of Carroll county, Maryland, two Negro Men, ISAM and ISAAC. Sara 
calls himself Samuel Sims; he is very black ; shows his teeth very much when 
he laughs ; no perceptible marks; he is 5 feet 8 inches high, and about thirty 
years of age, but has the appearance of being much older 
Isaac calls himself Isaac Dotson he is about nineteen years of age, stout made, 
but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders, he is about five feet five or six inches high, 
always appears to be in a good humor ; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good deal 
of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow, might be called a yellow boy ; has 
no perceptible marks. 

They have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless to say anything about 
them. No doubt they will change their names. 

i will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars, or five hundred dollars 
for either of them, if taken and lodged in any jail in Maryland, so that I get them again. 
Also two of Mr. Dade's, living in the neighborhood^ went the same time ; no doubt 
they are all in company together. THOMAS B. WINGS. 

s24-6tWii*l| 

Tlicsc passengers reached the Philadelphia station, about the 24th of Sep- 
tember, 1856, five days after they escaped from Carroll county. They were 
in fine spirits, and had borne the fatigue and privation of travel bravely. 
A free and interesting interview took place, between these passengers and the 
Committee, eliciting much information, especially with regard to the work- 
ings of the system on the farms, from which they had the good luck to flee. 
Each of the party was thoroughly questioned, about how time had passed with 
them at home, or rather in the prison house, what kind of men their masters 
were, how they fed and clothed, if they whipped, bought or sold, whether they 
were members of church, or not, and many more questions needless to enu- 
merate bearing: on the domestic relation which had existed between them- 



6'AM, ISAAC, PERRY, CHARLES, AND GREEN. 209 

selves and their masters. These queries they answered in their own wav, 
with intelligence. Upon the Avhole, their lot in Slavery had been rather 
more favorable than the average run of slaves. 

No record was made of any very severe treatment. In fact, the 
notices made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in 
which they were described in the "Baltimore Sun," by their owners, their 
narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record. 
The heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in the 
"Sun," were very attractive reading. The Vigilance Committee took the 
" Sun," for nothing else under the sun but for this special literature, and 
for this purpose they always considered the " Sun " a cheap and reliable pa- 
per. 

A slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or 
she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and should 
always be held in remembrance. Likewise the descriptions given by slave- 
holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers and a most 
thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar property. In- 
deed, the art must have been studied attentively for practical })urposes. When 
the advfrtisements were received in advance of arrivals, which was always 
the case, the descriptions generally were found so lifelike, that the Committee 
preferred to take them in preference to putting themselves to the labor of 
writing out new ones, for future reference. This we think, ought not to be 
complained of by any who were so unfortunate as to lose wayward servants, 
as it is but fair to give credit to all concerned. True, sometimes some of 
these beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism. The one at 
the head of this report, is clearly of this character. For instance, in de- 
scribing Isaac, Mr. Thomas B. Owings, represents him as being of a " very 
light color," "almost yellow," " might be called a yellow boy." In the 
next breath he has no perceptible marks. Now, if he is " very light," 
that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere. A hint to the 
wise is sufficient. However, judging from what was seen of Isaac in 
Philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him. 
Slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners 
believe that they wer^ very happy and contented. And, in using this 
kind of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity 
offered for an escape. So Isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which 
appeared like nonsense to his master. That slave-holders, above all others, 
were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage foolishness, loud 
laughing, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the place of education, virtue, 
self-respect and manly carriage, slave-holders themselves are witnesses. 

As Mr. Robert Dade was also a loser, equally with ]\Ir. Thomas B. 
Owings, and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone, 
it seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and com- 
14 



2JQ THE UXDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

pleteness to the story. Both Owings and Dade showed a considerable 
deo-roe of southern cluvah-y in the liberality of their rewards Doubtless 
the lar.^e sums thus offered awakened a lively feeling in the breasts of od 
slave-lmnters. But it is to be supposed that the artful fugitives safely 
re-iched Philadelphia before the hunters got even the first scent on their 
track Up to the present hour, with the owners all may be profound 
mvsterv • if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel some interest in the solu- 
tion of 'these wonders. The articles so accurately described must now be 
permitted to testify in their own words, as taken from the records. 

Green Modock acknowledges that he was owned by W illiam Dorsey 
Perrv bv Robert Dade, Sam and Isaac by Thomas Owings, all farmers, and 
all "tou<di" and ''pretty mean men." Sam and Isaac had other names 
with them, but not such a variety of clothing as their master might have 
supposed. Sam said he left because his master threatened to - Inni to 
Geoi-ia and he believed that he meant so to do, as he had sold all Ins 
brotirers and sisters to Georgia some time before he escaped. 

But this was not all. Sam declared his master had threatened to shoot 

him a short while before he left. This was the last straw on the camels 

back Sam's heart was in Canada ever after that. In traveling he re- 

solved that nothing should stop him. Charles offered the --;---- 

did Sam. He had been threatened with the auction-block. He Id his 

mother free, but four sisters he left in chains. As these men spoke of their 

touch owners and bad treatment in Slavery, they expressed their md.gnation 

at the idea that Owings, Dade and Dorsey had dared to rob them of 

their God-given rights. They were only ignorant farm hands. As they 

drank in the free air, the thought of their wrongs aroused all their manhood. 

Thoy were all young men, hale and stout, with strong resolutions o make 

Canada their future home. The Committee encouraged them in tins, and 

aided th.m for humanity's sake.-Mr. Robert Dade's advertisement speaks 

for itself as follows: 

^X RAN AWAY-On Saturday night, 20th inst.. f-^^Jj ^^ afd'cHlK^^ 
M" Mount Airy P.O., Carroll counjy two Nogro in.n PLKK\^^^^^^^ ^^^ 

(A, Perrv is (lu.te dark, full face; is about o feet 8 or 9 nches l''gt» . has a 
^ of his haids, and one on his legs, caused by a cu /j«";^ Jf^^'^l^red wi h small 
Charles is of a copper color, about 5 feet 9 or 10 mches high ^;""^^^;^;;^;;^'^^^^^ ^ight lee, 
whiskers; has on,! Uked finger that he canno str^ ghten am^^^^ ^nd f i"v dolUu-s eact 
causMbv the cut of a scythe; 22 years old. ^ ^'''^ P''!^ \'' ^^"" ,^^^ I 'can get them 

'f aken in the Plate and returned to me or «^^"7'» '" ^^J-le'st te an secured in 
again, or a Sl.OOO for the two. or S500 each, if taken out ot the ^t^jj^«' ^^^^^^ 
Bome jail in this State bo that I can get them again. r.ui.i.i 

623-3f. 



FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK. 211 



FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA. 

WILLIAM B. WHITE, SUSAN BROOKS AND WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.— STOWED AWAY 
IN THE STEAMSHIP CITY OF RICHMOND. 

But for their hope of liberty, their uncomfortable position could hardly 
have been endured by these fugitives. William had been compelled to dig 
and delve, to earn bread and butter, clothing and luxuries, houses and land, 
education and ease for H. B. Dickinson, of Richmond. William smarted 
frequently; but what could he do ? Complaint from a slave was a crime 
of the deepest dye. So William dug away mutely, but continued to think, 
nevertheless. He was a man of about thirty-six years of age, of dark chest- 
nut color, medium size, and of pleasant manners to say the least. His 
owner was a tobacco manufacturer, who held some thirty slaves in his own 
right, besides hiring a great many others. William was regularly em- 
ployed by day in his master's tobacco flictory. He was likewise employed, 
as one of the carriers of the Richmond Dispatch; the time allotted to fill the 
duties of this office, was however, before sunrise in the morning. It is 
but just to state, in favor of his master, that William was himself the receiver 
of a part of the pay for this night work. It was by this means William 
procured clothing and certain other necessaries. 

I From William's report of his master, he was by no means among the 
worst of slave-holders in Richmond ; he did not himself flog, but the over- 
iseer was allowed to conduct this business, when it was considered necessary. 
For a long time William had cherished a strong desire to be free, and had 
gone so far on several occasions as to make unsuccessful attempts to accom- 
plish this end. At last he was only apprised of his opportunity to carry 
;his wishes into practice a few moments before the hour for the starting of 
the Underground Rail Road train. 

Being on the watch, he hailed the privilege, and left without looking back. 

True he left his wife and two children, who were free, and a son also 
who was owned by Warner Toliver, of Gloucester county, Va. We leave 
the reader to decide for himself, whether William did riglit or wrong, and 
who was responsible for the sorrow of both husband and wife caused by the 
husband's course. The Committee received him as a true and honest friend 
lof freedom, and as such aided him. 



SUSAN BROOKS. 
^ Susan was also a passenger on the same ship that brought Wm. B. White. 
3he was from Norfolk. Her toil, body and strength were claimed by 
Thomas Eckels, Esq., a man of wealth and likewise a man of intemperance. 



212 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

"With those who rcganlod Slavery as a " divine institution," intemperance 
was scarcely a mote, in the eyes of such. For sixteen years, Susan had 
been in the habit of hiring her time, for which she was required to pay five 
dollars per month. As she had the reputation of being a good cook and 
chambermaid, she was employed steadily, sometimes on boats. This sura 
may therefore be considered reasonable. 

Owing to the death of her husband, about a year previous to her escape, 
she had suffered greatly, so much so, that on two or three occasions, she had 
fallen into alarming fits, — a fact by no means agreeable to her owner, as he 
feared that the traders on learning her failing health would underrate her on 
this account. But Susan was rather thankful for these signs of weakness, 
as she was thereby enabled to mature her plans and thus to elude detection. 

Her son having gone on ahead to Canada about six months in advance of 
her, she felt that she had strong ties in the goodly land. Every day she re- 
mained in bondage, the cords bound her more tightly, and " weeks seemed 
like months, and months like years," so abhorrent had the peculiar institu- 
tion become to her in every particular. In this state of mind, she saw no « 
other way, than by sul)mitting to be secreted, until an opportunity should 
offer, via the Underground Rail Road. 

So for four months, like a true and earnest woman, she endured a 
great " fight of aflliction," in this horrible place. But the thought of 
freedom enabled her to keep her courage up, until the glad news was 
conveyed to her that all things were ready, providing that she could get 
safely to the boat, on which she was to be secreted. How she succeeded in 
so doing the record book fails to explain. 

One of the methods, Mdiich used to succeed very well, in skillful and 
brave hands, was this: In order to avoid suspicion, the woman intending 
to be secreted, approached the boat with a clean ironed shirt on her arm, 
bare headed and in her usual working dress, looking good-natured of 
course, and as if she were simply conveying the shirt to one of the men on 
the boat. The attention of the officer on i\\c watch would not f()r a mo- 
ment be attracted by a custom so common as this. Thus safely on the 
boat, the man whose business it was to put this piece of property in the most 
safe Underground Rail Road place, if he saw that every thing looked 
favorable, would quickly arrange matters without being missed from his 
duties. In numerous instances, offieei's were outwitted in this way. 

As to what Susan had seen in the way of hardships, whether in relation 
to herself or others, her story was most interesting ; but it may here he 
passed in order to make room for others. She left one sister, named 
Mary Ann Tharagood, who was wanting to come away very much. Susan 
was a woman of dark color, round built, medium height, and about forty 
years of age when she escaped in 185-4. 



WILLIAM BENE Y A TKINS. 213 



WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS. 

William Henry was also a fellow-passenger on the same boat with 
William B. White and Susan Cooke. These might be set down, as first- 
class Underground Hail Road travelei'S. 

Henry was a very likely-looking article. He was quite smart, about 
six feet high, a dark mulatto, and was owned by a Baptist minister. 

For some cause not stated on the books, not long before leaving, 
Henry had received a notice from his owner, (the Baptist Minister) that he 
might hunt himself a new master as soon as possible. This was a business 
that Henry had no relish for. The owner he already had, he concluded bad 
enough in all conscience, and it did not occur to him that hunting another 
would mend the matter much. So in thinking over the situation, he was 
" taken sick." He felt the need of a little time to reflect upon matters of 
very weighty moment involving his freedom. So when he was called upon 
one day to go to his regular toil, the answer was, " I am sick, I am not able 
to budge hardly." The excuse took and Henry attended faithfully to his 
"sick business," for the time being, while on the other hand, the Baptist 
Minister waited patiently all the while for William to get well enough for 
hunting a new master. What had to be done, needed to be done quickly, 
before his master's patience was exhausted. William soon had matters ar- 
ranged for traveling North. He had a wife, Eliza, for whom he felt the 
greatest affection; but as he viewed matters at that time, he concluded that he 
could really do more for her in Canada than he could in Norfolk, He saw 
no chance, eitlier under the Baptist minister, or under a new master. His 
wife was owned by Susan Langely. When the hour arrived to start, as 
brave men usually do, Heniy, having counted all the cost, was in his place 
on the boat with his face towards Canada. 

How he looked at matters on John Bulls side of the house, letters from 
Henry will abundantly reveal as follows : 

, St. Catharines, August 4, 1854. 

I My Dear Sir : — It is with plesure that I now take my pen to inform you that I am 
well at present and I hope that these few lines may find you injoying good health, and 
will you plese to be so knid as to send a leter down home for me if you plese to my wife, 
the reason that I beg the favor of you I have written to you several times and never 
recieve no answer, she don't no whar I am at I would like her to no, if it is posible 
lelizeran Aetkins, and when you write will you plese to send me all (he news, give my re- 
spect to all the fambley and all«o to Mr lundey and his fambley and tell him plese to send 
me those books if you plese the first chance you can git. Mrs. Wood sends her love to 
Mr. Still answer this as soon as on hand, the boys all send their love to all, the reason 
why i sends for a answer write away i expect to live this and go up west nex mounth not 
to stay to git some land, i have no more at present, i remain your friend. 

W. H. ACTKINS. 



214 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

St. Catharines, C. W., October 5th, 1854. 

Mr. William Still : — Dear Friend: — I take the liberty to address to you a few lines 
in behalf of luy wife, who is still at Norfolk, Va. I have heard by my friend Richmond 
Bohm, who arrived lately, that she was in the hands of my friend Henry Lovey (the same 
who had me in hand at the time I started). I understood that she was about to make 
her start tins month, and that she was only waiting for me to send her some means. I 
would like for you to communicate the substance of this letter to my wife, through my 
friend Henry Lovey, and for her to come on as soon as she can. 1 would like to have my 
wife write to me a few lines by the first opportunity. She could write to you in Phila- 
delphia, 31 North Fifth street. I wish to send my love to you & your family & would 
like for you to answer this letter with the least possible delay in the care of Hiram 
Wilson. Very respectfully yours, W. H. Atkins. 

P. S. I would like for my friend Henry Lovey to send my wife right on to Pliiladel- 
phia; not to stop for want of means, for I will forward means on to my friend Wm Still. 
My love to my father & mother, my friend Lovey & to all my inquiring friends. If you 
cannot find it convenient to write, please forward this by the Boat. H. W. A. 



FOUR ARRIVALS. 

CHARLOTTE ANT) HARRIET ESCAPE IN DEEP MOURNING — MASTER IN THE SAMK 
CAR HUNTING FOR THEM, SEES THEM, BUT DOES NOT KNOW THEM — WHITE LADY 
AND CHILD WITH A COLORED COACHMAN, TRAVELING — AT CHAMBERSBURG AT 
A HOTEL, THE PROPRIETOR DETECTS THEM AS U. G. R. R. PASSENGERS— THREE 
"LIKELY" YOUNG MEN FROM BALTIMORE — "FOUR LARGE AND TWO SMALL 
hams" — POLICE OFFICER IMPARTING INFORMATION AT THE ANTI-SLAVERY 
OFFICE — U. G. R. R. PASSENGERS TRAVELING WITH THEIR MASTERS' HORSES AND 
CARRIAGES — "BREAK DOWN" — CONFLICT WITH WHITE MEN — SIX PASSENGERS 
RIDING TWO HORSES, «feC. 

About the 31st of May, 1856, an exceedinirly anxious state of feeling 
existed with the active Committee in Phihideli)hia. In the coui-se of 
twenty-four hours four arrivals had come to hand from different localities. 
Tiie circumstanoes connected with the escape of each party, being so unusu- 
al, there was scarcely p;round for any other conclusion than that disaster was 
imminent, if not impossible to be averted. 

It was a day long to be remembered. Aside from the danger, however, 
a more eneournging hour had never presented itself in the history of the 
Road. The courage, which had so often been shown in the face of great 
danger, satisfied the Committee that there were heroes and heroines among 
the.se passengers, fully entitled to the applause of tiie liberty-loving citizens 
of Brotherly Love. The very idea of having to walk for days and nights 
in succession, over strange roads, through by-ways, and valleys, over moun- 
tains, and marshes, was fitted to appal the bravest hearts, especially where 
women and children were concerned. 

Being familiar M'ith such cases, the Committee was delighted beyond 



FOUR ARRIVALS. 



215 




measure to observe liow Muscly atul successfully each of these parties had 
mauuged to overcome these difficulties. 

Party No. 1 
consisted of 
Cliarlotte (jlilcs 
and Harriet 
Eglin, owned 
by Capt. Wni. 
Ap]>l egarth 
and John Dela- 
hay. Neither 
of these girls 
had any great 
complaint to 
" make on the 
score of ill- 
treatment en- 
dured. 

So they c(>ntii\((l e.ich to get a suit of mouinmg, \\ith heavy black veil?, 
and thus dressed, apparently absorbed with grief, with a friend to pass them 
to the Baltimore depot (hard place to pass, except aided by an individual 
well known to the R. R. company), they took a direct course for l*hiladclphia. 
While seated in the car, before leaving Baltimore (where slaves and mas- 
ters both belonged), who should enter but the master of one of the girls ! 
In a very excited manner, he hurriedly approached Charlotte and Harriet, 
who were apparently weeping. Peeping under their veils, "What is your 
name," exclaimed the excited gentleman. " M;ny, sir," sobbed Charlotte. 
"What is your name?" (to the other mourner) "I^izzie, sir," Avas the faint 
reply. On rushed the excited gentleman as if moved by steam — through the 
cars, looking for his property; not finding it, he passed out of the cars, and 
to the delight of Charlotte and Harriet soon disappeared. Fair business 
: men would he likely to look at this conduct on the part of the two girls in 
the light of a "sharp practice." In military parlance it might be regarded 
as excellent strategy. Be this as it may, the Underground Hail Poad 
passengers arrived safely at the Philadelphia station and wei'c gladly received. 
A brief stay in the city was thought prudent lest the hunters might be on 
the pursuit. They were, therefore, retained in safe quarters. 

In the meantime, Arrival No. 2 reach(>d the Committee. It consisted of 
a colored man, a white woman and a child, ten years old. This case created 
no little surprise. Not that quite a number of passengers, fair enough to 
pass for white, with just a slight tinge of colored blood in their veins, even 
sons and daughters of some of the F. F. V., had not on various occasions 
come over the U, G. 11. R. Bat this party was peculiar. An exj)lanation was 



216 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



sought, wliioh resulted in ascertaiuiug that the party was from Leesburg, 
Virginia; that David, the colored man, was about twenty-seven years of age, 
intelligent, and was owned, or claimed by Joshua Pusey. David had no 
taste for Slavery, indeed, felt that it would be impossible for him to adapt 
himself to a life of servitude for the special benefit of others; he had, al- 
ready, as he thought, been dealt with very wrongfully by Pusey, who had 
deprived him of many years of the best part of his life, and would continue 
thus to wrong him, if he did not make a resolute effort to get away. So 
after thinking of various plans, he determined not to run off as a slave with 
his " budget on his back," but to " travel as a coachman," under the " pro- 
tection of a white lady." In planning this pleasant scheme, David was not 
blind to the fact that neither himself nor the " white lady," with whom he 
proposed to travel, possessed either horse or carriage. 




But his master happened to have a vehicle that would answer for the oc- 
casion. David reasoned that as Joshua, his so called master, had deprived 
him of his just dues for so many years, he had a right to borrow, or take 
without borrowing, one of Joshua's horses for the expedition. The plan was 
pal)iiiittcd to tlie lady, and was approved, and a mutual understanding here 
entered into, that she should hire a carriage, and take also her little girl 
with them. The lady was to assume the proprietorship of the horse, car- 
riage and coachman. In so doing all dangers would be, in their judgment, 
averted. Tlic scheme being all r«ady for execution, the time for departure 
was fixed, the carriage hired, David having secured his master Joshua's horse, 
and off they started in the direction of Pennsylvania. AVhite people being 
so accustomed to riding, and colored people to driving, the party looked all 



FOUR ARRIVALS. 217 

right. No one suspected them, that they were aware of, while passing 
through Virginia. 

On reaching Chambersburg, Pa., in the evening, they drove to a hotel, 
the lady alighted, holding by the hand her well dressed and nice-looking 
little daugliter, bearing herself with as independent an air as if she had owned 
twenty such boys as accompanied her as coachman. She did not hesitate to 
enter and request accommodations for the night, for herself, daughter, coach- 
man, and horse. Being politely told that they could be accommodated, all 
that was necessary was, that the lady should show off to the best advantage 
possible. The same duty also rested with weiglit upon the mind of David. 

The night passed safely and the morning was ushered in with bright hopes 
which were overcast but only for a moment, however. Breakfast liaving been 
ordered and partaken of, to the lady's surprise, just as she was in the act of 
paying the bill, the proprietor of the hotel intimated that he thought that 
matters " looked a little suspicious," in other words, he said plainly, that he 
" believed that it was an Underground Rail Road movement ; " but being 
an obliging hotel-keeper, he assured her at the same time, that he 'Svould 
not betray them." Just here it was with them as it would have been on any 
other rail road when things threaten to come to a stand ; they could do no- 
thing more than make their way out of the peril as best they could. One 
thing they decided to do immediately, namely, to " leave the horse and car- 
riage," and try other modes of travel. They concluded to take the regular 
passenger cars. In this way they reached Philadelphia. In Harrisburg, 
they had sought and received instructions how to find the Committee in 
Philadelphia. 

What relations had previously existed between David and this lady in 
Virginia, the Committee knew not. It looked more like the time spoken 
of in Isaiah, where it is said, " And a little child shall load them," than 
any thing that had ever been previously witnessed on the Underground 
Rail Road. The Underground Rail Road never practised the proscription 
governing other roads, on account of race, color, or previous condition. 
All were welcome to its immunities, white or colored, when the object to be 
gained favored freedom, or weakened Slavery. As the sole aim apparent 
in this case was freedom for the slave the Committee received these travellers 
as Underground Rail Road passengers. 

Arrival No. 3. Charles H. Ringold, Robert Smith, and John Henry 
Richards, all from Baltimore. Their ages ranged from twenty to twenty-four 
years. They were in appearance of the class most inviting to men who were 
in the business of buying and selling slaves. Charles and John were owned 
by James Hodges, and Robert by Wm. H. Normis, living in Baltimore. 
This is all that the records contain of them. The exciting and hurrying 
times when they were in charge of the Committee probably forbade the 
writmg out of a more detailed account of them, as was often the case. 



218 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

With the above three arrivals on lianJ, it may be seen how great was 
the danger to wliich all concerned were exposed on account of tlie bold and 
open manner in wliich these parties had escaped from the land of the peculiar 
institution. Notwithstanding, a feeling of very great gratification existed in 
view of the success attending tiie new and adventurous modes of travelino-. 
Indulging in reflections of this sort, the writer on going from his dinner that 
day to the anti-slavery office, to his surprise found an officer awaiting his 
coming. Said officer was of the mayor's police force. Before many moments 
had been allowed to pass, in which to conjecture his errand, the officer, 
evidently burdened with the importance of his mission, began to state his 
business substantially as follows: 

"I have just received a telegraphic despatch from a slave-holder living 
in Maryland, informing me that six slaves had escaped from him, and that 
he had reason to believe that they were on their way to Philadelphia, and 
would come in the regular train direct from Harrisburg ; furthermore I am 
requested to be at the depot on the arrival of the train to arrest the whole 
party, for whom a reward of $1300 is offi^red. Now I am not the man for 
this business. I would have nothing to do with the contemptible work of» 
arresting fugitives. I'd rather help them off. What I am telling you is 
confidential. My object in coming to the office is simply to notify the 
Vigilance Committee so that they may be on the look-out for them at the 
depot this evening and get them out of danger as soon as possible. This is 
the way I feel about them ; but I shall telegraph back that I will be on the 
look-out." 

While the officer was jrivino; this information he was listened to most 
attentively, and every word he uttered was carefully weighed. An air of 
truthfulness, however, was apparent; nevertheless he was a stranger and 
there was cause for great cautiousness. During the interview an unopened 
telegraphic despatch wliich had come to hand during the writer's absence, 
lay on the desk. Impressed with the belief that it might shed light on 
the officer's story, the first opportunity that offered, it was seized, opened, 
and it read as follows: (Copied from the original.) 

Harkisburg, May 31st, 1856. 
Wm. Still, N. 5th St. : — I have sent via at two o'clock four large and two small hams. 

Jos. C. BCSTILL. 

Here there was no room for further doubt, but much need for vigilance. 
Although the despatch was not read to the officer, not that his story was 
doubted, but purely for prudential reasons, he was nevertheless given to 
understand, that it was about the same party, and that they would be duly 
looked after. It would hardly have been understood by the officer, had he 
been permitted to read it, so guardedly M-as it worded, it was indeed dead 
language to all save the initiated. In one particular especially, relative to 



FOUR ARRIVALS. 219 

the depot where they were expected to arrive, the officer was in the dark, as 
his despatch pointed to the regidar train, and of course to the depot at 
Eleventh and Market streets. The Underground Kail Road despatch on 
the contrary pointed to Broad and Callowhill streets " Via," i. e. Reading. 

As notified, that evening the " four large and t\v6 small hams " arrived, 
and turned out to be of the very finest quality, just such as any trader would 
have paid the highest market price for. Being mindful of tiie great danger 
of the hour, there was felt to be more occasion just then for anxiety and 
watchfulness, than for cheering and hurrahing over the brave passengers. To 
provide for them in the usual manner, in view of the threatening aspect of 
affixirs, could not be thought of. In this critical hour it devolved upon a 
member of the Committee, for the safety of all parties, to find new and separate 
places of accommodation, especially for the six known to be pursued. To be 
stored in other than private families would not answer. Three or four such 
were visited at once; after learning of the danger much sympathy was 
expressed, but one after another made excuses and refused. This was pain- 
ful, for the parties had plenty of house room, were identified with the 
oppressed race, and on public meeting occasions made loud professions of 
devotion to the cause of the fugitive, &c. The memory of the hour and 
circumstances is still fresh. 

Accommodations were finally procured for a number of the fugitives 
with a widow woman, (Ann Laws) whose opportunities for succor were 
far less than at the places where refusals had been met with. But Mrs. L. 
was kind-hearted, and nobly manifested a willingness to do all that she 
could for their safety. Of course the Committee felt bound to bear what- 
ever expense might necessarily be incurred. Here some of the passen- 
gers were kept for several days, strictly private, long enough to give the 
slave-hunters full opportunity to tire themselves, and give up the chase 
in despair. Some belonging to the former arrivals had also to be simi- 
larly kept for the same reasons. Through careful management all were 
succored and cared for. Whilst much interesting information was ob- 
tained from these several arrivals: the incidents connected with their 
lives in Slavery, and when escaping were but briefly written out. Of this 
fourth arrival, however, the following intelligence will doubtless be highly 
gratifying to the friends of freedom, wherever the labors of the Underground 
Rail Road may be appreciated. . The people round about Hagerstown, Mary- 
land, may like to know how these "articles" got off so successfully, the cir- 
cumstances of their escape having doubtless created some excitement in that 
region of the country. 

Arrival No. 4. Charles Bird, George Dorsey, Angeline Brown, Albert 
Brown, Charles Brown and Jane Scott. 

Charles was twenty-four years of age, quite dark, of quick motion, and 
ready speech, and in every way appearing as though he could take care of 



220 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



himself. He had occupied the condition of a farm laborer. This call- 
ing he concluded to forsake, not because he disliked farming, but simply 
to get rid of David Clargart, who professed to own him, and compelled 
him to work without pay, "for nothing." While Charles spoke favor- 
ably of Clargart as a Yuan, to the extent, at all events, of testifying that 
he was not what was called a hard man, nevertheless Charles was so 
decidedly opposed to Slavery that he felt compelled to look out for himself. 
Serving another man on the no pay principle, at the same time liable to be 
flogged, and sold at the pleasure of another, Charles felt was worse than 
heathenish viewed in any light whatsoever. He was prepared therefore, to 
leave without delay. He had four sisters in the hands of Clargart, but what 
could he do for them but leave them to Providence. 

The next on the list was George Doesey, a comrade of Charles. He was 
a young man, of medium size, mixed blood, intelligent, and a brave fellow 
as will appear presently. 




This party in order to get over the road as expeditiously as possible, avail- 
ed themselves of their master's horses and wagon and moved off civilly and 
respectably. About nine miles from home on the road, a couple of white 
men, finding their carriage broken down approached them, unceremoniously 
seized the horses by the reins and were evidently about to assume authority, 
supposing that the boys would surrender at once. But instead of so doing, 
the boys struck away at them with all their might, with their large clubs, 
not even waiting to hear what these superior individuals wanted. The 



FOUR ARRIVALS. 221 

effect of the clubs brought them prostrate in the road, in an attitude resem- 
bling two men dreaming, (it was in the night.) The victorious passeno-ers 
seeing that the smashed up carriage could be of no furtlier use to them, quick- 
ly conceived the idea of unhitching and attempting further pursuit on horse- 
back. Each horse was required to carry three pa&sengers. So up they mount- 
ed and off they galloped with the horses' heads turned directly towards Pennsyl- 
vania. No further difficulty presented itself until after they had traveled some 
forty miles. Here the poor horses broke down, and had to be abandoned. 
The fugitives were hopeful, but of the difficulties ahead they wot not; surely no 
flowery beds of ease awaited them. For one whole week they were oblio-ed 
to fare as they could, out in the woods, over the mountains, <fec. How they 
overcame the trials in this situation we cannot undertake to describe. Suffice 
it to say, at the end of the time above mentioned they managed to reach 
Plarrisburg and found assistance as already intimated. 

George and Angeline, (who was his sister) with her two boys had a con- 
siderable amount of white blood in their veins, and belonged to a wealthy 
man by the name of George Schaeffer, who was in the milling business. 
They were of one mind in representing him as a hard man. " He 
would often threaten to sell, and was very hard to please." George and 
Angeline left their mother and ten brothers and sisters. 

Jane was a well-grown girl, smart, and not bad-looking, with a fine 
brown skin, and was also owned by Schaeffer. 

Letters from the enterprising Charlotte and Harriet (arrival No. 1), 
brought the gratifying intelligence, that they had found good homes in 
Western New York, and valued their freedom highly. Three out of quite a 
number of letters received from them from time to time are subjoined. 

Sennett, June, 1856. 
]\Ir. William Still -.—Dear Sir:— I am happy to tell you that Charlotte Glides and 
myself have got along thus far safely. We have had no trouble and found friends all the 
■way along, for which we feel very thankful to you and to all our friends on the road since 
we left. We reached Mr. Loguen's in Syracuse, on last Tuesday evening & on Wednes- 
day two gentlemen from this community called and we went with them to work in their 
families. What I wish you would do is to be so kind as to send our clothes to this place 
if they should fall into your hands. We hope our uncle in Baltimore will get the letter 
Charlotte wrote to him last Sabbath, while we were at your house, concerning the clothes. 
Perhaps the best would be to send them to Syracuse to the care of Mr, Loguen and he 
will send them to us. This will more certainly ensure our getting them. If you hear 
anything that would be interesting to Charlotte or me from Baltimore, please direct a 
letter to us to this place, to the care of Revd. Chas. Anderson, Sennett, Cayuga Co., 
N. Y. Please give my love and Charlotte's to Mrs. Still and thank her for her kindness 
to us while at your house. Your affectionate friend, 

Haekiet Eglin. 



222 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

SECOND LETTER. e^„,-^^^ t i -w i-- 
bENNETT, July Slst, lSo6. 

Mr. Wm. Still: — My Dear Friend: — I have just received your note of 29th insl. and 
allow me dear sir, to assure you that the only letter I have written, is the one you 
received, an answer to which you sent me. I never wrote to Baltimore, nor did any 
person write for me there, and it is with indescribable grief, that I hear what your letter 
communicates to me, of those who you say have gotten into difficulty on my account. 
My Cousin Charlotte who came with me, got into a good place in this vicinity, but she 
could not content hei-self to stay here but just 07ie week— she then went to Canada— and 
she is the one who by writing (if any one), has brought this trouble upon those to whom 
you refer in Baltimore. 

She has written me two letters from Canada, and by neither of them can I ascertain 
tvJiere she lives — her letters are mailed at Suspension Bridge, but she does not live there 
as her letters show. In the first she does not even sign her name. She has evidently 
employed some person to write, who is nearly as ignorant as herself. If I knew where to 
find her I would find out what she has written. 

I don't know but she has told where I live, and may yet get me and my friend? here, 
in trouble too, as she has some in other places. I don't wish to have you trouble your- 
self about my clothes, I am in a place where I can get all the clothes I want or need. 
Will you please write me when convenient and tell me what you hear about those who I 
fear are sulTering as the result of their kindness to me ? May God, in some \%ay, grant 
them deliverance. Oh the misery, the sorrow, which this cursed system of Slavery is con- 
stantly bringing upon millions in this land of boasted freedom! 

Can you tell me where Sarah King is, who was at your house when I was there? She 
was going to Canada to meet her husband. Give my love to Mrs. Still <fe accept the same 
yourself. Your much indebted <fe obliged friend, Hakriex Eqlin. 

The *'difliculty" about which Harriet expressed so much regret in the 
alx^ve letter, had reference to a hotter supposed to have been written 
by her friend Charlotte to Baltimore about her clothing It had been 
inteivcptcd, and in this way, a clue w^as obtained by one of the owners as to 
how they escajxxl, who aided them, etc. On tiie strength of the informa- 
tion thus obtained, a well-known colored man, named Adams, was straight- 
way arrested and put in prison at the instance of one of the owners, and also 
a suit was at the s;ime time instituted against the Rail Road Company for 
damages — by which steps quite a huge excitement was created in Baltimore. 
As to the colored man Adams, the prosj>ect looked simply hopeless. Man} 
hearts were sad in view of the doom which they feared would fall u[x>u hitn 
for obeying a humane impulse (he had put the girls on the «\rs). But witli 
the R;\il Road Comj\any it was a different matter ; they had money, 
power, friends, etc., and could defy the courts. In the course of a 
few months, Avhen the suit against Adams and the R^ail Road Company 
came up, the Rail R^^d Comj^any proved in court., in defense, that the pros- 
ecutor cntcrtxl the cars in search of his runaway, and went and s}>oke to the 
two voung women in *' mourning" tlie dav thev escaped, looking expressly 
for the identical parties, for which he was seeking damages Ix'fore the court, 
and that he declared to the conductor, on leaving the cars, that the said "two 



FROM YIEGIXIA, MABYLAXD, DELAWARE, ETC. 223 

o-irls ill mourning, were not the ones he was looking after," or in other 
words, that " neither " belonged to him. This positive testimony satisfied the 
jury, and the Rail Road Company and poor James Adams escaped by the 
verdict not guilty. The owner of the lost property had the costs to pay of 
eourso, but whether he was made a wiser or better man by the operation was 
aever ascertained. 

THIKD LETTER. 

Senxett, October 28th, 1S56. 

Dear Mr. Still: — I am happy to tell you that I am well and happy. I still live 
with Rev. Mr. Anderson in this place, I am learning to read and write. I do not like to 
trouble you too much, but I would like to know if you have heard anything more about 
my friends in Baltimore who got into trouble on our account. Do be pleased to write me 
if you can give me any information about them. I feel bad that they should suffer for 
me. I wish all my brethren and sisters in bondage, were as well off as I am. The girl 
that came with me is in Canada, near the Suspension Bridge. I was glad to see Green 
Murdock, a colored young man, who stopped at your house about six weeks ago, he knew 
my folks at the South. He has got into a good place to work in this neighborhood. 
Give my love to Mrs Still, and believe me your obliged friend, Harriet Eglin. 

P. S. I would like to know what became of Johnson,* the man whose foot was 
-mashed by jumping off the cars, he was at your house when I was there. H. E. 



FROM YIRGIXIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CARO- 
LINA, WASHINGTON, D. C, AND SOUTH CAROLINA. 

TAMES BURKELL, DANIEL WIGGINS, WM. ROBINSON, EDWARD PEADEN, AND WIFE, 
ALEX. BOGGS, SAMUEL STATER, HARRISON BELL AND DAUGHTER, HARRIET ANN, 
DANIEL DAVIS, alias DAVID SMITH, JAMES STEWART, alias WILLIAM JACKSOX, 
HARRIET HALEY, alias ANN RICHARDSON, BENJ. DUNCANS, alias GEORGE SCOTT, 
MOSES WINES, SARAH SMITH, alias MILDRETH PAGE, LUCY GARRETT, alias JULIA 
WOOD, ELLEN FORM AN, alias ELIZABETH YOUNG, WM. WOODEN, alias WM. NEL- 
SON, JAMES EDWARD HANDY', alias DENNIS CANNON, JAMES HENRY' DELANY 
alias SMART STANLEY, JAMES HENRY BLACKSON, GEORGE FREELAND, MILES 
WHITE, LOUISA CLAYTON, LEWIS SNOWDEN, oLioS LEWIS WILLIAMS, WM. JOHNSON, 
JOHN HALL alias JOHN SIMPSON. 

In order to keep this volume within due limits, in the cases to be noticed 
n this chapter, it will be impossible to state more than a few of the interest- 
-ug particulars that make up these narratives. While some of these passen- 
gers might not have been made in the prison house to drink of the bitter 
•up as often as others, and in their flight might not have been called upon 
pass through as severe perils as fell to the lot of others, nevertheless 

* Johnson w.is an unfortunate young fugitive, who, while escaping, beheld his master or pursuer in 
-le cars, and jumped therefrom, crushing his feet shockingly by the bold act. 



224 THE USDERGROUND BAIL ROAD, 

justice seems to require, that, as far as possible, all the passengers passing 
over the Philadelphia Underground Rail Road shall be noticed. 

James Burrell. James was certainly justifiable in making his escape, 
if for no other reason than on the score of being nearly related to the chi- 
valry of the South. He was a mulatto (the son of a white man evidently), 
about thirty-two years of age, medium size, and of an agreeable appear- 
ance. He was owned by a maiden lady, who lived at Williamsburg, but not 
requiring his services in her own family, she hired him out by the year 
to a Mr. John Walker, a manufacturer of tobacco, for which she received 
$120 annually. This arrangement was not satisfactory to James. He could 
not see why he should be compelled to wear the yoke like an ox. The more 
he thought over his condition, the more unhappy was his lot, until at last 
he concluded, that he could not stand Slavery any longer. He had M'it- 
nessed a great deal of the hardships of the system of Slavery, and he had 
quite enough intelligence to portray the horrors thereof in very vivid 
colors. It was the auction-block horror that first prompted him to seek free- 
dom. While thinking how he would manage to get away safely, his wife 
and children were ever present in his mind. He felt as a husband should 
towards his " wife Betsy," and likewise loved his "children, Walter and 
Mary ;" but these belonged to another man, who lived some distance in the 
country, where he had permission to see them only once a week. This had its 
pleasure, it also had its painful influence. The weekly partings were a never- 
failing source of unhappiness. So when James' mind was fully made up to 
escape from Slavery, he decided that it would not be best to break the secret 
to his poor wife and children, but to get off to Canada, and afterwards to try 
and see what he could do for their deliverance. The hour fixed to leave Vir- 
ginia arrived, and he started and succeeded in reaching Philadelphia, and the 
Committee. On arriving he needed medicine, clothing, food, and a carriage 
for his accommodation, all which were furnished freely by the Committee, 
and he was duly forwarded to Canada. From Canada, with his name 
changed, he wrote as follows: 

Toronto, March 28th, 1854. 

Sib, Mr. Still — It does me pleasure to forward you this letter hopeing when this comes 
to hand it may find your family well, as they leaves me at present. I will also say that 
the friends are well. Allow me to say to you that I arrived in this place on Friday last 
safe and sound, and feeles well under my safe arrival. Its true that I have not been em- 
ployed as yet but I lives hopes to be at work very shortly. I likes this city very well, 
and I am in hopes that there a living here for me as much so as there for any one else. 
You will be please to write. I am hording at Mr. Phillip's Centre Street. 

I have nothing more at present. Yours most respectfull. W. Boural. 

Daniel Wiggins, alias Daniel Robinson. Daniel fled from Norfolk, 
Ya., where he had been owned by the late Richard Scott. Only a few days 
before Daniel escaped, his so called owner was summoned to his last account. 



FROM VIRGINIA,. MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 225 

While ill, just before the close of his career, he often promised D. his free- 
dom and also promised, if restored, that he would make amends for the 
past, by changing his ways of living. Ilis son, who was very reckless, he 
would frequently allude to and declared, " that he," the son, " should not 
have his ' property.' " These dying sentiments filled Daniel with great hopes 
that the day of his enslavement was nearly at an end. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, death visited the old master, ere he had made provision for his slaves. 
At q\\ events, no will was found. That he might not fall a prey to the 
reckless son, he felt, that he must nerve himself for a desperate struggle 
to obtain his freedom in some other way, by traveling on tlie Underground 
Rail Road. While he had always been debarred from book learning, he 
was, nevertheless, a man of some intelligence, and by trade was a practical 
Corker. 

He was called upon in this trying hour to leave his wife with three chil- 
dren, but they were, fortunately, free. Coming to the Committee in want, 
they cheerfully aided liim, and forwarded him on to Canada. Thence, 
immediately on his arrival, he returned the following grateful letter : 

New Bedford, Mass., March 22d, 1854. 
Dear Sir : — I am happy to inform you that I arrived in this place this morning well 
and cheerful. I am, sir, to you and others under more obligations for your kindly protec- 
tion of me than I can in any way express at present. May the Lord preserve you unto 
eternal life. Remember my respects to Mr. Lundy and family. Should the boat lay up 
please let me know. Yours respectfully, David Robinson. 

Please forward to Dr. H. Lundy, after you have gqtten through. With respects, &c. 

D. R. 

Wm. Robinson, alias Tnos. Harred. William gave satisfactory evi- 
dence, at first sight, that he was opposed to the unrequited labor system 
m toto, and even hated still more the flogging practices of the chivalry. 
Although he had reached his twenty-eighth year, and was a truly fair 
specimen of his race, considering his opportunities, a few days before 
William left, the overseer on the plantation attempted to flog him, but 
did not succeed. William's manhood was aroused, and he flogged the 
overseer soundly, if what he averred was true. The name of William's 
owner was John G. Beale, Esq., of Fauquier county, Va. Beale was 
considered to be a man of wealth, and had invested in Slave stock to 
the number of seventy head. According to William's account of Beale, 
he was a ^' hard man and thought no more of his black people than he 
did of dogs." When William entered upon the undertaking of freeing 
himself from Beale's barbarism, he had but one dollar and twenty-five 
cents in liis possession ; but he had physical strength and a determined 
mind, and being heartily sick of Slavery, he was willing to make the trial, 
even at the cost of life. Thus hopeful, he prosecuted his journey with suc- 
15 



226 THE UNDERGROUD RAIL ROAD. 

cess through strange regions of country, vvitli but little aid or encouragement 
before reaching riiiladclphia. This feat, however, was not performed with- 
out getting lost by the way. On arriving, his shoes were gone, and his feet 
were severely travel-worn. The Committee rendered needed aid, etc., and 
sent William on to Canada to work for himself, and to be recognized as a iJ 
subject of Great Britain. ! 

Edward Peaden and wife Harriet, and sister Celia. This 
man and his wife and wife's sister were a nice-looking trio, but they 
brought quite a sad story with them: the sale of their children, six ui 
number. The auction block had made such sad havoc among them, that no 
room was left to hope, that their situation would ever be improved by re- 
maining. Indeed they had been under a very gloomy cloud for some time i 
previous to leaving, fearing that the auction block was shortly to be H 
their doom. To escape tliis fate, they were constrained to " secrete them- 
selves for one month," until an opportunity offered them to secure a pas- 
sage on a boat coming to Philadelphia. Edward (the husband), was about 
forty-four years of age, of a dark color, well made, full face, pleasant coun- 
tenance, and talked fluently. Dr. Price claimed him as his personal 
property, and exacted all his hire and labor. For twelve years he had 
been hired out for $100 per annum. Harriet, the wife of Edward, be- 
longed to David Baines, of Norfolk. Her general appearance indicated, 
that nature had favored her physically and mentally, although being 
subjected to the drudgery of Slave life, with no advantages for development, 
she was simply a living testimony to the crushing influence of Slavery — 
with a heart never free from the saddened recollection of the auction block, 
on which all of her children had been sacrificed, " one by one." Celia, the 
sister, also belonged to D. Baines, and was kept hired out — was last in the 
service of the Mayor of Norfolk. Of her story nothing of any moment 
Avas recorded. On their arrival in Philadelphia, as usual they were handed 
over to the Committee, and their wants were met. 

William Davis. All that the records contain of William is as follows : 
He left Einmitsburg, Md., the previous Friday night, where he had been 
held by Dr. James Shoul. William is thirty-two years of age, dark color, 
rather below medium stature. AVith regard to his slave life, he declaral 
that he had been "roughly used." Besides, for some time before escapiiig, he 
felt that his owner was in the " notion of trading" him off. The fear that 
this api)rchended notion would be carried into execution, was what prompted 
him to leave his master. 

Alexander Boggs, alias Johnson Henson. This subject was under 
the ownership of a certain John Emie, who lived about three miles from 
Baltimore. Mr. Emie had only been in possession of the wayward Alex- 
ander three weeks, having purchased him of a trader named Demiit, for 
$550. This was not the first time, however, that he had experienced the 



I 



FROM VIBGIXIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 227 



trouble of changing masters, in consequence of having been sold. Previ- 
ously to his being disposed of hj the trader Dennit, he had been owned by 
Senator Merrick, who had the misfortune to fail in business, in consequence 
whereof, his slaves had all to be sold and Alexander with the rest, away 
from ills wife, Caroline, and two children, James and Eliezer. 

This was a case that appealed for sympathy and aid, which were cheer- 
fully rendered by the Couimitlce. Alexander was about fifty years of age, 
of dark color. On the Records no account of cruel treatment is found, 
other than being sold, &c. 

John Brown, alias Jacob Williams, arrived from Frederick town, 
Md., where he had been woi-king under the yoke of Joseph Postly. 
John was a young man of twenty-nine years of age. Up to the hour 
.of his escape, his lot had been that of an ordinary slave. Indeed, he had 
much less to complain of with reference to usage than most slaves ; the 
only thing in this respect the records contain, is simply a charge, that his 
master threatened to sell him. But this did not seem to have been the 
motive which prompted John to take leave of his master. Although untu- 
tored, he had mind enough to comprehend that Postly had no right to 
oppress hiju, and wrong him out of his hire. John concluded that he would 
;not stand such treatment any longer, and made up his mind to leave for 
Canada. After due examination the Committee, finding his story reasonable, 
i^ave him the usual assistance, advice and instruction, and sent him on 
Oanada-ward. 

Samuel Slater, alias Patterson Smith, came from a place called 
Power Bridge, Md. He gave a satisfactory account of himself, and was 
3ommended for having wisely left his master, Wilh'am Martin, to earn his 
oread by the sweat of his own brow. Martin had held up the vision of 
;he auction-block before Sam ; this was enough. Sam saw that it was time 
br him to be getting out of danger's way without delay, so he i)rcsumed, 
f others could manage to escape, he could too. And he succeeded. He 
i.vas a stout man, about twenty-nine years of age, of dark complexion. No 
particular mention of ill treatment is found on the Records. 
j After arriving in Canada, his heart turned with deep interest and affec- 
ion to those left in the prison-house, as the following letter indicates. 

St. Cathrines Oct 29th. 
JIy Dear Friend :— yours of the L5th came to hand and I was glad to hea from 3^ou 
md your dear family were well and the reason that I did not write sooner I expected get 
I letter from my brother in Pennsylvania but I have not received any as yet when I wrote 
a3t I directed my letter to philip scott minister of the asbury church baltimore and that 
vas the reason that I thought it strange I did not get an answer but I did not put my 
Tother name to it 1 made arrangements before I left home with a family of smiths that I 
ifas to write to and the letter that I enclose in this I want you to direct it to D Philip 
|Cott in his care for mrs cassey Jackson Duke Jacksons wife and she will give to Priana 
mith or Sarah Jane Smith those are the persons I wish to write to I wish you to write 



228 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

on as quick as you can and let them know that there is a lady coming on by the name of 
mrs Holonsworth and she will call and see you and you will hud her a very intereslmg 
and inteligent person one worthy of respect and esteem and a high reputation I must now 
bring my letter to a close no more at present but remain your humble servant 

Patterson Smith 

In my letters I did not write to my friends how they shall write to me but in the letter 
that you write you will please to tell them how they shall write to me. 

Harrison Bell and daughter Harriet Ann. Father and daughter 
were fortunate enough to escape together from Norfolk, Va. 

Harrison was just in the prime of life, forty years of age, stout made, 
good features, but in height was rather below medium, was a man of more 
than ordinary shrewdness, by trade he was a chandler. He alleged that he 
had been used hard. 

Harriet Ann was a well-grown girl of pleasant appearance, four- 
teen years of age. Father and daughter had each different owners, one 
belonged to James Snyder, the other to John G. Hodgson. 

Harrison had been informed that his children were to be sold ; to prevent 
this shocking fate, he was prompted to escape. Several months previous to 
finding a chance to make a safe flight, he secreted himself with his children 
in Norfolk, and so remained up to the day he left, a passage having been 
secured for them on one of the boats coming to Philadelphia. While the 
records contain no definite account of other children, it is evident that 
there were others, but what became of them is not known. 

If at the time of their arrival, it had been imagined that the glorious day 
of universal freedom was only about eight years off, doubtless much fuller 
records would have been made of these struggling Underground Rail Road 
passengers. If Harrison's relatives and friends, who suddenly missed iiira 
and his daughter Harriet Ann, in the Spring of 1854, are still ignorant of 
his whereabouts, this very brief account of their arrival in Philadelphia, 
may be of some satisfliction to all concerned, not excepting his old master, 
whom he had served so faithfully. 

The Committee finding them in need, had the pleasure of furnishing them 
with food, material aid and a carriage, with cheering words and letters of 
introduction to friends on the road to Canada. 

DANIET> DAVIS, ALIAS DAVID SMITH, ADAM NICHOLSON, ALIAS JOHN WYNKOOP," 
REUBEN BOWLES, ALIAS CDNNIGAN, ARRIVED FROM HEDGEVILLE, VA. 

Daniel was only about twenty, just at a capital age to make a bold 
strike for freedom. The appearance and air of this young aspirant foi 
liberty indicated that he was not of the material to be held in chains, 
lie was a man of medium size, well-built, dark color, and intelligent. Hon. 
Charles J. Fortner, M. C. was the reputed owner of this young fugitive, bul 
the honorable gentleman having no use for his services, or because he may 



i 



FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 229 

have profited more by hii'ing him out, Daniel was placed in the employ of 
a farmer, by the name of Adam Quigley. It wa^ at this time he resolved 
that he would not be a slave any longer. He declared that Quigley was a 
" very mean man," one for whom he had no respect whatever. Indeed he 
felt that the system of Slavery was an abomiaation in any form it might be 
viewed. While he was yet so young, he had pretty clear views with regard 
to Slavery, and remembered with feelings of deep indignation, how his 
father had been sold when he himself was a boy, just as a horse might have 
been sold ; and how his mother was dragging her chains in Slavery, up to the 
hour he fled. Thus in company with his two companions he was prepared 
for any sacrifice. 

Adam's tale is soon told ; all that is on the old record in addition to his 
full name, is in the following words : "Adam is dark, rugged and sensible, 
and was owned by Alexander Hill, a drunkard, gambler, &c." 

Keuben had been hired out to John Sabbard near Hedgeville. Startled 
at hearing that he was to be sold, he was led to consider the propriety 
of seeking flight via the Underground Rail Road. These three young 
men were all fine specimens of farm hands, and possessed more than average 
common sense, considering the oppression they had to labor under. They 
walked the entire distance from Hedgeville, Va., to Greenville, Pa. There 
they took the cars and walked no more. They appeared travel-worn, gar- 
ments dirty, and forlorn ; but the Committee had them cleanly washed, 
hair cut and shaved, cliange of clothing furnished, &c., which at once made 
them look like very difierent men. Means were appropriated to send them 
on free of cost. 

James Stewart, alias Wm. Jackson. James had been made acquainted 
with the Peculiar Institution in Fauquier county, Va. Being of sound 
judgment and firm resolution, he became an enemy to Slavery at a very 
early age ; so much so, that by the time he was twenty-one he was willing 
to put into practice his views of the system by leaving it and going where all 
men are free. Very different indeed were these notions, from those held by 
his owner, Wm. Rose, who believed in Slavery for the black man. So as 
James could neither enjoy his freedom nor express his opinion in Virginia, 
he determined, that he had better get a passage on the Underground Rail 
Road, and leave the land of Slavery and the obnoxious sentiments of 
his master. He, of course, saw formidable diSiculties to be encountered 
all the way along in escaping, but these, he considered, would be 
more easy for him to overcome than it would be for him to learn the 
lesson — " Servants, obey your masters." The very idea made James sick. 
This, therefore, was the secret of his escape. 

Harriet Haley, alias Ann Richardson, and Elizabeth Haley, 
alias Sarah Richardson. These travelers succeeded in escaping from 
Geo. C. Davis, of Harford county, Md. In order to carry out their plans, 



230 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

they took advantage of Whitsuntide, a holiday, and with marked ingenuity and 
perseverance, they managed to escape and reach Quakertown Underground 
Rail Road Station without obstruction, where protection and assistance were 
rendered by the friends of the cause. After abiding there for a shoit time, 
thev were forwarded to the Committee in Philadelphia. Their ages ranged 
from nineteen to twenty-one, and they were apparently "servants" of a very 
superior order. The pleasure it afforded to aid such young women in 
escaping from a condition so loathsome as that of Slavery in Maryland, was 
unalloyed. 

BENJA^riN Duncans, alias George Scott. This individual was in 
bonds under Thomas Jeffries, who was a firm believer in the doctrine: 
" Servants, obey your masters," and, furthermore, while laboring " pretty 
hard" to make Benjamin a convert to this idea, he had made Benjamin's 
lot anything else than smooth. This treatment on the part of the master 
made a wise and resolute man of the Slave. For as he looked earnestly 
into the fact, that he was only regarded by his owner in the light of an 
ox, or an aas, his manhood rebelled straightway, and the true light of 
freedom told him, that he must be willing to labor, and endure suffering for 
the great prize, liberty. So, in company with five others, at an appointed 
time, he set out for freedom, and succeeded. The others, alluded to, passed 
on to Canada direct. Benjamin was induced to stop a few months in Penn- 
sylvania, during which time he occu])ied himself in farming. Pie looked as 
if he was well able to do a full day's work at this occupation. He was 
about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed blood, and wore a pleasant 
countenance. 

jSIoses Wines. Portsmouth, Va., lost one of her most substantial la- 
borers in the person of Moses, and Madam Abigail Wheeler, a very "likely 
article" of merchandise. "No complaint" as to "ill treatment " was made 
by Moses against " ]\Iiss Abigail." The truth was, he admitted, that he liad 
been used in a " mild way." With some degree of pride, he stated 
that he " had never been flogged." But, for the " last fifteen years, he 
had been favored witli the exalted privilege of 'hiring' his time at the 'rea- 
sonable' sum of ^12 per month." As he stood pledged to have this amount 
always ready, " whether sick or well," at the end of the month, his mistress 
" never neglected to be in roadineas to receive it " to the last cent. I n this way 
Moses was taught to be exceedingly punctual. Who would not commend such 
a mistress for the punctuality, if nothing more? But as smoothly as matters 
seemed to be going along, the mischievous idea crept into Moses' head, that 
he ought to have some of the money claimed by his " kind " mistress, and at 
the same time, the thought would often forcibly press upon his mind that he 
might any day be sold. In addition to this unpleasant prospect, Virginia 
had just about that time passed a law "prohibiting Slaves from hiring 
their time " — also, a number of " new Police rules with reference to Slaves 



FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 231 

and free colored people," all of which, the " humane Slave-holders " of that 
"liberal State," regarded as highly essential both for the "protection and 
safety of Master and Slave." But the stupid-headed Moses was not pleased 
with these arrangements. In common with many of the Slaves, he smarted 
severely under his heavy oppression, and felt that it was similar to an old 
rule, which had been once tried under Pharaoh — namely, when the children 
of Israel were required to " make bricks without straw." But Moses was 
not a fit subject to submit to be ruled so inhumanly. 

Despite the beautiful sermons he had often listened to in favor of 
Slavery, and the many wise laws, above alluded to, he could not reconcile 
himself to his condition. The laws and preaching were alike as 
"sounding brass, and tinkling cymbals" to him. He made up his 
mind, therefore, that he must try a free country ; that his manhood 
required him to make the effort at once, even at the risk of life. Father 
and husband, as he was, and loving his wife, Grace, and son, Alphonso, 
tenderly as he did, he nevertheless felt himself to be in chains, and that he 
could do but little for them by remaining. He conceived that, if he 
could succeed in gaining his freedom, he might possibly aid them away 
also. With this hope in him, he contrived to secure a private passage 
on the steamship City of Richmond, and in this way reached Philadelphia, 
but not without suffering fearfully the entire journey through, owing to the 
narrowness of the space into which he was obliged to be stowed in order to 
get away. 

Moses was a man of medium size, quite dark, and gave promise of being 
capable of taking care of himself in freedom. Pie had seen much of the 
cruelties of Slavery inflicted upon others in various forms, which he related 
in a way to make one shudder ; but these incidents were not recorded in the 
book at the time. 

Sarah S.mith, alias Mildreth Page, and her daughter, nine years of 
age. Sarah and her child were held to service by the Rev. A. D. Pollock, a 
resident of Wilmington, Del. Until about nine months before she escaped 
from the Reverend gentleman, she was owned by Mrs. Elizabeth Lee of 
Fauquier Co., Va., who had moved M'ith Sarah to Wilmington. How 
Mr. Pollock came by Sarah is not stated on the records ; perhaps by mar- 
riage; be that as it may, it was owing to ill treatment from her mistress that 
Sarah "took out" with her child. Sarah was a woman of becoming 
manners, of a dark brown complexion, and looked as though she might do a 
fair share of housework, if treated well. As it required no great effort to 
escape from Wilmington, where the watchful Garrett lived, she reached the 
Committee in Philadelphia without much difficulty, received assistance and 
was sent on her way rejoicing. 

Lucy Garrett, alias Julia Wood. John Williams, who was said to 
be a " very cruel man," residing on the Western Shore of Ya., claimed 



232 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Lucy as his chattel personal. Julia, having a lively sense of his meanness 
stood much in fear of being sold ; having seen her father, three sisters, and 
two brothers, disposed of at auction, she was daily on the look-out for her 
turn to come next. The good spirit of freedom made the way plain to her 
by whicli an escai)e could be effected. Being about nineteen years of age, 
she felt that she had served in Slavery long enough. She resolved to start 
immediately, and did so, and succeeded in reaching Pennsylvania. Her 
appearance recommended her so well, that she was prevailed upon to remain 
and accept a situation in the family of Joseph A. Dugdale, so well known 
in reformatory circles, as an ardent friend of humanity. While in his family 
she gave great satisfaction, and was much esteemed for uprightness and in- 
dustry. But this place was not Canada, so, when it was deemed best, she 
was sent on. 

Ellen Forman, alias Elizabeth Young. Ellen had formerly been 
owned by Dr. Thomas, of the Eastern Shore of Maryland, but about one year 
before escaping, she was bought by a lady living in Baltimore known by the 
name of Mrs. Johnson. Ellen was about thirty years of age, of 
slender stature, and of a dark brown complexion. The record makes no 
mention of cruel treatment or very hard usage, as a slave. From travel- 
ing, probably, she had contracted a very heavy cold, which threatened her 
with consumption. The Committee cheerfully rendered her assistance. 
fiWiLLiAM Wooden, alias William Nelson. While Delaware was not 
far from freedom, and while Slavery was considered to exist there compa- 
ratively in a mild form, nevertheless, what with the imjienctrable ignorance 
in which it was the wont of pro-slavery whites to keep the slaves, 
and the unwillingness on the part of slave-holders generally to conform to 
the spirit of progr&ss going on in the adjacent State of Pennsylvania, it m;ls 
wonderful how the slaves saw through the thick darkness thus prevailing, 
and how wide-awake they were to escape. 

It was from this State, that William Wooden fled. True, William was 
said to belong to Judge Wooden, of Georgetown, Del., but, according 
to the story of his "chattel," the Judge was not of the class who judged 
righteously. He had not only treated William badly, but he had threat- 
ened to sell him. This was the bitter pill which constrained William to 
"take out." The threat seemed hard at first, but its effect was excellent for 
this young man ; it was the cause of his obtaining his freedom at the age of 
twenty-three. William was a tall, well-built man, of dark complexion and 
promising. No further particulars concerning him are on the records. 

James Edwaiid Handy, aViafi Daniel Canon. At Seaford, Delaware, 
James was held in bonds under a Slave-holder called Samuel Lewis, who fol- 
lowed farming. Lewis was not satisfied with working James hard and 
keeping all his earnings, but would insolently talk occasionally of hand- 
ing him "over to the trader." This "stirred James' blood " and aroused 



FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 233 

his courage to the "sticking point." Nothing could induce him to 
remain. He had the name of having a wife and four children, but ac- 
cording to the Laws of Delaware, he only had a nominal right in them. 
They were " legally the property of Capt. Martin." Therefore 
they were all left in the hands of Capt. Martin. The wife's name was 
Harriet Delaney, alias Smart Stanley. James Henry Delaney came as a 
fellow-traveler with James Edward. He had experienced oppression under 
Capt. Martin, and as a witness, was prepared to testify, that Martin " ill- 
treated his Slaves, especially with regard to the diet, which was very poor." 
Nevertheless James was a stout, heavy-built young man of twenty-six years 
of age, and looked as if he might have a great deal of valuable work in 
him. He was a single man. 

James Henhy Blackson. James Henry had only reached twenty-five, 
when he came to the " conclusion, that he had served long enough under 
bondage for the benefit of Charles Wright." This was about all of the ex- 
cuse he seemed to have for escaping. He was a fine specimen of a man, so 
far as physical strength and muscular power were concerned. Very little 
was recorded of him. 

George Freeland. It was only by the most indomitable resolution 
and perseverance, that Freeland threw off the yoke. Capt. John Pollard of 
Petersburg, Va., held George to service. As a Slave-holder, Pollard be- 
longed to that class, who did not believe in granting favors to Slaves. On 
the contrary, he was practically in favor of wringing every drop of blood 
from their bodies. 

George was a spare-built man, about twenty-five years of age, 
quite dark, but had considerable intelligence. He could read and write 
very well, but how he acquired these arts is not known. In testifying 
against his master, George used very strong language. He declared 
that Pollard "thought no more of his servants than if they had been 
dogs. He was very mean. He gave nothing to his servants. He has given 
me only one pair of shoes the last ten years." After careful inquiry, 
George learned that he could get a private passage on the City of Rich- 
mond, if he could raise the passage money. This he could do cheerfully. 
He raised "sixty dollars" for the individual who was to "secrete him on 
the boat." In leaving the land of Slave auctions, whips and chains, he was 
obliged to leave his mother and father and two brothers in Petersburg. 
Pollard had been offered $1,500 for George. Doubtless he found, when he 
discovered George had gone, that he had "overstood the market." This was 
what produced action prompt and decisive on the part of George. So the 
old adage, in this case, was verified — " It's an ill wind that blows nobody 
any good." 

On arriving in Canada, George did not forget to express gratitude to those 
who aided him on his road there, as the following note will show : 



234 'i'lii^ UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

SiNCATHANS, Canada west. 

Brotlier Still :— I im brace this opportunity of pening you a few lines to in form you 
that 1 aru well at present & in hopes to find you & fanriily well also I hope that god Will 
Biusa you & and your family & if I never should meet you in this world I hope to meet 
you in glory Remember my love to Brother Brown & tell him that I ara well & hearty 
tell him to writ Thomas word that I am well at present you must excuse me I will Kite 
when I return from the west. George W. Feeeland. 

Send your Letters in the name of John Anderson. 

Milks White. This piisseiif^er owed service to Albert Kern, of Eliza- 
beth City, N. 0. At least Kcsrn, through the oj)i)ressive laws of that State, 
claimed Miles as his personal j)roperty. Miles, however, thought dilferently, 
but he was not at liberty to argue the ease with Kern ; for on the "side of 
the oppressor there was strength." So he resolved, that he would adopt 
the lliidci'grouiid Hail Jioad ])Ian. As he was only about twenty-one 
years of age, he iound it much easier to close his affairs with North 
( arolina, than it would hav(; been had he been encumbered with a 
family. In fact, the only serious difficulty he liad to surmount was to 
find a captain with whom he could secure a safe passage North. To 
his gratification it was not long before his efforts in this direction were 
crowned with success. A vessel was being loaded with shingles, the captain 
of which was kind enough to allow Miles to occupy a very secure hiding- 
])llcc thereon. In course of time, having suffered to the extent usual 
when so ch^scly conveyed, he arrived in Philadcl])hia, and being aided, was 
duly f'liwardcd by the Committee. 

.loiiN Hall, ( i flan , Tows Simpson. John fled from South Carolina. In 
this hot-bed of Slavery he labored and suffered up to the age of thirty- 
two. For a length of time before he escaju'd, his burdens were intolerable; 
but he c(»uld sc(! no way to rid himself of them, except by flight. Nor was 
he by any means certain (hat an efful in this direction would prove suc- 
cessful. In |»hniniug tin* route which he should take to travel North he 
decided, (h;it if success was for him, his best chance would bo to wend his 
way (hidngh iS'orlh Carolina and Virginia. Not that he hoped to And 
friends (»r helpers in these States, lie had heard enough of the cruelties 
of Slavery in these regions to convince him, that if he should be caught, 
there would bo no sympathy or mercy shown. Nevertheless the irons were 
|)icrcing him so severely, that he felt constrained to try his luck, l(>t the con- 
sequences be what they might, and so he set out for freedom or death. Moun- 
tains of difficulties, and months of suffering and privations by land and 
water. In the woods, and s\vam|)s of North Carolina and Virginia, were 
before him, as his experience^ in traveling prove<l. Hut iUo hope of 
final victory and his dnily snllcrin<j:s before ht^ slai'ted, kc]»t him from 
faltering, even wh<'n starvation and death sccm(Ml to be staring him in the 
face. For several months he was livinir in dens and caves of the earth. 



CHARLES GILBERT. 235 

Ultimately, however, the morning of his ardent hopes dawned. How he 
succeeded in finding a captain who was kind enough to afford him a secret 
hiding-place on his boat, was not noted on the records. Indeed the inci- 
dents of his story were but briefly written out. Similar cases of thrilling 
interest seemed almost incredible, and the Committee were constrained 
to doubt the story altogether until other testimony could be obtained 
to verify the statement. In this instance, before the Committee were fully 
satisfied, they felt it necessary to make inquiry of trustworthy Charlesto- 
nians to ascertain if John were really from Ciiarleston, and if he were actually 
owned by the man that he represented as having owned him, Dr. Philip 
Mazyck, by name ; and furthermore, to learn if the master M'as really of 
the brutal character given him. The testimony of thoroughly reliable 
persons, who were acquainted with master and slave, so far as this man's 
bondage in Charleston was concerned, fully corroborated his statement, and 
the Committee could not but credit his story ; indeed they were con- 
vinced, that he had been one of the greatest of sufferers and the chief of 
heroes. Nevertheless his story was not written out, and can only be hinted 
at. Perhaps more time was consumed in its investigation and in listening to 
a recital of his sufferings than could well be spared; perhaps it was thought, 
as was often the case, unless full justice could be given him, the story would 
be spoiled ; or perhaps the a|)palling nature of his sufferings rend(>rod the 
pen powerless, and made the heart too sick for the task. Wiiether 
it was so or not in this case, it was not unfrequently so in other in- 
stances, as is well remembered. It will be necessary, in tlie subse- 
quent, pages of this M'ork, to omit the narratives of a great many who, 
unfortunately, were but briefly noted on the books at the time of their ar- 
rival. In the eyes of some, this may ]>rove disappointing, especially in in- 
stances where these pages are turned to with tiie hope of gaining a clue to 
certain lost ones. As all, however, cannot be mentioned, and as the general 
reader will look for incidents and facts which will most fittingly bring out 
the chief characteristics in the care(T and escape of bondmen, the reasonable- 
ness of this course must be obvious to all. 



CHARLES GILBERT. 

FLEEING FKOM DAVIS A NKGUO TRADER, SECRETED UNDER A HOTEL, UP A TREE, 
UNDER A FLOOR, IN A THICKET, ON A STEAMER. 

In 1854 Charles was owned in the city of Richmond by Benjamin Davis, 
a notorious negro trader. Charles was quite a " likely-looking article," not 
too black or too white, but rather of a nice "ginger-bread color." 
Davis was of opinion that this "article" must bring him a tip-top 



236 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

j)rice. For two or three months the trader advertised Charles for sale in 
the j)a[K'rs, but fur some reason or other Charles did not command the high 
price demanded. 

Wiiile Davis was thus daily trying to sell Charles, Charles was con- 
templating how he might escape. Being uncommonly shrewd be learned 
something about a captain of a schooner from Boston, and determined to 
approach him with regard to securing a passage. The captain mani- 
fested a dis[)osition to accommodate him for the sum of icw dollars, 
})rovi(l('d Charles could manage to get to Old Point Comfort, there to 
embark. The Point was about one hundred and sixty miles distant from 
Richmond. 

A man of ordinary nerve would have declined this condition unhesitat- 
ingly. On the other hand it was not Charles' intention to let any offer 
slide; indeed he felt that he must make an effort, if ho failed. He could 
not see how his lot could be made more miserable by att(>mpting to flee. 
In full view of all the consecpiences he ventured to take the hazardous 
step, and to his great satisfaction he reached Old Point Comfort safely. In 
that locality he was well known, unfortunately too well known, for he had 
been raised partly there, and, at the same time, many of his relatives and 
acquaintances were still living there. These facts were evidently well known 
to the trader, who unquestionably had snares set in order to entrap Charles 
should he seek shelter among his relatives, a reasonable supposition. 
Charles had scarcely reached his old home before he Avas ai)prised of 
the fact that the hunters and watch dogs of Shivery were eagerly watching 
for liim. Even his nearest relatives, through fear of consequences had to 
hide their faces as it were from him. None dare offer him a night's lodging, 
scarcely a cup of water, lest such an act might be discovered by the hunters, 
whose fiendish hearts would have found pleasure in meting out the most 
dire punishuients to those guilty of thus violating the laws of Slavery. 
The prospect, if not utterly hopeless, was decidedly discouraging. The 
way to Boston was entirely closed. A "reward of $200" was advertised 
for his capture. For the first week after arriving at Old Point he entru*;ted 
himself to a young friend by the name of E. S. The fear of the pur- 
suers drove him from his hiding-place at the expiration of the week. 
Thence he sought shelter neither with kinfolks. Christians, nor infidels, but 
in this hour of his calamity he made up his mind that he would try living 
under a large hotel for a while. Having watched his opportunity, 
he managcil to reach Higce hotel, a very large house without a cellar, erected 
on pillars three or four feet above the ground. One j)laco alone, near the 
cistern, presented some chance for a hiding-place, sufficient to satisfy him 
quite well under the circumstances. This dark and gloomy spot he at 
once willingly occuj)ied rather than return to Slavery. In this refuge 
he remained four weeks. Of course he could not live without food ; but to 



CHARLES GILBERT. 



237 



communicate with man or woman would inevitably subject him to danger. 
Charles' experience in the neighborhood of iiis old home left no ground for 
him to hope that he would be likely to find friendly aid anywhere under the 
shadow of Slavery. In consetjuence of these fears he received his food from 
the "slop tub," securing this diet in the darkness of night after all was still 
and quiet around the liotel. To use his own language, the meals thus 
obtained were often " sweet " to his taste. 

One evening, however, he was not a little alarmed by the approach 
of an Irish boy who canie under the hotel to hunt cliickens. While 
prowling around in the darkness he a])peared to be making his way 
unconsciously to the very spot where Charles was reposing. How to meet 
the danger was to Charles' mind at first very puzzling, there was no time 
now to plan. As quick as thought he feigned the bark of a savage dog 
accompanied with a furious growl and snarl which he was confident would 
frighten the boy half out of his senses, and cause him to depart quickly from 
his private apartment. The trick succeeded admirably, and the einci-- 
gency was satisfiictorily met, so far as the boy was concerned, but the boy's 
father hearing the attack of the dog, swore that he would kill him. Charles 
was a silent listener to the threat, and he saw that he could no longer 
remain in safety in his present quarter. So that night he took his de- 
parture for Bay Shore; here 
he decided to pass a day in 
the woods, but the privacy 
of this place was not altoge- 
ther satisfactory to Charles' 
mind; but where to find a 
more secure retreat he could 
not, — dared not venture to 
as(;ertain that day. It oc- 
curred to him, however, that 
he would be much safer up a 
tree ,than hid in the bushes 
and undergrowth. lie there- 
fore climbed up a large acorn 
tree and there passed an en- 
tire day in deep meditation. 
No gleam of hope appeared, 
yet he would not suffer him- 
self to think of returning to 
bondage. In this dilemma 
he remembered a poor wash- 
er-woman named Isabella, a 
slave who had charge of a wash house. AVith her he resolved to seek succor. 




238 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Leaving the woods he proceeded to tlie wiish-house and was kindly received 
by Isabella, but what to do with him or how to afford him any protection 
she could see no way whatever. The schooling which Charles had been 
receiving a number of weeks in connection with the most fearful looking-for 
of the threatened wrath of the trader made it much easier for him than for her 
to see how he could be provided for. A room and comforts he was not 
accustomed to. Of course he could not expect such comforts now. Like 
many another escaping from the relentless tyrant, Charles could con- 
trive methods which to his venturesome mind would afford hope, however 
desperate they might appear to others. He thought that he might 
be safe under the floor. To Isabella the idea was new, but her sym- 
pathies were strongly with Cliarles, and she readily consented to accommodate 
him under the floor of the wash-house. Isabella and a friend of Charles, by 
the name of John Thomas, were the only persons who were cognizant of 
this arrangement. The kindness of these friends, manifested by their 
willingness to do anything in their power to add to the comfort of Charles, 
was proof to him that his efforts and sufferings had not been altogether in 
vain. Pie remained under the floor two weeks, accessible to kind voices and 
friendly ministrations. At the end of this time his repose was again sorely 
disturbed by reports from without that suspicion had been awakened towards 
the wash-house. How this happened neither Charles nor his friends could 
conjecture. But the arrival of six officers whom he could hear talking very 
plainly in the house, whose errand was actually to search for him, convinced 
him that he liad never for a single moment been in greater danger. The 
officers not only searched the house, but they offered his friend John Thomas 
^25 if he would only put them on Charles' track. John professed to know 
nothing; Isabella was equally ignorant. Discouraged with their efforts on 
this occasion, the offi(!ers gave up the hunt and left the house. Charles, 
however, had liad enough of the floor accommodations. He left that night 
and returned to his old quarters under the hotel. Here he stayed one 
week, at the expiration of which time the need of fresh air was so im- 
})crative, that he resolved to go out at night to Allen's cottage and spend a' 
day in the woods. He had knowledge of a place where the undergrowth 
and bushes were almost impenetrable. To rest and refresh himself in this 
thicket he felt would be a great comfort to him. "Without serious 
difficulty he reached the thicket, and while pondering over the all- 
absorbing matter as to how he should ever manage to make his escape, an 
old man approached. Now while Cliarles had no reason to think that he 
was sought by the old intruder, his very near approach admonished him 
that it would neither be safe nor agreeable to allow him to come nearer. 
Charles remembering that his trick of playing the dog, when previously in 
danger under the hotel, had served a good end, thought that it would work 
well in the thicket. So he again tried his power at growling and barking 



CHARLES GILBERT. 239 

hideously for a moment or two, vvhicli at once caused the man to turn his 
course. Charles could hear him distinctly retreating, and at the same time 
cursing the dog. The owner of the place had the reputation of keeping 
" bad dof-s," so the old man poured out a dreadful threat against " Stephens' 
doo-s," and was soon out of the reach of the one in the thicket. 

Notwithstanding his success in frightening off the old man, Charles 
felt that the thicket was by no means a safe place for him. He con- 
cluded to make another change. This time he sought a marsh ; two 
hours' stay there was sufficient to satisfy him, that that too was no place to 
tarry in, even for a single night. He, therefore, left immediately. A third 
time, he returned to the hotel, where he remained only two days. His 
appeals had at last reached the heart of his mother — she could no longer 
boar to see him struggling, and suffering, and not render him aid, whatever 
the consequences might be. If she at first feared to lend him a hcl})ing 
hand, she now resolutely worked with a view of saving money to succor 
him. Here the prospect began to brighten. 

A passage was secured for him on a steamer bound for Philadelphia. 
Oiie more day, and night must elapse, ere he could be received on board. 
The joyful anticipations which now filled his breast left no room for 
fear; indeed, he could scarcely contain himself; he was drunk with joy. In 
this state of mind he concluded that nothing would afford him more 
pleasure before leaving, than to spend his last hours at the wash house, 
*' under the floor." To this place he went with no fear of hunters before 
his eyes. Charles had scarcely been three hours in this place, however, 
before three officers came in search of him. Two of them talked with 
Isabella, asked her about her "boarders," etc.; in the meanwhile, one of 
them uninvited, made his way up stairs. It so happened, that Charles was 
in this very portion of the house. His case now seemed more hopeless than 
ever. The officer up stairs was separated from him simply by a thin 
curtain. Women's garments hung all around. Instead of fainting or sur- 
rendering, in the twinkling of an eye, Charles' inventive intellect, led him 
to enrobe himself in female attire. Here, to use his own language, a 
"thousand thoughts" rushed into his mind in a minute. The next instant 
he was going down stairs in the presence of the officers, his old calico dress, 
bonnet and rig, attracting no further attention than simply to elicit the fol- 
lowing simple questions: "Whose gal are you?" "Mr. Cockling's, sir." 
"What is your name?" " Delie, sir." "Go on then!" said one of the 
officers, and on Charles went to avail himself of the passage on the steamer 
which his mother had procured for him for the sum of thirty dollars. 

In due time, he succeeded in getting on the steamer, but he soon learned, 
that her course was not direct to Philadelphia, but that some stay would be 
made in Norfolk, Va. Although disappointed, yet this being a step in the 
right direction, he made up his mind to be patient. He was delayed 



240 TUE UXDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

iu Norfolk four weeks. From tlie time Charles first escaped, his owner' 
(Davis the negro trader), had kept a standing reward of $550 adver- 
tised for his recovery. This siiowed that Davis was willing to risk 
heavy expenses for Charles as well as gave evidence that he believed 
him still secreted either about Hichniond, Petersburg, or Old Point Com- 
fort. In this belief he was not far from being correct, for Charles spent 
most of his time in either of these three places, from the day of his escape 
until the day that he finally embarked. At last, the long lookcd-for hour 
arrived to start for Philadelphia. 

He was to leave his mother, with no hope of ever seeing her again, but 
she had purchased herself and was called free. Her name was Margaret 
Johnson. Three brothers likewise were ever in his thoughts, (in chains), 
"Henry," "Bill," and "Sam," (half brothers). But after all the hope of 
freedom outweighed every other consideration, and he was prepared to give 
up all for liberty. To die rather than remain a slave was his resolve. 

Charles arrived per steamer, from Norfolk, on the 11th day of No- 
vember, 1854. The Richmond papers bear witness to the fact, that Benja- 
min Davis advertised Charles Gilbert, for months prior to this date, as has 
been stated in this narrative. As to the correctness of the story, all that the 
writer has to say is, that he took it down from the lips of Charles, hur- 
riedly, directly after his arrival, with no thought of magnifying a single in- 
cident. On the contrary, much that was of interest in the sto;y had to be 
omitted. Instead of being overdrawn, not half of the particulars were re- 
corded. Had the idea then been entertained, that the narrative of this fl 
young slave- warrior was to be brought to light in the manner and time that V 
it now is, a far more thrilling account of his adventures might have been 
written. Other colored men who knew both Davis and Charles, as well as 
one man ordinarily knows another, rejoiced at seeing Charles in Philadel- 
phia, and they listened with perfect faith to his story. So marvellous were 
the incidents of his escape, that his sufferings in Slavery, previous to his 
heroic struggles to throw oif the yoke, were among the facts omitted fi'om 
the records. AVhile this may be regretted it is, nevertheless, gratifying on 
the whole to have so good an account of him as was preserved. It is need- 
less to say, that the Committee took especial pleasure in aiding him, and lis- 
tening to so remarkable a story narrated so intelligently by one who had 
been a slave. 



LIBERTY OR DEATH. 

JIM BOW-LEGS, alias BILL PAUL. 

In 1855 a traveler arrived with the above name, who, on examinatioD, 
was found to possess very extraordinary characteristics. As a hero and ad- 



LIBERTY OR DEATH. ' 241 

venturer some passages of his history were most remarkable. His schooling 
had been such as could only be gathered on plantations under brutal over- 
seers ; — or while fleeing, — or in swamps, — in prisons, — or on the auction- 
block, etc.; in which condtion he was often found. Nevertheless in these cir- 
cumstances his mind got well stored with vigorous thoughts — neither books 
nor friendly advisers being at his command. Yet his native intelligence as 
it regarded human nature, was extraordinary. His resolution and perseve- 
rance never faltered. In all respects he was a remarkable man. He was a 
young man, weighing about one hundred and eighty pounds, of uncommon 
muscular strength. He was born in the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe county, 
and was owned by Dr. Thomas Stephens, of Lexington. On reaching the 
Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, his story was told many times over to 
one and another. Hour after hour was occupied by friends in listening to 
the simple narrative of his struggles for freedom. A very full account of 
" Jim," was forwarded in a letter to M. A. Shadd, the then Editress of the 
" Provincial Freeman." Said account has been carefully preserved, and is 
here annexed as it appeared in the columns of the above named paper : 

" I must now pass to a third adventurer. The one to whom I allude, is 
a young man of twenty-six years of age, by the name of ' Jim,' who fled 
from near Charleston, S. C. Taking all the facts and circumstances into con- 
sideration respecting the courageous cai'eer of this successful adventurer for 
freedom, his .case is by far more interesting than any I have yet referred to. 
Indeed, for the good of the cause, and the honor of one who gained his lib- 
erty by periling his life so frequently : — shot several times, — making six 
unsuccessful attempts to escape from the far South, — numberless times 
chased by bloodhounds, — captured, imprisoned and sold repeatedly, — living 
for months in the woods, swamps and caves, subsisting mainly on parched 
corn and berries, &c., &c., his narrative ought, by all means, to be pub- 
lished, though I doubt very much whether many could be found who could 
persuade themselves to believe one-tenth part of this marvellous story. 

Though this poor Fugitive was utterly ignorant of letters, his natural 
good sense and keen perception qualified him to arrest the attention and in- 
terest the heart in a most remarkable degree. 

His master finding him not available, on account of his absconding pro- 
pensities, would gladly have offered him for sale. He was once taken to 
Florida, for that purpose ; but, generally, traders being wide awake, on in- 
specting him, would almost invariably pronounce him a ' d — n rascal,' be- 
cause he would never fail to eye them sternly, as they inspected him. The 
obedient and submissive slave is always recognized by hanging his head 
and looking on the ground, when looked at by a slave-holder. This lesson 
Jim had never learned, hence he was not to be trusfed. 

His head and chest, and indeed his entire structure, as solid as a rock, in- 
dicated that he was physically no ordinary man ; and not being under the 
16 



242 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

iufluence of the spirit of " non-resistance," he had occasionally been found 
to be a ratlier formidable customer. 

His father was a full-bloodad Indian, brother to the noted Indian Chief, 
Billy Bowlegs; his mother was quite black and of unmixed blood. 

For five or six years, the greater part of Jim's time was occupied in try- 
ing to escape, and in being in prison for sale, to punish him for running 
away. 

His mechanical genius was excellent, so were his geographical abilities. 
He could make shoes or do carpenter's work very handily, though he had 
never had the chance to learn. As to traveling by night or day, he was al- 
ways road-ready and having an uncommon memory, could give exceedingly 
good accounts of what he saw, etc. 

When he entered a swamp, and had occasion to take a nap he took care 
first to decide upon the posture he must take, so that if come upon unex- 
pectedly by the hounds and slave-hunters, he might know in an instant 
which^way to steer to defeat them. He always carried a liquid, which he had 
prepared, to prevent hounds from scenting him, which he said had never 
failed. As soon as the hounds came to the place where he had rubbed his 
legs and feet with said liquid, they could follow him no further, but howled 
and turned immediately. 

Quite a large number of the friends of the slave saw this noble-hearted 
fugitive, and would sit long and listen with the most undivided attention to 
his narrative — none doubting for a moment, I think, the entire truthfulness 
of his story. Strange as his story was, there was so much natural simplicity 
in his manner and countenance, one could not refrain from believing him." 



SALT-WATER FUGITIVE. 

This was an exceptional case, as this passenger did not reach the Vigilance 
Committee of Phihidelphia, yet to exclude him on this account, would be 
doing an injustice to history. 

The facts in his case were incontestably established in the Philadelphia 
Register in April, 1854, from which the following thrilling account is taken: 

The steamship. Keystone State, which arrived at this port on Saturday 
morning, had just entered Delaware Bay, when a man was discovered sc- j 
cretcd outside of the vessel and under the guards. When brought from his 
hiding-plafce, he was found to be a Fugitive Slave, who had secreted himself 
there before the vessel left Savannah on Wednesday, and had remained in 
that jdace from the time of starting! 

His position was such, that the water swept over and around him almost 
constantly. He had some bread in his pocket, which he had intended for 



SAL T- WA TER FUGITIVE. 243 

subsistence until he could reach a land of liberty. It was saturated with 
sea-water and dissolved to a pulp. 

When our readers remember the high winds of Friday, and the sudden 
change to cold during that night, and the fact that the fugitive had 
remained in that situation for three days and nights, we think it will be 
conceded that he fully earned his liberty, and that the " institution," which 
was so intolerable that he was willing to run the risk of almost certain 
death to escape from it had no very great attractions for him. But the 
poor man was doomed to disappointment. The captain ordered the vessel 
to put into Newcastle, where, the fugitive, hardly able to stand, Avas taken 
on shore and incarcerated, and where he now awaits the order of his 
owner in Savannah. The following additional particulars are from the same 
paper of the 21st. 

The Keystone State case. — Our article yesterday morning brought us 
several letters of inquiry and offers of contributions to aid in the purchase 
from his master of the unfortunate inmate of Newcastle jail. In answer 
to the former, we would say, that the steamer Keystone State, left 
Savannah, at 9 A. M., last Wednesday. It was about the same hour next 
morning that the men engaged in heaving lead, heard a voice from under 
the guards imploring help. A rope was procured, and the man relieved 
from his dan2;erous and sufferinjr situation. He was well cared for immedi- 
ately ; a suit of dry clothes was furnished him, and he was given his share 
of the contents of the boat pantry. On arriving at Newcastle, the captain 
had him placed in jail, for the purpose, as we are informed, of taking him 
back to Savannah. 

To those who have offered contributions so liberally, we answer, tliat the 
prospect is, that only a small amount will be needed — enough to fee a 
lawyer to sue out a writ of habeas corpus. The salt water fugitive claims 
to be a free man, and a native of Philadelphia. He gives his name as 
Edward Davis, and says that he formerly lived at No. 5 Steel's court, that 
he was a pupil in Bird's school, on Sixth St. above Lombard, and that he 
has a sister living at Mr. Diamond's, a distiller, on South St. We are not 
informed why he was in Georgia, from which he took such an extraordinary 
means to effect his escape. If the above assertion be true, we apprehend 
little trouble in restoring the man to his former home. The claim of the 
captain to take him back to Savannah, will not be listened to for a moment 
, by any court. The only claim the owners of the "Keystone State" or 
the captain can have on salt water Davis, is for half passenger fare ; he 
came half the way as a fish. A gentleman who came from Wilmington 
yesterday, assures us that the case is in good hands at Newcastle. 



i 



244 THE UXDEE GROUND RAILROAD. 

FULL PARTICDXARS OF THE ABDUCTIOIT, ENSLAVII^rO AND ESCAPE OF DATI8. 
ATTEilPT TO BEDUCE HIM TO SLAVERY AGAIN. 

The case of the colored man Davis, who made such a bold stroke to 
regain his liberty, by periling his life on board the steamer Keystone State 
has excited very general attention. He has given a detailed account of his 
abduction and sale as a slave in the State of ]\Iar)^land and Georgia, and 
some of his adventures up to the time of reaching Delaware. His own 
story is substantially as follows : 

He left Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 1851, and went to 
Harrisburg, intending to go to Hollidaysburg ; took a canal boat for 
Havre de Grace, where he arrived next day. There he hired on board the 
schooner Thomas and Edward (oyster boat), of Baltimore. Went from 
Havre de Grace to St. Michael's, for oysters, thence to Baltimore, and thence 
to Havre de Grace again. 

He then hired to a Mr. Sullivan, who kept a grocery store, to do jobs. 
While there, a constable, named Smith, took him before a magistrate named 
Graham, who fined him fifteen or twenty dollars for violating the law in 
relation to free negroes coming into the State. This fine he was not able to 
pay, and Smith took him to Boll Air prison. Sheriif Gaw wrote to Mr. 
Maitland in Philadelphia, to whom he referred, and received an answer 
that Mr. Maitland was dead and none of the family knew him. He 
remained in that prison nearly two months. He then had a trial in court 
before a Judge Gricr (most unfortunate name), who sentenced him to be 
sold to pay his fine and expenses, amounting to fifty dollars. 

After a few days and without being offered at public sale, he was taken out 
of jail at two o'clock in the morning and carried to Campbell's slave pen, in 
Baltimore, where he remained several months. While there, he was 
employed to cook for some fifty or sixty slaves, being told that he was work- 
ing out his fine and jail fees. After being there about six months, he 
was taken out of prison, handcuffed by one Winters, who took him and two 
or three others to Washington and thence to Charleston, S. C. Here Win- 
ters left them, and they were taken by steamboat to Savannah. AVliile 
on board the boat, he learned that himself and the other two had been sold 
to Mr. William Dean, of Macon, where he stayed two days, and was taken 
from that place to the East Valley Railroad. 

Subsequently he was sent to work on the Possum Tail Bailroad. Here 
he was work(Ml so hard, that in one montli he lost his health. The other 
two men taken on with him, failed before he did. He was then sent to 
Macon, and (hence to the cotton plantation again. 

During the time he worker] on the railroad he had allowed him for fond, 
one peck of com meal, four pounds of bacon, and one quart of molasses per 
week. Ho cookc'l it himself at night, for the next day's use. He worked 



I 



SAL T- WA TEE FUGITIVE. 245 

at packing cotton for four or five months, and in the middle of November, 

1852, was sent back to the railroad, where he was again set to wheeling. 

He worked at "task work" two months, being obliged to wheel sixteen 
square yards per day. At the end of two months he broke down again, and 
was sick. They tried one month to cure him, but did not succeed. In July, 

1853, he was taken to an infirmary in Macon. Dr. Nottinghau and Di\ 
Harris, of that institution, both stated that his was the worst case of the 
kind they ever had. He remained at the infirmary two months and par- 
tially recovered. He told the story of his wrongs to these physicians, who 
tried to buy him. One of his legs was drawn up, so that he could not walk 
well, and they offered four hundred dollars for him, which his master re- 
fused. The doctors wanted him to attend their patients, (mostly slaves). 
While in Georgia he was frequently asked where he came from, being found 
more intelligent than the common run of slaves. 

On the 12th of March he ran away from Macon and went to Savannah. 
There he hid in a stable until Tuesday afternoon at six o'clock, when he 
secreted himself on board the Keystone State. At 9 o'clock the next morning 
the Keystone State left with Davis secreted, as we have before stated. With 
his imprisonment in Newcastle, after being pronounced free, our readers are 
already familiar. We subjoin the documents on which he was discharged 
from his imprisonment in Newcastle, and his subsequent re-committal on 
the oath of Capt. Hardie. 

COPY OF FIRST ORDER OF COMMITMENT. 

New Castle county, ss.. State of Delaware. — To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff 

of said county. Davis (Negro) is delivered to your custody for 

further examination and hearing for traveling without a pass, and supposed 
to be held a Slave to some person in the State of Georgia. 

[Seal]. Witness the hand and seal of John Bradford, one of the Justices 
of the Peace for the county of Newcastle, the 17th day of March, 1854. 

John Bradford, J. P. 

COPY OF DISCHARGE. 

To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff of Newcastle county : You will discharge 

Davis from your custody, satisfactory proof having been made 

before me that he is a free man. John Bradford, J. P. 

Witnesses — Joanna Diamond, John H. Brady, Martha C. Maguire. 

COPY of ORDER OF RE-COMMITMENT. 

New Castle county, ss., the State of Delaware to Wm. R. Lynam, and to 

the Sheriff or keeper of the Common Jail of said county, Whereas 

Davis hath this day been brought before me, the subscriber, one of the Jus- 
tices of the Peace, in and for the said county, charged upon the oath of Ro- 



246 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

bert Hardie with being a runaway slave, and also as a suspicious person, 
traveling without a pass, these are therefore to command you, the said Wm. 
R. Lynani, turthwith to convey and deliver into the custody of the said 
Sheriff, or keeper of the said jail, the lx>dy of the said Davis, and you the 
said Sheriff or receiver of the body of the said Davis into your custody in 
the said jail, and him there safely keep until he be thence delivered by due 
course of the law. 

Given under my hand and seal at New Castle this 21st day of March, A. 
D., 1854. John Bradford, J. P. 

On the fourth of April, the Marshal of Macon callal at the jail in New- 
castle, and demanded him as a fugitive slave, but the Sheriff refused to give 
him up until a fair hearing could be had according to the laws of the State 
of Delaware. The Marehal has returned to Georgia, and will probably 
bring the claimant on the next trip of the Keystone State. The authorities 
of Delaware manifest no disposition to deliver up a man whose freedom has 
been so clearly proved ; but every effort will be made to reduce him again 
to slavery by the man who claims him, in Mhich, it seems, he has the hearty 
co-operation of Capt. Hardie. A trial will be had before U. S. Commis- 
sioner Guthrie, and we have every reason to suppose it will be a fair one. 
The friends of right and justice should remember that such a trial will be 
attended with considerable expense, and that the imprisoned man has been 
too long deprived of his liberty to have money to pay for his own defence. 



SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD, August 28th, 1854. 

TEN YEARS IN TUE PENITENTIARY FOR HAVING A COPY OF UNCLE TOM'S CABIN. 

The passenger answering to the above name, left Indian Creek, Chester 
Co., Md., where he had been held to service or labor, by Dr. James ^Muse. 
One week had elapsed from the time he set out until his arrival in Philadel- 
phia. Although he had never enjoyed s<ihool privileges of any kind, yet he 
was not devoid of intelligence. He had profited by his daily exjx'ricnce as 
a slave, and withal, had managed to learn to read and write a little, despite 
law and usage to the contrary. Sam was about twenty-five years of age 
and by trade, a blacksmith. Before running away, his general character 
for sobriety, industry, and religion, had evidently been considered good, 
but in coveting his freedom and ninning away to obtain it, he had sunk 
far below the utmost limit of forgiveness or mercy in the estimation of 
the slave-holders of Indian Creek, 

During his intercourse with the Vigilance Committee, while rejoicing 
over his triumphant flight, ho gave, with no appearance of excitement. 



SA3IUEL GREEN. 247 

but calmly, and in a common-sense like manner, a brief description of liis 
master, which was entered on the record book substantially as follows : 
''Dr. James Muse is thought by the servants to be the worst man in Mary- 
land, inflicting whipping and all manner of cruelties upon the servants." 

While Sam gave reasons for this sweeping charge, which left no room 
for doubt, on the part of the Committee, of his sincerity and good judgment, 
it was not deemed necessary to make a note of more of the doctor's charac- 
ter than seemed actually needed, in order to show why " Sam " had taken 
passage on the Underground Rail Road. For several years, " Sam " was 
hired out by the doctor at blacksmithing ; in this situation, daily wearing 
the yoke of unrequited labor, through the kindness of Harriet Tubman 
(sometimes called " Moses "), the light of the Underground Rail Road and 
Canada suddenly illuminated his mind. It was new to him, but he was 
quite too intelligent and liberty-loving, not to heed the valuable informa- 
tion which this sister of humanity imparted. Thenceforth he Avas in love 
with Canada, and likewise a decided admirer of the U. R. Road. Harriet 
was herself, a shrewd and fearless agent, and well understood the entire 
route from that part of the country to Canada. The spring previous, she 
had paid a visit to the very neighborhood in which " Sam " lived, ex- 
pressly to lead her own brothers out of "Egypt." She succeeded. To 
" Sam " this was cheering and glorious news, and he made up his mind, 
that before a great while, Indian Creek should have one less slave and 
that Canada should have one more citizen. Faithfully did he Avatch an 
opportunity to carry out his resolution. In due time a good Providence 
opened the way, and to " Sam's " satisfaction he reached Philadelphia, 
having encountered no peculiar difficulties. The Committee, perceiving that 
he was smart, active, and promising, encouraged his undertaking, and having 
given him friendly advice, aided him in the usual manner. Letters of 
introduction were given him, and he was duly forwarded on his way. He 
had left his father, mother, and one sister behind. Samuel and Catharine 
were the names of his parents. Thus far, his escape would seem not to 
affect his parents, nor was it apparent that there was any other cause why 
the owner should revenge himself upon them. 

The father was an old local preacher in the Methodist Church — much 
esteemed as an inoffensive, industrious man; earning his bread by the sweat 
of his brow, and contriving to move along in the narrow road allotted 
colored people bond or free, without exciting a spirit of ill will in the pro- 
slavery power of his community. But the rancor awakened in the breast 
of slave-holders in consequence of the high-handed step the son had taken, 
brought the father under suspicion and hate. Under the circumstances, the 
eye of Slavery could do nothing more than watch for an occasion to pounce 
upon him. It was not long before the desired opportunity presented itself. 
Moved by parental affection, the old man concluded to pay a visit to his 



248 TUE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

boy^ to see how he was faring in a distant lanil, and among strangers. This 
resolution he quietly carried into effect. He found his sou iu Canada, doing 
well ; industrious ; a man of sobriety, and following his father's footsteps 
religiously. That the old man's heart was delighted with what his eyes saw 
and his eai's heard iu Canada, none can doubt. But iu the simplicity of 
his imagination, he never dreamed that this visit was to be made the means 
of his destruction. During the best portion of his days he had faithfully 
worn the badge of Slavery, had afterwards purchased his freedom, and thus 
become a free man. He innocently conceived the idea that he was doing 
no harm in availing himself not only of his God-given rights, but of the 
rights that he had also purchased by the hard toil of his own hands. But 
the enemy was lurking in ambush for him — thirsting for his blood. To his 
utter consternation, not long after his return from his visit to his son "a 
party of gentlemen from the New Market district, went at night to Green's 
house and made search, whereupon was found a copy of -Uncle Tom's 
Cabin, etc." This was enough — the hour had come, wherein to wreak ven- 
geance upon poor Green. The course pursued and the result, may be seen 
in the following statement taken from the Cambridge (Md.), " Democrat," 
of April 29th, 1857, and communicated by the writer to the " Provincial 
Freeman." 

SAM GREEN. 

The case of the State against Sam Green (free negro) indicted for having 
in his possession, papers, pamphlets and pictorial representations, having a 
tendency to create discontent, etc., among the people of color in the State, 
was tried before the court on Friday last. 

This case was of the utmost importance, and has created in the public 
mind a great deal of interest — it being the first case of the kind ever 
having occurred in our country. 

It appeared, in evidence, that this Green has a son in Canada, to Avhom 
Green made a visit last summer. Since his return to this county, susj)icion 
has fastened upon him, as giving aid and assisting slaves who have since 
absconded and reached Canada, and several weeks ago, a party of gentlemen 
from New Market district, went at night, to Green's house and made search, 
whereupon was found a volume of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," a map of Canada, 
several schedules of routes to the North, and a letter from his son in 
Canada, detailing the pleasant trip he had, the number of friends he met 
with on the way, with ])lenty to eat, drink, etc., and concludes with a 
request to his father, that he shall tell certain other slaves, naming them, to 
conle on, which slaves, it is well known, did leave shortly afterwards, and 
have reached Canada. The case was argued with great ability, the counsel 
on both sides displaying a great deal of ingenuity, learning and eloquence. 
The first indictment was for the having in possession the letter, map and 
route schedules. 



SAMUEL GREEN. 249 

Notwithstanding the mass of evidence given, to show the prisoner's guilt, 
in unlawfully having in his possession these documents, and the nine-tenths 
of the community in which he lived, believed that he had a hand in the 
running away of slaves, it was the opinion of the court, that the law under 
which he was indicted, was not applicable to the case, and that he must, 
accordingly, render a verdict of not guilty. 

He was immediately arraigned upon another indictment, for having in 
posses.sion " Uncle Tom's Cabin," and tried ; in this case the court has not 
yet rendered a verdict, but holds it under cm-la till after the Somerset 
county court. It is to be hoped, the court will find the evidence in this 
case sufficient to bring it within the scope of the law under which the 
prisoner is indicted (that of 1842, chap. 272), and that the prisoner may 
meet his due reward — be that what it may. 

That there is something required to be done by our Legislators, for the 
protection of s-lave property, is evident from the variety of constructions 
put upon the statute in this case, and we trust, that at the next meeting of 
the Legislature there will be such amendments, as to make the law on this 
subject, perfectly clear and comprehensible to the understanding of every 
one. 

In the language of the assistant counsel for the State, " Slavery must be 
protected or it must be abolished." 

From the same sheet, of May 20th, the terrible doom of Samuel Green, 
is announced in the following words: 

In the case of the State against Sam Green, (free negro) who was tried at 
the April term of the Circuit Court of this county, for having in his posses- 
sion abolition pamphlets, among which was " Uncle Tom's Cabin," has been 
found guilty by the court, and sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of 
ten years— until the 14th of May, 1867. 

The son, a refugee in Canada, hearing the distressing news of his father's 
sad fate in the hands of the relentless " gentlemen," often wrote to know if 
there was any prospect of his deliverance. The subjoined letter is a fair 
sample of his correspondence : 

i Salfoed, 22, 1857. 

! Dear Sir I take my pen in hand to Request a faver of you if you can by any means 
without duin InJestus to your self or your Bisness to grant it as I Bleve you to be a man 
that would Sympathize in such a one's Condition as my self 1 Reseved a letter that Stats 
to me that my Fater has ben Betraed in the act of helping sum trend to Canada and the 
law has Convicted and Sentanced him to the Stats prison for 10 yeares his White Frauds 
ofered 2 thousen Dollers to Redem him but they would not short three thousen. I am in 
Canada and it is a Dificult thing to get a letter to any of my Frands in Maryland so as to 
get prop per infermation abot it— if you can by any means get any in telligence from Bal- 
timore City a bot this Event Plese do so and Rit word and all so all the inform mation that 
you think prop per as Regards the Evant and the best mathod to Redeme him and so 
Plese Rite soon as you can You will oblige your sir Fraud and Drect your letter to Sal- 
ford P. office C. W. Samuel Green. 



250 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

In this dark hour the friends of the Slave could do but little more than 
sympathize Avith this heart-stricken son and grey-headed father. The agal 
follower of the Rejected and Crucified had like Him to bear the •' re- 
proach of many," and make his bed with the wicked in the Penitentiary. 
Doubtless there were a few friends in liis neighborhood who sympathized 
with him, but they were powerless to aid the old man. But thanks to a kind 
Providence, the great deliverance brought about during the Rebellion by 
which so many captives were freed, also unlocked Samuel Green's prison- 
doors and he was allowed to go free. 

After his liberation from the Penitentiary, we had from his own lips nar- 
rations of his years of suffering — of the bitter cup, that he was compelled to 
drink, and of his being sustained by the Almighty Arm — but no notes were 
taken at the time, consequently we have nothing more to add concerning 
him, save quite a faithful likeness. 




AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM. 

IN LOVE WITH A SLAVE — GETS HIM OFF TO CAXADA — FOLLOWS HIM — MARRIAGE, &C. 

Having dwelt on the sad narratives of Samuel Green and his son in the 
preceding chapter, it is quite a relief to be able to introduce a traveler 
whose story contains incidents less [)ainfnl to contemplate. From the record 
book the following brief account is taken : 

"April 27, 1855. John Hall arrivt^d safely from Richmond, Va., per 
schooner, (Captain B). One hundred dollars were paid for his ])assagc. 
In Richmond he was owned by James Dunlap, a merchant. John had 



AX lEISH GIEL'S DEVOTIOX TO FREEDOM. 251 

been sold several times, in consequence of which, he had possessetl very 
good opportunities of experiencing the effect of change of ownei-s. Then, 
too, the personal examination made before sale, and the gratification afforded 
his master when he (John), brought a good price — left no very pleasing im- 
pressions on his mind. 

Bv one of his ownei-s, named Burke, John alleged that he had been 
"cruellv used." When quite young, both he and his sister, together with 
their mother, were sold by Burke. From that time he had seen neither 
motlier nor sister — they were sold separately. For three or four years the 
dcsin to seek liberty had been fondly cherished, and nothing but the want 
of a favorable opportunity had deterred him from carrying out his designs. 
He considered himself much "imposed upon" by his master, particularly 
as he was allowed "no choice about living" as he " desiral." This was 
indeed ill-treatment as John viewed the matter. John may have wanted 
too much. He was about thirty-five yeai*s of age, light complexion — tall — 
rather handsome-looking, intelligent, and of good manners. But notwith- 
standing these prepossessing features, John's owner valued him at only 
§1,000. If he had been a few shades darker and only about half as in- 
telligent as he was, he would have been worth at least §500 more. The 
idea of having had a white father, in many instances, depreciated the pe- 
cuniary value of male slaves, if not of the other sex. John emphatically 
was one of this injured class; he evidently had blood in his veins which 
decidedly warred against submitting to the yoke. In addition to the in- 
fluence which such rebellious blood exerted over him, together \vith a con- 
siderable amount of intelligence, he was also under the influence and advice 
of a daughter of old Ireland. She was heart and soul with John in all his 
plans which looked Canada-ward. This it was that "sent him away." 

It is very certain, that this Irish gii'l was not annoyed by the kinks in 
John's hair. Nor was she overly fastidious about the small percentage of 
colored blood visible in John's complexion. It was, however, a strange oc- 
currence and very hard to understand. Xot a stone was left unturned until 

I John was safely on the Underground Rail Road. Doubtless she helped to 
earn the money which was paid for his passage. And when he was safe off, 
it is not too much to say, that John was not a whit more delighted than was 
his intended Irish lassie, Mary AYeaver. John had no sooner reached Canada 
than Mary's heart was there too. Circumstances, however, required that she 
should remain in Richmond a number of months for the purpose of winding 
up some of her affiiirs. As soon as the way opened for her, she followed 
him. It was quite manifest, that she had not let a single opportunity slide, 
but seized the firet chance and arrived partly by means of the Underground 
Rail Road and partly by the regular train. Many difficulties were sur- 
mounted before and after leaving Richmond, by which they earned their 

j merited success. From Canada, where they anticipated entering upon the ma- 



252 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

trimonlal career with mutual satisfaction, it seemed to aiFord them great 
pleasure to write back frequently, expressing their heartfelt gratitude for 
assistance, and their happiness in the prospect of being united under the 
favorable auspices of freedom. At least two or three of these letters, bear- 
ing on particular phases of their escape, etc., are too valuable not to be 
published in this connection: 

FIRST LETTER. 

Hamilton, March 25th, 1856. 

Mb. Still : — Sir and Friend — I take the liberty of addressing you. with these few lines 
hoping that you will attend to what I shall request of you. 

I have written to Virginia and have not received an answer yet. I want to know if 
you can get any one of your city to go to Richmond for me. If you can, I will pay the 
expense of the whole. The person that I want the messenger to see is a white girl. I ex- 
pect you know who I allude to, it is the girl that sent me away. If you can get any one to 
go, you will please write right away and tell me the cost, &c. I will forward the money 
and a letter. Please use your endeavors. Yours Respectfully, John Hall. 

Direct yours to Mr. Hill. 

SECOND LETTER. 

Hamilton, Sept. 15th, 1856. 

To Me. Still, Deae Sir : — I take this opportunity of addressing these few lines to you 
hoping to find you in good health I am happy to inform you that Miss Weaver arrived 
here on Tuesday last, and I can assure you it was indeed a happy day. As for your part 
that you done I will not attempt to tell you how thankful I am, but I hope that you can 
imagine what my feelings are to you. I cannot find words sufficient to express my grati- 
tude to you, I think the wedding will take place on Tuesday next, I have seen some of 
the bread from your house, and she says it is the best bread she has had since she has 
been in America. Sometimes she has impudence enough to tell me she would rather be 
where you are in Philadelphia than to be here with me. I hope this will be no admira- 
tion to you for no honest hearted person ever saw you that would not desire to be 
where you are, No flattery, but candidly speaking, you are worthy all the praise of any 
person who has ever been with you, I am now like a deserted Christian, but yet I have 
asked so much, and all has been done yet I must ask again, My love to Mrs. Still. Dear 
Mr. Still I now ask you please to exercise all your influence to get this young man Willis 
Johnson from Richmond for me It is the young man that Miss Weaver told you about, 
he is in Richmond I think he is at the corner of Fushien Street, & Grace in a house of one 
Mr. Rutherford, there is several Rutherford in the neighborhood, there is a church call'd 
the third Baptist Church, on the R. H. side going up Grace street, directly opposite the 
Baptist church at the corner, is Mrs. Meads Old School at one corner, and Mr. Rnther- 
fords is at the other corner. He can be found out by seeing Fountain Tombs who belongs 
to Mr. Rutherford and if you should not see him, there is James Turner who lives at the 
Governors, Please to see Captain Bayliss and tell him to take these directions and go to 
Jonn Hill, in Petersburgh, and he may find him. Tell Captain Bayliss that if he ever did 
me a friendly thing in his life which he did do one friendly act, if he will take this on 
himself, and if money should be lacking I will forward any money that he may require, I 
hope you will sympathize with the poor young fellow, and tell the captain to do all in his 
power to get him and the costs shall be paid. He lies now between death or victory, 
for I know the man he belongs to would just as soon kill hira as not, if he catches him, 
I here enclose to you a letter for Mr. Wm. C. Mayo, and please to send it as directed. 
In this letter I have asked hira to send a box to you for me, which you will please pay 



AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM. 253 

the fare of the express upon it, -when you get it please to let me know, and I will send you 
the money to pay the expenses of the carriage clear through. Please to let Mr. Mayo 
know how to direct a box to you, and the best way to send it from Richmond to Phila- 
delphia. You will greatly oblige me by so doing. In this letter I have enclosed a trifle 
for postage which you will please to keep on account of my letters I hope you wont think 
bard of me but I simply send it because I know you have done enough, and are now 
doing more, without imposing in the matter I have done it a great many more of our peo- 
ple who you have done so much fore. No more from your humble and oldest servant. 

John Hall, Norton's Hotel, Hamilton, 



THIRD LETTER. 

Monday, Sept. 29, 56. 
Sir : — I take this opportunity of informing you that we are in excellent health, and 
hope you are the same, I wrote a letter to you about 2 weeks ago and have not yet had 
an answer to it I wish to inform you that the wedding took place on Tuesday last, and 
Mrs. Hall now sends her best love to you, I enclose a letter which I wish you to forward 
to Mr. Mayo, you will see in his letter what I have said to him and I wish you would 
furnish him with such directions as it requires for him to send them things to you. I 
have told him not to pay for them but to send them to you so when you get them write 
me word what the cost of them are, and I will send you the money for them, Mary 
desires you to give her love to Mrs. Still. If any letters come for me please to send to 
me at Nortons Hotel, Please to let me know if you had a letter from me about 12 days 
ago. You will please Direct the enclosed to Mr. W. C. Mayo, Richmond, Va. Let me 
know if you have heard anything of Willis Johnson Mr. & Mrs. Hill send their kind love 
to you, they are all well, no more at present from your affect., 

John Hall Nortons Hotel. 

FOURTH LETTER. 

Hamilton, December 23d, 1856. 
Deae Sir:— I am happy to inform you that we are both enjoying good health and hope 
you are the same. I have been expecting a letter from you for some time but I suppose 
your business has prevented you from writing. I suppose you have not heard from any 
of my friends at Richmond. I have been longing to hear some news from that part, you 
may think " Out of sight and out of mind," but I can assure you, no matter how far I 
may be, or in what distant land, I shall never forget you, if I can never reach you by 
letters you may be sure I shall always think of you. I have found a great many friends 
in my life, but I must say you are the best one I ever met with, except one, you must 
know who that is, 'tis one who if I did not consider a friend, I could not consider any 
other person a friend, and that is Mrs. Hall. Please to let me know if the navigation 
between New York & Richmond is closed. Please to let me know whether it would be 
convenient to you to go to New York if it is please let me know what is the expense. 
Tell Mrs Still that my wife would be very happy to receive a letter from her at some 
moment when she is at leisure, for I know from what little I have seen of domestic affairs 
It keeps her pretty well employed, And I know she has not much time to write but if 
it were but two lines, she would be happy to receive it from her, my reason for wanting 
you to go to New York, there is a young man named Richard Myers and I should like 
for you to see him. He goes on board the Orono to Richmond and "is a particular friend of 
mine and by seeing him I could get my clothes from Richmond, I expect to be out of em- 
ploy in a few days, as the hotel is about to close on the 1st January and I hope yoii will 
i write to me soon I want you to send me word how you and all the family are and all the 



254 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

news you can, you must excuse my short letter, as it is now near one o'clock and I must 
attend to business, but I have not written half what 1 intended to, as time is short, hoping 
to hear from you soon I remain yours sincerely, John Hall. 

Mr. and Mrs. Hill desire their best respects to you and Mrs. Still. 

It cannot be denied that this is a most extraordinary occurrence. In 
some respects it is without a parallel. It was, however, no uncommon 
thing for white men (slave-holders) in the South to have colored wives and 
children whom they did not hesitate to live Avith and acknowledge by their 
actions, Avith their means, and in their wills as the rightful heirs of their 
substance. Probably there is not a state in the Union where such relations 
liave not existed. Seeing such usages, Mary might have reasoned that she 
had as good a right to marry the one she loved most as anybody else, par- 
ticularly as she was in a " free country." 



"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE. 

THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST ON THE U. G. R. R. — HE IS TAKEN FOR AN IMPOSTOR — 
ELECTED A MEMBER OF CITY COUNCIL IN NEW BEDFORD — STUDYING MEDICINE, 
ETC. 

But few could be found among the Underground Rail Road passengers 
who had a stronger repugnance to the unrequited labor system, or the recog- 
nized terms of " master and slave," than Dr. Thomas Bayne, Nor were 
many to be found who were more fearless and independent in uttering their 
sentiments. His place of bondage was in the city of Norfolk, Va., where 
he was held to service by Dr. C. F. Martin, a dentist of some celebrity. 
While with Dr. Martin, " Sam " learned dentistry in all its branches, and 
was often required by his master, the doctor, to fulfil professional engage- 
ments, both at home and at a distance, Avhen it did not suit his pleasure or 
convenience to appear in person. In the mechanical department, especially, 
"Sam" was called upon to execute the most difficult tasks. This was not 
the testimony of "Sam" alone; various individuals who were with him in 
Norfolk, but had moved to Philadelphia, and were living there at the time 
of his arrival, being invited to see this distinguished professional piece of 
property, gave evidence which fully corroborated his. The master's profess- 
ional practice, according to "Sam's" calculation, was worth $3,000 per 
annum. Full $1,000 of this amount in the opinion of "Sam" was i\\e re- 
sult of his own fettered hands. Not only was "Sam" serviceable to the 
doctor in the mechanical and practical branches of his profession, but as 
a sort of ready reckoner and an apt penman, he was obviously considered by 
the doctor, a valuable "article." He would frequently have "Sam" at his 
books instead of a book-keeper. Of course, " Sam " had never received, 



THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST. 255 

from Dr. ]).I., au hour's schooling in his life, but having perceptive faculties 
naturally very large, combined with much self-esteem, he could hardly help 
learning readily. Had his master's design to keep him in ignorance been 
ever so great, he would have found it a labor beyond his power. But there 
is no reason to suppose that Dr. Martin was opposed to Sam's learning to 
read and write. AYe are pleased to note that no charges of ill-treatment 
are f )und recorded against Dr. ]\I. in the narrative of " Sam." 

True, it appears that he had been sold several times in his younger days, 
and had consequently been made to feel keenly, the smarts of Slavery, but 
nothing of this kind was charged against Dr. M., so that he may be set 
down as a pretty fair man, for aught that is known to the contrary, Vv^ith the 
exception of depriving "Sam" of the just reward of his labor, which, ac- 
cording to St. James, is pronounced a "fraud." The doctor did not keep 
"Sam" so closely confined to dentistry and book-keeping that he had no 
time to attend occasionally to outside duties. It appears that he was quite 
active and successful as an Underground Rail Road agent, and rendered 
important aid in various directions. Indeed, Sam had good reason to sus- 
pect that the slave-holders were watching him, and that if he remained, he 
would most likely find himself in " hot water up to his eyes." Wisdom 

■ dictated that he should "pull up stakes" and depart while the way Avas 
open. He knew the captains who were then in the habit of taking similar 
passengers, but he had some fears that they might not be able to pursue the 
business much longer. In contemplating the change which he was about 

i to make, " Sam " felt it necessary to keep his movements strictly private. 

I Not even was he at liberty to break his mind to his wife and child, fearing 
that it would do them no good, and might prove his utter failure. His 
wife's name was Edna and his daughter was called Elizabeth ; both were 
slaves and owned by E. P. Tabb, Esq., a hardware merchant of Norfolk. 

No mention is made on the books, of ill-treatment, in connection with 
his wife's servitude; it may therefore be inferred, that her situation was not 
remarkably hard. It must not be supposed that " Sam " was not truly at- 

, tached to his wife. He gave abundant proof of true matrimonial devotion, 

. notwithstanding the secrecy of his arrangements for flight. Being naturally 
hopeful, he concluded that he could better succeed in securing his wife after 
obtaining freedom himself, than in undertaking the task beforehand. 

The captain had two or three other Underground Rail Road male passen- 
gers to bring with him, besides " Sam," for whom, arrangements had been 
previously made — no more could be brought that trip. At the appointed 
time, the passengers were at the disposal of the captain of the schooner 
which was to bring them out of Slavery into freedom. Fully aware of the 
dangerous consequences should he be detected, the captain, faithful to his 
promise, secreted them in the usual manner, and set sail northwai'd. Instead 
of landing his passengers in Philadelphia, as was his intention, for some 



256 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL-ROAD. 

reason or other (the schooner may have been disabled), he landed them on 
the New Jersey coast, not a great distance from Cape Island. He directed 
them how to reach Philadelphia. Sam knew of friends in the city, and 
straightway used his ready pen to make known the distress of himself and 
partners in tribulation. In making their way in the direction of their des- 
tined haven, they reached Salem, New Jersey, where they were discovered 
to be strangers and fugitives, and were directed to Abigail Goodwin, a Qua- 
ker lady, an abolitionist, long noted for her devotion to the cause of free- 
dom, and one of the most liberal and faithful friends of the Vigilance Com- 
mittee of Philadelphia. 

This friend's opportunities of witnessing fresh arrivals had been rare, and 
perhaps she had never before come in contact with a " chattel " so smart as 
" Sara." Consequently she was much embarrassed when she heard his story, 
especially when he talked of his experience as a " Dentist." She was in- 
clined to suspect that he was a " shrewd impostor " that needed " watching " 
instead of aiding. But her humanity forbade a hasty decision on this point. 
She was soon persuaded to render him some assistance, notwithstanding her 
apprehensions. While tarrying a day or two in Salem, " Sam's " letter was 
received in Philadelphia. Friend Goodwin was written to in the meantime, 
by a member of the Committee, directly with a view of making inquires 
concerning the stray fugitives, and at the same time to inform lier as to 
how they happened to be coming in the direction found by her. While the 
mind of the friend was much relieved by the letter she received, she was 
still in some doubt, as will be seen by the appended extract from a letter 
on the subject: 

LETTER FROM A. GOODWIN. 

Salem, 3 mo , 25, '55. 

Dear Friend : — Thine of the 22d came to hand j'esterday noon, 

********** 

I do not believe that any of them are the ones thee wrote about, who wanted Dr. Lundy 
to come for them, and promised they would pay his expenses. They had no money, the 
minister said, but were pretty well off for clothes. I gave him all I had and more, but it 
seemQd very little for four travelers — only a dollar for each — but they will meet with 
friends and helpers on the way. He said they expected to go away to-morrow. I am 
afraid, it's so cold, and one of them had a sore foot, they will not get away — it's dangerous 
staying here. There has been a slave-hunter here lately, I was told yesterday, in search 
of a woman ; he tracked her to our Alms-house — she had lately been confined and was 
not able to go — he will come back for her and his infant — and will not wait long I expect. 
I want much to get her away first — and if one had a C. C. Torney here no doubt it would 
be done; but she will be well guarded. How much I wish the poor thing could be se- 
creted in some safe place till she is able to travel Northward; but where that could 
be it's not easy to see. I presume the Carolina freed people have arrived ere now. I hope 
they will meet many friends, and be well provided for. Mary Davis will be then paid — 
her cousins have sent her twenty-four dollars, as it was not wanted for the purchase money 
— it was to be kept for them when they arrive. I am glad thee did keep the ten for the 
fugitives. 



I 



THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST. 257 

Samuel Nixon is now here, just come — a smart young man — they will be after him soon, 
I advise him to hurry on to Canada ; he will leave here to-morrow, but don't say that he 
will go straight to the city. I would send this by him if he did. I am afraid he will 
loiter about and be taken — do make them go on fast — he has left. I could not hear much 
he said — some who did don't like him at all — think him an impostor — a great brag — said 
he was a dentist ten years. He was asked where he came from, but would not tell till he 
looked at the letter that lay on the table and that he had just brought back. I don't feel 
much confidence in him — don't believe he is the one thee alluded to. He was asked his 
name — he looked at the letter to find it out. Says nobody can make a better set of teeth 
than he can. He said they will go on to-morrow in the stage — he took down the number 
and street of the Anti-slavery office — you will be on your guard agamst imposition — he 
: kept the letter thee sent from Norfolk. I had then no doubt of him, and had no objec- 
! tion to it. I now rather regret it. I would send it to thee if I had it, but perhaps it is 
of no importance. 

He wanted the names taken down of nine more who expected to get oflF soon and might 
come here. He told us to send them to him, but did not seem to know where he was 
going to. He was well dressed in fine broad-cloth coat and overcoat, and has a very active 
tongue in his head. 

But I have said enough — don't want to prejudice thee against him, but only be on thy 
guard, and do not let him deceive thee, as I fear he has some of us here. 

With kind regards, A. Goodwin. 

In due time Samuel and his companions reached Philadelphia, where a 
cordial welcome awaited them. The confusion and difficulties into which 
they had fallen, by having to travel an indirect route, were fully explained, 
and to the hearty merriment of the Committee and strangers, the dilemma of 
, their good Quaker friend Goodwin at Salem was alluded to. After a sojourn 
of a day or two in Philadelphia, Samuel and his companions left for New 
Bedford. Canada was named to them as the safest place for all Refugees ; 
but it was in vain to attempt to convince " Sam " that Canada or any other 
pUice on this Continent, was quite equal to New Bedford. His heart was 
there, and there he was resolved to go — and there he did go too, bearing 
with him his resolute mind, determined, if possible, to work his Avay up to 
an honorable position at his old trade, Dentistry, and that too for his own 
benefit. 

Aided by the Committee, the journey was made safely to the desired liaven, 
where many old friends from Norfolk were found. Here our hero was 
known by the name of Dr. Tliomas Bayne — he was no longer " Sam." In 
a short time the Dr. commenced his profession in an humble way, while, at 
the same time, he deeply interested himself in his own improvement, as well 
as the improvement of others, especially those who had escaped from Sla- 
very as he himself had. Then, too, as cohered men were voters and, there- 
fore, eligible to office in New Bedford, the Doctor's naturally ambitious 
and intelligent turn of mind led him to take an interest in politics, and be- 
fore he was a citizen of New Bedford four years, he was duly elected a 
member of the City Council. He was also an outspoken advocate of the 
17 



258 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

cause of temperance, and was likewise a ready speaker at Anti-slavery 
meetings held by his race. Some idea of his abilities, and the interest he 
took in the Underground Rail Road, education, etc., may be gathered from 
the appended letters: 

New Bedford, June 23d, 1855. 

W. Still : — Sir — I write you this to inform you that I has received my things and that 
you need not say any thing to Bagnul about them — I see by the Paper that the under 
ground R lil Road is in operation. Since 2 weeks a go when Saless Party was betrayed 
by that Capt whom we in mass, are so anxious to Learn his name — There was others 
started last Saturday night — They are all my old friends and we are waiting their arrival, 
we hope you will look out for them they may come by way of Salem, N. J. if they be not 
overtaken. They are from Norfolk — Times are very hard in Canada 2 of our old friends 
has left Canada and come to Bedford for a living. Every thing are so high and wages so 
low They cannot make a living (owing to the War) others are Expected shortly — let me 
hear from Sales and his Party. Get the Name of the Capt. that betrayed him let me 
know if Mrs. Goodwin of Salem are at the same place yet — John Austin are with us. C. 
Lightfoot is well and remembers you and family. My business increases more since I has 
got an office. Send me a Norfolk Paper or any other to read when convenient. 

Let me hear from those People as soon as possible. They consist of woman and child 
2 or 3 men belonging to Marsh Bottimore, L. Slosser and Herman & Co — and Turner — all 
of Norfolk, Va. Truly yours, Thos. Bayne. 

Direct to Box No. 516, New Bedford, Mass. Don't direct my letters to my office. Di- 
rect them to my Box 516. My office is GG^ William St. The same street the Post office 
is near the city market. 



The Doctor, feeling his educational deficiency in the enlightened city of 
Kew Bedford, did just what every uncultivated man should, devoted himself 
assiduously to study, and even applied himself to abstruse and hard sub- 
jects, medicine, etc., as the following letters will show: 



New Bedford, Jan., ISfiO. ) 
No. 22, Cheapside, opposite City Hall, j 

My Dear Friend :— Yours of the 3d inst. reached me safely in the midst of my mis- 
fortune. I suppose you have learned that my office and other buildings burned down 
during the recent fire. My loss is $550, insured $350. 

I would have written you before, but I have been to R. L for some time and soon after 
I returned before I examined the books, the fire took place, and this accounts for my de- 
lay. In regard to the books I am under many obligations to you and all others for so 
great a piece of kindness, and shall ever feel indebted to you for the same. I shall esteem 
them very highly for two reasons, first, The way in which they come, that is through and 
by your Vigilance as a colored man helping a colored man to^ot such knowledge as will 
give the lie to our enemies. Secondly — their contents being just the thing I needed at 
this time. My indebtedness to you and all concerned for me in this direction is inexpres- 
piV)l'^. There are some books the Doctor says I must have, such as the Medical Dictionary, 
Physician's Dictionary, and a work on Anatomy. These I will have to get, but any work 
that may be of use to a student of anatomy or medicine will be thankfully received. You 
shall hear from me again soon. Truly Yours, Thos. Bayne. 



I 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 259 

New Bedford, March ISth, ISGl. 
Mr. "Wm. Still : — Dear Sir — Dr. Powell called to see me and informed me that you had 
a medical lexicon (Dictionary) for me. If you have such a book for me, it will be very 
thankfully received, and any other book that pertains to the medical or dental profession. 
I am quite limited in means as yet and in want of books to prosecute my studies. The 
books I need most at present is such as treat on midwifery, anatomy, &c. But any book 
or books in either of the above mentioned cases will be of use to me. You can send them 
by Express, or by any friend that may chance to come this way, but by Express will be 
the safest way to send them. Times are quite dull. This leaves me well and hope it may 
find you and family the same. My regards to your wife and all others. 

Yours, &c., Thomas Bayne, 

22 Cheapside, opposite City Hall. 

Thus the doctor continued to labor and improve his mind until the war 
removed the hideous institution of Slavery from the nation ; but as 
soon as the way opened for his return to his old home, New Bedford no 
longer had sufficient attractions to retain him. With all her faults he con- 
ceived that "Old Virginia" offered decided inducements for his return. 
Accordingly he went directly to Norfolk, whence he escaped. Of course 
every thing was in the utmost confusion and disorder when he returned, 
save where the military held sway. So as soon as the time drew near for 
reorganizing, elections, &c., the doctor was found to be an aspirant for a seat 
in Congress, and in "running" for it, was found to be a very difficult candi- 
date to beat. Indeed in the first reports of the election his name was 
amongst the elected ; but subsequent counts proved him to be among the 
defeated by only a very slight majority. 

At the time of the doctor's escape, in 1855, he was thirty-one years of age, 
a man of medium size, and about as purely colored, as could readily be 
found, with a full share of self-esteem and pluck. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS 



FROM LOUDON" CO., VA., NORFOLK, BALTIMORE, MD., PETERSBURG, VA., &C., ABOUT 
THE MONTH OF JUNE, 1855. 

Arrival 1st. David Bennett and family. 

Arrival 2d. Henry Washington, alias Anthony ITanly, and Henry Stewart. 

Arrival 3d. William Nelson and wife, William Thomas, Louisa Bell, and 

Ellas Jasper. 
Arrival 4th. Maria Joiner. 

Arrival 5th. Richard Green and his brother George. 
Arrival 6th. Henry Cromwell. 
Arrival 7th. Henry Bohm. 



2(50 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Arrival 8tli. Ralph Whiting, James 11. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, Arthur 
Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, Henry 
Hodges. 

Arrival 9th, Robert Jones and wife. 

The first arrival to be here noticed consisted of David Bennett, and his 
wife Martha, with their two children, a little boy named George, and a 
nameless babe one month old. This family journeyed from Loudon county, 
Va. David, the husband, had been in bonds under Captain James Taylor. 
Martha, the wife, and her two children were owned by George Carter. 
Martha's master was represented as a very barbarous and cruel man to the , 
slaves. He made a common practice of flogging females when stripped! 
naked. This was the emphatic testimony of Martha. Martha declared that 
she had been so stripped, and flogged by him after her marriage. The story 
of this interesting young mother, who was about twenty-seven years of age, 
was painful to the ear, particularly as the earnestness and intelligence of this 
poor, bruised, and mangled soul bore such strong evidence to the truthful- 
ness of her statements. During the painful interview the mind would in- 
voluntarily picture this demon, only as the representative of thousands in 
the South using the same relentless sway over men and women ; and this 
fleeing victim and her little ones, before esca])ing, only as sharers of a com- 
mon lot with many other mothers and children, whose backs were daily 
subjected to the lash. If on such an occasion it was hard to find fitting 
words of sympathy, or adequate expressions of indignation, the pleasure of 
being permitted to give aid and comfort to such was in ]>art a comj)ensation 
and a relief. David, the husband of this woman, was about thirty-two 
years of age. No further notice was made of him. 

Arrival No. 2 consisted of Henry AVashington, alias Anthony Hanly, 
and Henry Stewart. Henry left Norfolk and a " very mild master," known 
by the name of " Seth March," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal in- 
stitution. Directly after speaking of his master in such flattering terms he 
qualified the " mild," &g. by adding that he was excessively close in money 
matters. In proof of this assertion, Henry declared, that out of his hire 
he was only allowed ^1.50 per week to pay his board, clothe himself, and 
defray all other expenses ; leaving no room whatever for him to provide for 
his wife. It was, therefore, a never-failing source of unhappincss to be thus 
debarred, and it was wholly on this account that he "took out," as he did, 
and at the time that he did. His wife's name was "Sally." She too was 
a slave, but " had not been treated roughly." 

For fifty long years Henry had been in the grasp of this merciless 
system — constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them com- 
fortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical. To say that he was like a bird out 
of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of his delight in 



^ 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 261 

escaping from the prison house. And yet, his pleasure was sadly marred by 
the reflection that his bosom companion was still in bondage in the gloomy 
prison-house. Henry was a man of dark color, well made, and of a re- 
flective turn of mind. On arriving in Canada, he nianifested his gratitude 
through Rev. H. Wilson, as follows — 

St. Cathaeines, Aug. 20th, 1855. 
Dear Br. Still : — I am requested by Henry Washington to inform you that he got 
through safe, and is here in good business. He returns to you his sincere thanlis for your 
attention to him on his way. I had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last week. 
Send them on, and may God speed them in the flight. I would like to have a miracle- 
working power, that I could give wings to them all so that they could come faster than 
by Railroads either underground or above. Yours truly, Hiram Wilson. 

While he was thus hopefully succeeding in Canada, separated from his 
companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from 
the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates — 

St, Catharines, C. W. Nov. 12, 1855. 

Mr. William Still: — Dear Sir: — I have received a letter from Joseph G. Selden a 
friend in Norfolk, Va., informing me of the death of my wife, who deceased since I saw 
you here; he also informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by Jupiter White, 
who now has it in his charge. You will therefore do me a great favor, if you will be so 
good as to forward them to me at this place St. Catharines, C. W. 

The accompanying letter is the one received from Mr. Selden which I send you, that 
you may see that it is all right. You will please give my respects to Mrs. Still and 
family. Most respectfully yours, Henry Washington. 

Henry Stewart, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to 
Canada, had fled a short while before from Plymouth, North Carolina. 
James Monroe Woodhouse, a farmer, claimed Stewart as his property, and 
" hired him out " for $180 per annum. As a master, Woodhouse was con- 
sidered to be of the "moderate" type, according to Stewart's judgment. 
But respecting money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), " he was 
very hard. He did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money 
upon any consideration." 

It was by procuring a pass to Norfolk, that Henry managed to escape. 
Although a father and a husband, having a wife (Martha) and two cliildren 
(Mary Ann and Susan Jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly debarred 
him from discharging his duty to them ; that he could exercise no rights 
or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission from his master. 
In the matter of separation, even although the ties of husband and wife, 
parents and children were most closely knit, his reason dictated that he 
would be justified in freeing himself if possible; indeed, he could not en- 
dure the pressure of Slavery any longer. Although only twenty-three years 
of age, the burdens that he had been called upon to bear, made his natu- 



262 'TSE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

rally intelligent mind chafe to an unusual degree, especially when reflecting 
upon a continued life of Slavery. When the time decided upon for his flight 
arrived, he vsaid nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and 
took his departure 'iev Norfolk. On arriving there, he sought out an Un- 
derground Rail Road captaiw, and arranged with him to bring him to Phi- 
ladelphia. Whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her 
husband, or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to 
sav. It is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her 
offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning the 
missing one. Indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that thousands of 
anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been scattered in every 
direction by Slavery, will never be able to learn as much of their lost ones 
as is contained in this brief account of Henry Stewart. 

Arrival No. 3, brought William Nelson, his wife, Susan, and son, 
William Thomas, together with Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper. These tra- 
velers availed themselves of the schooner of Captain B. who allowed them 
to embark at Norfolk, despite the search laws of Virginia. It hardly need 
be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade the" 
law. Captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it required 
more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and determina- 
tion, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of liberty, Avitliout 
which, there could be no success. The simple announcement then, that a 
party of this number had arrived from Norfolk, or Richmond, or Peters- 
burg, gave the Committee unusual satisfaction. It made them quite sure 
that there was pluck and brain somewhere. 

These individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the quali- 
ties that o-reatlv encourag-ed the efforts of the Committee. William Nelson, 
was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than an 
ordinary degree of what might be termed " mother wit." Apparently, 
William possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of morals 
and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and spurious reli- 
gious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery usages all arotuid 
him. He was'a member of the Methodist Church, under the charge of the 
Rev. Mr. Jones. For twenty years, William had served in the capacity 
of a " packer " under Messrs. Turner and White, who held a deed for 
William as their legal property. While he declarefl that he had been very 
" tightly worked " he nevertheless admitted that he had been dealt with in 
a mild manner in some respects. 

For his board and clothing, William had been allowed $1.50 per week. 
Truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family — yet this was far 
more than many slaves received from their masters. In view of receiving 
thfe small pittance, he had toiled hard — doing over-work in order to make 
" buckle and strap meet." Once he had been sold on the auction-block. A 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 263 

sister of his had also shared the same fate. While seriously conteinjilating 
his life as a slave, he was soon led to the conclusion that it was his duty to 
bend his entire energies towards freeing himself and his family if possible. 
The idea of not being able to properly provide for his family rendered him 
quite unhappy; he therefore resolved to seek a passage North, via the 
Underground Rail Road. To any captain who would aid him in the 
matter, he resolved to offer a large reward, and determined that the amount 
should only be limited by his inability to increase it. Finally, after much 
anxious preparation, agreement was entered into with Captain B., on behalf 
of himself, wife, child, and Louisa Bell, which was mutually satisfactory to 
all concerned, and afforded great hope to William. In due time the agree- 
ment %^as carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were delivered into 
the hands of the Committee in Philadelphia. The fare of the four cost 
$240, and William was only too grateful to think, that a Captain could 
be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a slave to freedom. 
The Committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with Wil- 
liam that the Captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance. 
The arrival of William, wife, and child in Canada was duly announced 
by the agent at St. Catharines, Rev. H. Wilson, as follows : 

St. Catharines, C. W,, June 28th, 1855. 

Mr. Wm. Still : — My Dear Friend: — I am happy to announce the safe arrival of 
Thomas Russell with his wife and child. They have just arrived. I am much pleased with 
their appearance. I shall do what I can for their comfort and encouragement. They stopt 
at Elmira from Monday night till this morning, hoping that Lucy Bell would come up and 
jom them at that place. They are very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of 
meeting with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them. They wish to hear 
from you as soon as you can write, and would like to know if you have forwarded Lucy 
on, and if so, what route you sent her. They send their kind respects to you and your 
family and many thanks for your kindness to them. 

They wish you to inquire after Lucy if any harm has befallen her after her leaving 
Philadelphia. Please write promptly in my care. 

Yours truly in the love of freedom, Hiram Wilson. 

The man who came to us as Wm. Nelson, is now known only as " Thomas 
Russell." It may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of 
changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom the 
letters severally refer. Where the old and new names were both carefully 
entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it was not always 
thus. 

Susan Bell, the wife of William, was about thirty years of age, of a dark 
color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and intelligent — 
quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his affections undividedly. 
She was owned by Thomas Baltimore, with whom she had lived for the 
last seven years. She stated that during a part of her life she had been 



264 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

treated in a "mild manner." She had no complaint to make until after 
the marriao-e of her master. Under the new wife and mistress, Susan 
found a very marked change for the worse. She fared badly enougli then. 
The mistress, on every trifling occasion for complaint, was disposed to hold 
the auction-block up to Susan, and would likewise influence her husband to 
do the same. From the fact, that four of Susan's sisters had been sold away / 
to " parts unknown," she was not prepared to relish these almost daily 
threats from her irritable mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on 
the Underground Rail Road as was her husband. 

About one hundred miles a\\ay in the country, her father, mother, three 
brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not remain 
a slave on their account. Susan's owner had already fixed a price t)n her 
and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand dollars. 
From this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to seek her 
freedom. 

Louisa Bell was also of Wm. Nelson's party, and a fair specimen of a 
nice-looking, wide awake woman ; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years of 
age. She was the wife o£ a free man, but the slave of L. Stasson, a con- 
fectioner. The almost constant ringing in her ears of the auction-block, 
made her most miserable, especially as she had once suffered terribly by 
being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and five sisters placed in the 
same uniiappy situation, the thought of which never ceased to be most pain- 
ful. In reflecting upon the course which she was about to pursue in order 
to free herself from the prison-house, she felt more keenly than ever for 
her little children, and readily imagined how sadly she would mourn while 
thinking of them hundreds of miles distant, growing up only to be slaves. 
And particularly would her thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age; 
full old enough to feel deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of 
ever seeing her again. 

Heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave Robert and 
Mary in the hands of God, and escape, if possible from her terrible thral- 
dom. Her plan was submitted to iier husband; he acquiesced fully and 
promised to follow her as soon as an oj)i)ortunity might ])resent itself. 
Although the ordeal that she was called u])on to pass through was of the 
most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to Canada. 
On her arrival there the Rev. H. Wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and 
the cause as follows : 

St. Catherines, C. W. July 6th, 1855. 
Dear Br. Still : — I have just received your letters touching U. G. R. R. operations. 
Ail is right. Jasper and Mrs. Bell got here on Saturday last, and I think I dropt you aline 
announcing the fact. I write again thus soon because two more by name of Smith, John 
and Wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to have me inform you that 
they are safely landed and free in this refuge land. They wish me to communicate their kind 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 265 

regards to you and others who have aided them. They have found employrnent and are 
likely to do well. The 5 of last week have gone over to Toronto. I gave them letters to a 
friend there after furnishing them as well as I could with such clothing as they required. 
I am afraid that I am burdening you too much with postage, but can't help doing so un- 
less I fail to write at all, as my means are not half equal to the expenses to which I am 
subject. Faithfully and truly yours, Hieam Wilson. 

Elias Jasper, who was also a fellow-passenger with "VVm. Nelson and 
Co., was noticed thus on the Underground liail Road : Age thirty-two 
years, color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands. 
He had worked more or less at the following trades : Rope-making, carpen- 
tering, engineering, and photographing. It was in this latter calling that 
he was engaged when the Underground Rail Road movement first arrested 
his attention, and so continued until his departure. 

For several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he 
had been required to pay $10 per month. In acquiring the above trades he 
had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by 
his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of 
genius. Occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his 
over-work. His master, Bayham, was a " retired gentleman." 

Elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways, particu- 
larly from being flogged. He left his wife, Mary, but no child. Of his ir.- 
tention to leave Elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest she should in 
some way let the " cat out of the bag." She was owned by a ]\Iiss Portlock, 
and had been treated " tolerably well," having had the privilege of hiring 
her time. She had $55 to pay for this favor, which amount she raised by 
washing, etc. Elias was a member of the ]\Iethodist Church, as were all of 
his comrades, and well did they remember the oft-repeated lesson, " Servants 
obey your masters," etc. They soon understood this kind of preaching after 
breathing free air. The market value of Elias was placed at $1200. 

Arrival No. 4. Maria Joiner. Captain F. arrived, from Norfolk, with 
the above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that 
occasion. This seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for ho was 
usuallv accustomed to bringing more than one. However, as this arrival 
was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the 
same place, the Committee concluded, that they had much reason for re- 
joicing nevertheless. As in the case of a great number among the oppressed 
of the South, when simply looking at Maria, no visible marks of ill usage 
in any way were discernible. Indeed, as she then appeared at the age of 
t'lirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto woman, nine out of 
every ten would have been impressed with the idea, that she had never been 
subjected to hard treatment ; in other words, that she had derived her full 
share of advantages from the" Patriarchal Institution." The appearance of 
just such persons in Southern cities had often led Northerners, when trav- 



266 / THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

eling in thoge parts, to regard the lot of slaves as quite comfortable. But 
the story /^ Maria, told in an earnest and intelligent manner, was at once 
calculated to dissipate the idea of a " comfortable " existence in a state of 
bonclagc. She frankly admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old 
iwitster, she was favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortu- 
.''iiately, after his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man's 
daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued abuse, 
especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor. At such 
times she was very violent. Being spirited, Maria could not consent to suffer 
on as a slave in this manner. Consequently she began to cogitate how she 
might escape from her mistress (Catharine Gordon), and reach a free State. 
None other than the usual trying and hazardous ways could be devised — 
which was either to be stowed away in the hold of a schooner, or concealed 
amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for the time being, the extreme 
suifering was sure to tax every nerve even of the most valiant-hearted men. 
The daily darkening prospects constrained her to decide, that she was willing 
to suffer, not only in adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand, 
that she had better be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mis- 
tress. Maria's husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were na- 
turally formidable barriers in the way of her es(.'ape. Notwithstanding her 
attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free. Immediately 
she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of conceal- 
ment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the pool, wait until 
her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free State. In this place she was 
obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily suffering in various ways, 
especially during the winter season. But, with martyr-like faith, she en- 
dured to the end, and Avas eventually saved from the hell of Slavery. Maria 
was appraised at $800. 

Arrival No. 5. Eichard Green, alias Wm. Smith, and his brother George. 
These young brothers fled from George Chambers of Baltimore. The elder 
brother Avas twenty-five, the younger twenty-three. Both were tall and 
well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of natural 
ability. When desiring to visit their parents, their request was positively 
refused by their owner. Taking offence at this step, both mutually resolved 
to run away at the earliest o])portunity. Thus in accordance with well pre- 
meditated plans, they set out and unobstructed ly arrived in Philadelphia. 
At first it Mas simply very pleasant to take them by the hand and welcome 
them ; then to listen for a few moments to their intelligent narration of how 
they escaped, the motives that jirompted them, etc. But further inquiries 
soon brought out incidents of the most thrilling and touching nature — not 
with regard to hardships which they had personally expenonccd, but in re- 
lation to outrages which had been perpetrated uj)on tiieir mother. Such 
simple facts as were then written are substantially as follows : Nearly 



SUNDE Y ARRIVALS. 267 

thirty years prior to the escape of Richard and his brother their motlier 
was ill very bad health, so much so that physicians regarded her incurable. 
Her owner was evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being 
profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly ob- 
viate, while he retained her as a slave. Now there was a way to get out of 
this dilemma. He could emancipate her and throw the responsibility of her 
support upon herself. Accordingly he drew up papers, called for his wife's 
mother to witness them, then formally put them into the hands of the invalid 
slave woman (Dinah), assuring her at the same time, that she was free — • 
being fully released as set forth in her papers. "Take notice I have no 
more claim on you nor you on me from this time." Marvellous liberality ! 
After working the life out of a woman, in order that he should not have 
her to bury, he becomes hastily in favor of freedom. He is, however, justi- 
fied by the laws of Maryland. Complaint, therefore, would simply amount 
to nothing. In the nature of the case Dinah was now free, but she was not 
wholly alone in the world. She had a husband, named Jacob Green, who 
was owned by Nathan Cliilds for a term of years only, at the expiration of 
which time he was to be free. All lived then in Talbot county, Md. At 
the appointed time Jacob's bondage ended, and he concluded that he might 
succeed better by moving to Baltimore. Indeed the health of his wife was 
so miserable that nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in 
the way of a livelihood. So off" they moved to Baltimore. After a time, 
under careful and kind treatment, the faithful Jacob was greatly encouraged 
by perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually improving — 
signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman. The hopes of 
husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of time, fully real- 
ized. Dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother of another child — 
a little boy. Everything seemed to be going on happily, and they had no 
apparent reason to suspect any troubles other than such as might naturally 
have to be encountered in a state of poverty and toil. 

The unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years. 
That any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared. 

The old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved 
to Baltimore. How, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of 
this boy. 

That he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly ap- 
proached the house with George. No sooner was the old man within the en- 
closures than he asked Dinah, "Whose child is that?" pointing to the boy. 
" Ask Jacob," was the reply of the mother. The question was then put to 
Jacob, the father of the boy. " I did not think that you would ask such a 
question, or that you would request anything like that," Jacob remarked, 
naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, " I have the privilege of having 
any one I please in my house." " Where is he from ?" again demanded 



268 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

the master. The father repeated, " I have a riglit to have," etc., " I am my 
own man," etc. " I have found out whose he is," the hunter said. " I am 
going presently to take him home with me." At this juncture he seized tlie 
little fellow, at the same time calling out, " Dinah, put his clothes on." By 
this time the i'atlier too had seized hold of the child. Mustering courage, 
the father siiid, "Take notice that you are not in the country, pulling and 
hauling people about." " I will have him or I will leave my heart's 
blood in the house," was the savage declaration of the master. In his rage 
he threatened to shoot the father. In the midst of the excitement George 
called in two officers to settle the trouble. " What are you doing here ?" 
said the officers to the slave-holder. " I am after my property — this boy," 
he exclaimed. "Have you ever seen it before?" they inquired. "No," 
said the slave-holder. "Then how do you know that he belongs to you?" 
inquired the officers. " I believe he is mine," replied the slave-holder. 

All the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an Alder- 
man. The father o\med the child but the mother denied it. The Alder- 
man then decided that the child should be given to the father. 

The slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to re- 
linquish his grasp. AVhereupon he at once claimed the mother. Of course 
he was under the necessity of resorting to the Courts in order to establish 
his claim. Fortunately the mother had securely preserved the paper given 
her by her master so many years before, releasing her. Notwithstanding 
this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case was decided. Every- 
thing was so clear the mother finally gained the suit. This de(;ision was 
rendered only about two months prior to tlie escape of Richard and George. 

Arrival No. 6. Henry Cromwell. This passenger fled from Baltimore 
county, Md. The man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of 
AVilliani Roberts, Avho also owned seven other young slaves. Of his treat- 
ment of his slaves nothing was recorded. 

Henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age twenty-five. 
He left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to grieve after him. lu 
making his w^ay North he walked of nights from his home to Ilarrisburg, 
Pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a freight car coming to Phil- 
adel2)hia. 

Arrival No. 7. Henry Bohm. Henry came from near Norfolk, Va. 
He was about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man, 
possessed of more than ordinary physical strength. As to wliom he fled 
from, liow he had been treated, or how he reach h1 Philadelphia, the record 
book is silent. Why this is the case cannot now be accounted for, unless 
the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note down more of 
the particulars. 

Arrival No. 8. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, 
Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, and Henry 



i 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 269 

Hodges. A numerous party like this had the appearance of business. 
They were all young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and 
promising of their race. They were capable of giving the best of reasons 
for the endeavors they were making to escape to a free country. 

They imparted to the Committee much information respecting their seve- 
ral situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to 
domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been 
severally held to service — all of which was listened to with deep interest. 
But it was not an easy matter, after having been thus entertained, to write 
iout the narratives of eight such persons. Hundreds of pages would hardly 
have contained a brief account of the most interesting portion of their his- 
tories. It was deemed sufficient to enter their names and their forsaken 
homes, etc., as follows : 

*' lialph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark, well 
made, intelligent, and a member of the Methodist Church. He was claimed 
by Geo. W. Kemp, Esq., cashier of the Exchange Bank of Norfolk, Va. 
Ralph gave Mr. Kemp the credit of being a ' moderate man ' to his slaves. 
Ralph was compelled to leave his wife, Lydia, and two children, Anna 
Eliza, and Cornelius." 

" James was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet 
high, and of prepossessing appearance. He fled from James Saunders, Esq. 
Nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted James to leave his old sit- 
uation and master. His parents and two sisters he was obliged to leave in 
Norfolk." 

Two brief letters from James, one concerning his "sweet-heart," whom he 
left in Norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in Canada and 
i marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest. They are here 
I given as follows: 

NiAGAEA Falls, June 5th, 1856. 

Mr. Still: — Sir — I take ray pen in hand to write you theas few hnes to let you know 
that I am well at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same. Sir my object 
in writing to you is that I expect a young Lady by the name of Miss Mariah Moore, 
from Norfolk, Virginia. She will leave Norfolk on the 13th of this month in the Steam- 
ship Virginia for Philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing her safely on the 
tram of cars that leaves Philadelphia for the Suspension Bridge Niagara Falls pleas to 
tell the Lady to telegraph to me what time she will leave Philadelphia so i may know what 
time to meet her at the Suspension Bridge my Brother Isaac Forman send his love also 
his family to you and your family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to 
Mr. Harry Londay, also Miss Margaret Cunigan, no more at present. 

I remain your friend, James H. Forman. 

When you telegraph to me direct to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls, N. Y. 

Niagara Falls, July 24th, 1856. 
Dear Sir : — I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping that they 
may find you enjoying good health as these few lines leave me at present. I thank you 



270 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

for your kindness. Miss Moore arrived here on the 30th of June and I was down to the 
cars to receive her. I thought I would have written to you before, but I thought I would 
wait till I got married. I got married on the 22d of July in the English Church Canada 
about 11 o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all enquiring friends 
please to kiss your two children for her and she says she is done crying and I am glad to 
hear she enjoyed herself so well in Philadelphia give my respects to Miss Margaret Cun- 
ingham and I am glad to hear her sister arrived my father sends his respects to you no 
more at present but remain your friend, James H. Forman. 

Direct your letter to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls. 

Anthony was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly 
related to the Anglo-Saxon as the Anglo-African. He was nevertheless, 
physiciilly a fine f^pecimen of a man. He was abont six feet high, and bore 
evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence consid- 
ering his opportunities. He had been sold three times. Anthony was 
decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time, there- 
fore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined he 
became to seek out an Underground Rail lioad agent, and make his way to 
Canada. 

Concluding that Josiah Wells, who claimed him, had received a thou- 
sand times too much of his labor already, Anthony was in a fit state of 
mind to make a resolute eifort to gain his freedom. He had a wife, but 
no chiklrcn. His father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to 
him, but all being slaves "one could not help the other," Anthony 
reasoned, and wisely too. So, at the command of the captain, he was 
ready to bear his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in 
the hold of a vessel, where but little air could penetrate. 

Arthur was forty-one years of age, six feet high — chestnut color, well 
made, and possessed good native faculties newling cultivation. He escaped 
from a farmer, by the name of John Jones, who was classed, as to natural 
temperament, amongst " moderate slave-holders." 

" I wanted my liberty," said Arthur promptly and emphatically, and he 
declared tliat was the cause of his escape. He left his mother, two sisters, 
and three brothers in Slavery. 

Isaiah was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a 
substantially black complexion. He had been subjected to very hard treat- 
ment under Samuel Simmons who claimed him, and on this account he was 
first prompted to leave. His mother and three brothers he left in bondage. 

Joseph was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way, " likely- 
looking." According to the laws of Slavery, he was the property of David 
Morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more compassionate 
slave-holders of the South. Yet, Joseph was not satisfied, deprived of his 
freedom. He had not known hardships as many had, but it was not in hira 
notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave. In leaving, he had to " tear 
himself away " from his parents, three brothers, and two sisters. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 271 

Henry escaped from S. Simmons of Plymouth, North Carolina, and was 
a fellow-servant with Isaiah. Simmons was particularly distinguished for 
his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves — so Henry and Isaiah had 
the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life; Henry 
being twenty-three. 

John was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high, dark 
color, and well-grown for his years. Before embarking, he had endured 
seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for an oppor- 
tunity to escape. It was to keep his master from selling him, that he was 
thus induced to secrete himself. After he had remained away some months, 
he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to procure him a 
passage on the Underground Rail Road. With this determined spirit he 
did not wait in vain. 

Arrival No. 9. Robert Jones and wife : — In the majority of cases, in 
order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands and 
wives were unavoidable. Fortunately, it was not so in this case. In jour- 
neying from the house of bondage, Robert and his wife were united both in 
sympathies and in struggles. Robert had experienced "hard times" just in 
what way, however, was not recorded ; his wife had been differently treated, 
not being under the same taskmaster as her husband. At the time of their 
arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is as follows — 

August 2d, 1855, Robert Jones and wife, arrived from Petersburg, Va. 
Robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good manners, 
intelligent, had been owned by Thomas N. Lee, "a very hard man." 
Robert left because he " wanted his liberty — always had from a boy." 
Eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color, nice-looking, 
and well-dressed. She belonged to Eliza 11. Richie, who was called a 
" moderate woman " towards her slaves. Notwithstanding the limited space 
occupied in noting them on the record book, the Committee regarded them 
as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing over the 
Underground Rail Road, and felt well satisfied that such specimens of 
humanity would do credit in Canada, not only to themselves, but to their 
race. 

Robert had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and 
had thought much over the condition and wrong-s of the race, and seemed 
to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his fellow-sufferers up 
to a higher plane of liberty and manhood. After an interview with Robert 
and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were forwarded on in the 
usual manner, to Canada. While enjoying the sweets of freedom in Canada, 
he was not the man to keep his light under a bushel. He seemed to 
have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen, and a decidedly 
clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many enterprises with 
resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to rise equally with other 



272 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

branches of the human family. Some of his letters, embracing his views, 
plans and suggestions, were so encouraging and sensible, that the Committee 
was in the habit of showing them to friendly persons, and mdeed, ex- 
tracts of some of his lettei-s were deemed of sufficient importance to publish. 
One alone, taken from many letters received from him, must here suffice 
to illustrate his intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in Canada. 

Hamilton, C. W., August 9Lb, 1856. 
Mr. Wm. Still .-Dear Friend:-! take this opportunity of writing you^ these few 
lines to inform you of my health, which is good at present, &c. * * ^ *. *^ 

I was talking to you about going to Liberia, when I saw you last, and did intend to 
start this fall, but I since looked at the condition of the colored people m Canada 1 
thoucrht I would try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place them in the 
proper position to stand where they ought to stand. In order' to do this, I have under- 
taken to get up a military company amongst them. They laughed at me to undertake 
such a thing ; but I did not relax my energies. I went and had an interview with Major 
J T. Gilepon, told him what my object was, he encouraged me to go on, saying that he 
would do all he could for the accomplishment of ray object. He referred to Sir Allan 
McNab &c * * * * I took with me Mr. J. H. Hill to see him-he told me that it 
should be done, and required us to write a petition to the Governor General, which ha^ 
been done * * * * The company is already organized. Mr. Howard was elected 
Captain- J H Hill, 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill, Ensign ; Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant 
The company's name is, Queen Victoria's Rifle Guards. You may, by this, see what I 
have been doing since I have been in Canada. When we receive our appointments by 
the Government. I will send by express, my daguerreotype in u^ifo^;^- 

My respects, &c. &c., ROBERT JONES. 




HEAVY REWARD. 

Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward.— Ran away 

from ?he subscnber, on Saturday n.ght November 15th, 1 oJosiah and 
William Bailey, and Peter Pennington. Joe is about 5 leet 10 '"J^^^^^?^"^ J^^SJ ' 
of a chestnut color, bald head, with a remarkable scar on o»« °JJ^\^ f -^ : 
not positive on which it is, but think it is on the left, "[^^^''^^^^^^J'^ij^^^^^it 
Hgent countenance, active, and well-made. He is about 28 J'^^^- ;1;\ J^"^^! 

— of' a darker color, about 5 feet 8 inches in height, stammers a 1'^ tie when con 

fused, well-made, and older than Joe well dressed but may ^ave pulled kearsey on over 
their other clothes. Peter is smaller than either the others, about 2o jeara ot age, aars 
chestnut color. 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high. ... „___py,pn(1 the 

A reward of fifteen hundred dollars will be given to any person who will ^PF^\^.J^' \^J 
said Joe Bailev, and lodge him safely in the jail at Easton, Talbot Co. Md and ..^UU lor 
BUI and $800 for Peter. Ln'o? 1 wT' 

T. Wright. 

When tiiis arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite evident 
that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts, both 
physically and mentally. Likewi.so, taking them individually, their appear- 
ance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the spirit ot 
freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves, despite the 



HEA VY RE WARD. 273 

efforts of the slavc-lioklers to keep them in darkness. In company with 
the three men, for whom the above large reward was oifered, came a woman 
by the name of Eliza Nokey. 

As soon as the opportunity presented itself, the Active Committee feeling 
an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation by inquiring 
as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple and homely but 
earnest answers from each. These answers afforded the best j)ossible moans 
of seeing Slavery in its natural, practical workings — of obtaining such 
testimony and representations of the vile system, as the most eloquent orator 
or able pen might labor in vain to make clear and convincing, although tliis 
arrival had obviously been owned by men of high standing. The fugitives 
themselves innocently stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit 
of flogging adult females, was a " moderate man." Josiah Bailey was the 
leader of this party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position, lie 
was about twenty-nine years of age, and in no ])articular physically, did ho 

[' I seem to be deficient. He was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and 
a man of good common sense. He was held and oppressed l)y William II. 
Hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested in 
slaves to the number of forty head. In his liabits he was generally taken for 
a "moderate" and "fair" man, "thougli he was in the habit of flogging 
the slaves — females as well as males," after they had arrived at the age of 
maturity. This was not considered strange or cruel in Maryland. Josiah 
was the " foreman " on the place, and was entrusted with the management of 
hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and busy seasons was re- 

-• ! quired to lead in the fields. He was regarded as one of the most valuable 

hands in that part of the country, being valued at $2,000. Three weeks be- 

j fore he escaped, Joe was "stripped naked," and " flogged" very cruelly by 

" ' his master, simply because he had a dispute with one of the fellow-servants 
who had stolen, as Joe alleged, seven dollars of his hard earnings. This 
: flogging, produced in Joe's mind, an unswerving determination to leave 
Slavery or die : to try his luck on tiie Underground Rail Iload at all hazards. 
The very name of Slavery, made the fire fairly burn in his bones. Although 
a married man, having a wife and three children (owned by Hughlett), he was 
not prepared to let his affection for them keep him in chains — so Anna 
Maria, his wife, and his children Ellen, Anna Maria, and Isabella, were 
shortly widowed and orphaned by the slave lash. 

William Bailey was owned by John C. Henry, a large slave-holder, 
and a very " hard " one, if what William alleged of him was true. His 
story certainly had every appearance of truthfulness. A recent brutal flogging 
had "stiffened his back-bone," and furnished him with his excuse for not 
being willing to continue in Maryland, working his strength away to enrieli 
his master, or the man who claimed to be such. The memorable flogging, 
however, which caused him to seek flight on the Underground Eail Road, 
18 



274 TllK UNDEIUUIOUNI) RAIL ROAD. 

was not luliiiiniskTc'd hy his master or on his master's plantation. TIo was 
hired out, and it was in this situatit)n that lie was so barbarously treated. 
Yet he eonsidcred his master more in fault than the man to whom he 
wiia hired, but redrt'ss there was none, save to eseaj)e. 

The hour lor ibrvvarding the party by the Committee, oamo too soon to 
allow time for the writing of any aeeount of Peter Pennington and Eliza 
Nokey. Suilice it to say, that in struggling through their journey, their 
spirits never flagged ; they had determined not to stop short of Canada. 
They truly hail a very high a]>preoiatiou of freedom, but u very poor opinion 
of Maryland. 



SLAVE TRADER ITALL IS FOIEED. 

ROBEUT M'COY alias WU.IJAM DONAR. 

In Oetober, 1854, the C\)mmittee received per steamer, directly from 
Norfolk, \i\., Robert MeCoy and Elizabeth Saunders. Robert had con- 
stantly been in the clutches of the negro-tradir Jlall, for the last sixteen 
years, previous to his leaving, being owned by Inm. ITe had, therefore, 
possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and ex[)erience 
relative to the trader's conduct in his ni'tarit)us business, as well as for 
witnessing the ell'iH-ts of the auction-block upon all ages — rending asunder 
the dearest tics, despite the j)iteous wails of childhood or womanhood, 
parental or conjugal relations. ]>ut no attcmj)t will be made to chronicle 
the deeds of this dealer in huiuan llcsli. Those stories fresh from the lips 
of one who had just escaped, were j)aiMl'ul in the extreme, but in the very 
nature of things some of the statements are too revolting to be published. 
In lieu of this fact, except the above allusions to the trader's business, this 
sketch will only refer to Robert's condition as a slave, and finally as a 
traveler on the Underground Rail Road. 

Robert w:us a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary 
intelligence. His duties had been confined to the house, and not to the slave 
pen. As a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much shrewd- 
ness, to avt»Itl very s(>verc outrages from the trader. On the whole, he had 
farcil " about as well " as the genemlity of slaves. 

Yet, in onli-r to free himself from his " miserable" life, he was willing, as 
he diH-larcd, ti) sull'cr almost any sacrillcc. Indeed, his condni^t proved 
the sincerity of this decloi'ation, as he hail actually been concealed five 
months in a place in the city, where he could not possibly avoid daily 
sulVcring of the most trying kind. His resolve to be free was all this while 
maturing. The trader had threatened to sell Robert, and to ])rcvcnt it 
Robert (thus) " took out." Successfully did he elude the keen scent and 



I 



SLAVE TRADER HALL LS FOILED. 275 

grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts to recapture him. Altliough 
a young man — only about twenty-eight years of age, his health was by no 
means good. His system had evidently been considerably shattered by 
Slavery, and synq)toms of consumption, together with chronic rlieurnatism, 
I were making rapid headway against the physical man. Under his vaiioKs 
ills, he declared, as did many others from the land of bondage, that his fait'.i 
in God afforded him comfort and hope. He was obliged to leave his wife, 
Eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they should ever meet again on e.-irth, 
but he was somewhat hopeful that the way would open for her escape also. 

After reaching Philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipat>"d 
by the Vigilance Committee, his immediate wants were met, and in duo 
order he was forwarded to New Bedford, where, he was led to feel, he would 
be happy in freedom. 

Scarcely had he been in New Bedford one month, before his prayers and 
hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife. On hearing 
of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows — 

New Bedford, Nov. .3, 1859. 
Dear Sir: — i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i received your letter with 
pleasure, i am enjoying good health and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying 
the same blessing, i n-joise to hear from you i feel very much indetted to you for not 
writing before but i have been so bissy that is the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival 
of my wife, and hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is not, pleas to 
send her on here Monday with a six baral warlian and a rifall to gard her up to my re?!- 
dance i thank you kindly for the good that you have don for rne. Give my respects to 
Mrs. Still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would come but i am afraid 
yet to venture, i received your letter the second, but about the first of spring i hope to 
pay you a visit or next summer, i am getting something to do every day. i will write on 
her arrivall and tell you more. Mr. R. White sends his love to you and your famerly and 
says that he is very much indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to know 
wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are please to express them on to 
him or if at preasant by Mrs. Donar. Not any more at preasent. i remain your affec- 
tionate brother, William Donah. 

By tlie same arrival, and similarly secreted, Elizabeth Frances, alias Ellen 
Saunders, had the good luck to reach Philadelpliia. She was a single young 
woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as one would wisli 
to see. Her manners were equally agreeable. Perhaps hor joy over 
her achieved victory ad<led somewhat to her personal appearance. She had, 
however, belonged to the more favored class of slaves. She had neitlur 
been over-worked nor badly abused. Elizabeth was the property of a lady 
a few shades lighter than herself, (Elizabeth was a mulatto) by the name of 
Sarah Shephard, of Norfolk. In order the more effectually to profit by Eliza- 
beth's labor, the mistress resorted to the plan of hiring her out for a given 
sum per month. Against this usage Elizabeth urged no complaint. Indeed 
the only very serious charge she brought was to the effect, that her mistreas 



276 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

sold her mother away from her far South, when she was a child only ten 
years old. She had also sold a brother and sister to a foreign southern 
market. The reflections consequent upon the course that her mistress had 
thus pursued, awakened Elizabeth to much study relative to freedom, and 
by the time that she had reached womanhood she had very decided convic- 
tions touching her duty with regard to escaping. Thus growing to hate 
slavery in every way and manner, she was prepared to make a desperate 
effort to be free. Having saved thirty-five dollars by rigid economy, she 
Mils willing to give every cent of it (although it was all she possessed), to be 
aided from Norfolk to Philadelphia. After reaching the city, having suffered 
severely while coming, she Avas invited to remain until somewhat recruited. 
In the healthy air of freedom she was soon fully restored, and ready to 
take her departure for New Bedford, which place she reached without diffi- 
culty and was cordially welcomed. The following letter, expressive of her 
obligations for aid received, was forwarded soon after her arrival in New 

Bedford : 

New Bedfoed, Mass., October 16lh, 1854. 
Mr. Still : — Dear Sir — I now take my pen in my hand to inform you of my health 
which is good at present all except a cold I have got but I hope when these few lines reach 
you you may be enjoying good health. I arrived in New Bedford Thursday morning 
safely and what little I have seen of the city I like it very much my friends were very glad 
to see me. I found my sister very well. Give my love to Mrs. Still and also your dear little 
children. I am now out at service. I do not think of going to Canada now. I think I 
shall remain in this city this winter. Please tell Mrs. Still I have not met any person who 
has treated me any kinder than she did since I left. I consider you both to have been true 
friends to me. I hope you will think me the same to you. I feel very thankful to you 
indeed. It might been supposed, out of sight out of mind, but it is not so. I never forget 
my friends. Give my love to Florence. If you come to this city I would be very happy 
to see you. Kiss your dear little children for me. Please to answer this aa soon as possible, so 
that I may know you received this. No more at present. I still remain your friend, 

Ellen Saunders. 

Eliza McCoy — the Avife of Robert INIcCoy, whose narrative has just 
been given — and who was left to wait in hope when her husband escaped — 
soon followed him to freedom. It is a source of great satisfaction to be able 
to present her narrative in so close proximity to her husband's. He arrived 
about the first of October — she about the first of November, following. From 
her lips testimony of much weight and interest was listened to by several 
friends relative to her sutTerings as a slave — on the auction-block, and in a 
place of concealment seven months, waiting and praying for an opportunity 
if) escape. But it was thought sufficient to record merely a very brief out- 
line of her active slave life, Avhich consisted of the following noticeable 
features. 

Eliza had been owned by Andrew Sigany, of Norfolk — age about thirty- 
eight — mulatto, and a woman whose appearance would readily command 



THE PROTECTION OF SLA VE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. 277 

attention and respect anywhere outside of the barbarism of Slavery. Slie 
stated that her experience as a sufferer in cruel hands had been very trying, 
and that in fretting under hardships, she had " always wanted to be free." 
Her language was unmistakable on this point. Neither mistress nor ser- 
vant was satisfied with each other ; the mistress was so " queer " and " hard 
to please," that Eliza became heartily sick of trying to please her — an angel 
would have failed with such a woman. So, while matters were getting no 
better, but, on the contrary, were growing worse and worse, Eliza tliought 
she would seek a more pleasant atmosphere in the North. In fact she felt 
that it would afford her no little relief to allow her place to be occupied 
by another. When she went into close quarters of concealment, she fully 
understood what was meant and all the liabilities thereto. She had pluck 
enough to endure unto the end without murmuring. The martyrs in olden 
times who dwelt in " dens and caves of the earth," could hardly have fared 
worse than some of these way-worn travelers. 

After the rest, needed by one who had suffered so severely until her arri- 
val in Philadelphia, she was forwarded to her anxiously waiting husband in 
New Bedford, where she was gladly received. 

From the frequent arrivals from Virginia, especially in steamers, it may 
be thought that no very stringent laws or regulations existed by which of- 
fenders, who might aid the Underground Rail Road, could be severely pun- 
ished — that the slave-holders were lenient, indifferent and unguarded as to 
how this property took wings and escaped. In order to enlighten the reader 
with regard to this subject, it seems necessary, in this connection, to publish 
at least one of the many statutes from the slave laws of the South bearing 
directly on the aid and escape of slaves by vessels. The following enact- 
ment is given as passed by the Legislature of Virginia in 1856 : 

THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. 

A BILL PROVIDING ADDITIONAL PROTECTION FOB THE SLAVE PROPERTY OP CITI- 
ZENS OF THIS COMMONWEALTH. 

(1.) Be it enacted, by the General Assembly, that it shall not be lawful 
for any vessel, of any size or description, whatever, owned in whole, or in 
part, by any citizen or resident of another State, and about to sail or steam 
for any port or place in this State, for any port or place north of and 
beyond the capes of Virginia, to depart from the waters of this common- 
wealth, until said vessel has undergone the inspection hereinafter provided 
for in this act, and received a certificate to that effect. If any such vessel 
shall depart from the State without such certificate of inspection, the captain 
or owner thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars, to 
DO recovered by any person who will sue for the same, in any court of 
record in this State, in the name of the Governor of the Commonwealth. 



278 T^HE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Pending said suit, the ve&sel of said captain or owner shall not leave the 
State until bond be given by the captain or owner, or other person for him, 
})ayable to the Governor, with two or three sureties satisfactory to the court, 
in tlie penalty of one thousand dollars, for the payment of the forfeit or 
fine, together with the cost and expenses incurred in enforcing the same; 
and in default of such bond, the vessel shall be held liable. Provided that 
nothing contained in this section, shall apply to vessels belonging to the 
United States Government, or vessels, American or foreign, bound direct to 
any foreign country other than the British American Provinces. 

(2.) The pilots licensed under the laws of Virginia, and while attached to 
a vessel regularly employed as a pilot boat, are hereby constituted inspectors 
to execute this act, so far as the same may be applicable to the Chesapeake 
Bay, and the waters tributary thereto, within the jurisdiction of this State, 
together with such other inspectors as may be appointed by virtue of this act. 

(3.) The branch or license issued to a pilot according to the provisions of 
the 92d chapter of Code, shall be sufficient evidence that he is authorized 
and empowered to act as inspector as aforesaid. 

(4.) It shall be the duty of the inspector, or other person authorized to act 
under this law, to examine and search all vessels hereinbefore described, to 
see that no slave or person held to service or labor in this State, or person 
charged with the commission of any crime M'ithin the State, shall be con- 
coaled on board said vessel. Such inspection shall be made within twelve 
hours of the time of departure of such vessel from the waters of Virginia, 
and may be made in any bay, river, creek, or other water-course of the 
State, provided, however, that steamers plying as regular packets, between 
j)orts in Virginia and those north of, and outside of the capes of Virginia, 
sliall be inspected at the port of departure nearest Old Point Comfort. 

(5.) A vessel so inspected and getting under way, with intent to leave tlie 
waters of the State, if she returns to an anchorage above Back liiver Point, 
or within Old Point Comfort, shall be again inspected and charged as if an 
oripfinal case. If such vessel be driven back by stress of weather to seek a 
liarbor, she shall be exempt from payment of a second fee, unless she iiolds 
intercourse with the shore. 

(6.) If, after searching the vessel, the inspector see no just cause to detain 
her, he shall give to the captain a certificate to that effect. If, however, 
upon such inspection, or in any other manner, any slave or person held to 
service or labor, or any person charged with any crime, be found on board 
of any vessel whatever, for the purj)o.se aforesaid, or said vessel be detected 
in the act of leaving this commonwealth with any such slave or person on 
l)oard, or otherwise violating the provisions of this act, he shall attach said 
vessel, and arrest all persons on board, to be delivered up to the sergeant or 
sheriff of the nearest port in this commonwealth, to be dealt with according 
to law. 



THE PROTECTION OF SLA VE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. 279 

(7.) If any inspector or other officer be opposed, or shall have reason to 
suspect that he will be opposed or obstructed in the discharge of any duty 
required of him under this act, he shall have power to summon and com- 
mand the force of any county or corporation to aid him in the discharge of 
such duty, and every person who shall resist, obstruct, or refuse to aid any 
inspector or other officer in the discharge of such duty, shall be deemed 
o-uilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof, shall be fined and 
imprisoned as in other cases of misdemeanor. 

(8.) For every inspection of a vessel under this law, the inspector, or other 
officer shall be entitled to demand and receive the sum of five dollars ; for 
the payment of which such vessel shall be liable, and the inspector or other 
officer may seize and hold her until the same is paid, together with all 
charges incurred in taking care of the vessel, as well as in enforcing the 
payment of the same. Provided, that steam packets trading regularly 
between the waters of Virginia and ports north of and beyond the capes of 
Virginia, shall pay not more than five dollars for each inspection under the 
provisions of this act ; provided, however, that for every inspection of a 
vessel engaged in the coal trade, the inspector shall not receive a greater sum 
than two dollars. 

(9.) Any inspector or other person apprehending a slave in the act of 
escaping from the state, on board a vessel trading to or belonging to a non- 
slave-holding state, or who shall give information that will lead to the 
recovery of any slave, as aforesaid, shall be entitled to a reward of One 
Hundred Dollars, to be paid by the owner of such slave, or by the fiduciary 
having charge of the estate to which such slave belongs ; and if the vessel 
be forfeited under the provisions of this act, he shall be entitled to one-half 
of the proceeds arising from the sale of the vessel ; and if the same amounts 
to one hundred dollars, he shall not receive from the owner the above 
reward of one hundred dollars. 

(10.) An inspector permitting a slave to escape for the want of proper 
exertion, or by neglect in the discharge of his duty, shall be fined One Hun- 
dred Dollars; or if for like causes he permit a vessel, which the law requires 
him to inspect, to leave the state without inspection, he shall be fined not 
less than twenty, nor more than fifty dollars, to be recovered by warrant by 
any person who will proceed against him. 

(11.) No pilot acting under the authority of the laws of the state, shall 
pilot out of the jurisdiction of this state any such vessel as is described in 
this act, which has not obtained and exhibited to him the certificate of 
inspection hereby required; and if any pilot shall so oflPend, ho shall forfeit 
and pay not less than twenty, or more than fifty dollars, to be recovered in 
the mode prescribed in the next preceding section of this act. 

(12.) The courts of the several counties or corporations situated on the 
Chesapeake Bay, or its tributaries, by an order entered on record, may 



280 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

appoint one or more inspeetors, at such place or places within their respective 
districts as they may deem necessary, to prevent the escape or for the re- 
capture of slaves attempting to escape beyond the limits of the state, and to 
search or otherwise examine all vessels trading to such counties or corpora- 
tions. The expenses in such cases to be provided for by a levy on negroes 
now taxed by law ; but no inspection by county or corporation officers thus 
appointed, shall supersede the inspection of such vessels by pilots and other 
inspectors, as specially provided for in this act. 

(13.) It shall be lawful for the county court of any county, upon the ap- 
plication of five or more slave-holders, residents of the counties where the 
application is made, by an order of record, to designate one or more police 
stations in their respective counties, and a captain and three or more other 
persons as a police patrol on each station, for the recapture of fugitive slaves; 
which patrol shall be in service at such times, and such stations as the court 
shall direct by their order aforesaid ; and the said court shall allow a reason- 
able compensation, to be paid to the members of such patrol ; and for that 
purpose, the said court may from time to time direct a levy on negroes now 
taxed by law, at such rate per capita as the court may think sufficient, to be 
collected and accounted for by the sheriff as other county levies, and to be 
called, "The fugitive slave tax." The owner of each fugitive slave in the 
act of escaping beyond the limits of the commonwealth, to a non-slave-hold- 
ing state, and captured by the patrol aforesaid, shall pay for each slave over 
fifteen, and under forty-five years old, a reward of One Hundred dollars; 
for each slave over five, and under fifteen years old, the sum of sixty dollars; 
and for all others, the sum of forty dollars. Which reward shall be divided 
equally among the members of the patrol retaking the slave and actually on 
duty at the time ; and to secure the payment of said reward, the said patrol 
may retain possession and use of the slave until the reward is paid or 
secured to them. 

(14.) The executive of this State may appoint one or more inspectors for 
the Ilappaliannock and Potomac rivers, if he shall deem it exjiedient, for 
the due execution of this act. The inspectors so appointed to perform the 
same duties, and to be invested with the same powers in their respective 
districts, and receive the same fees, as pilots acting as inspectors in other 
parts of the State. A vessel subject to inspection under this law, departing 
from any of the above-named counties or rivers on her voyage to sea, shall 
be exempted from the payment of a fee for a second inspection by another 
officer, if provided with a certificate from the proj)er inspecting officer of 
that district; but if, after proceeding on her voyage, she returns to the port 
or place of departure, or enters any other port, river, or roadstead in the 
State, the said ve:^sel shall be again inspected, and pay a fee of five dollars, 
as if she had undergone no previous examination and received no previous 
certificate. 



TEE PROTECTION OF SLA VE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. 281 

If driven by stress of weather to seek a harbor, and she has no intercourse 
with the shore, then, and in that case, no second fee shall be paid by said 
vessel. 

(15.) For the better execution of the provisions of this act, in reo-ard to 
the inspection of vessels, the executive is hereby authorized and directed to 
appoint a chief inspector, to reside at Norfolk, whose duty it shall be, to 
direct and superintend the police, agents, or inspectors above referred to. 
He shall keep a record of all vessels engaged in the piloting business 
together with a list of such persons as may be employed as j)iloLS and 
inspectors under this law. The owner or owners of each boat shall make a 
monthly report to him, of all vessels inspected by persons attached to said 
pilot boats, the names of such vessels, the owner or owners thereof, and the 
places where owned or licensed, and where trading to or from, and the 
business in which they are engaged, together with a list of their crews. 
Any inspector failing to make his report to the chief inspector, shall pay a 
fine of twenty dollars for each such failure, which fine shall be recovered by 
warrant, before a justice of the county or corporation. The chief inspector 
may direct the time and station for the cruise of each pilot boat, and perform 
such other duty as the Governor may designate, not inconsistent with the 
other provisions of this act. He shall make a quarterly return to the exec- 
utive of all the transactions of his department, reporting to him any failure 
or refusal on the part of inspectors to discharge the duty assigned to them, 
and the Governor, for sufficient cause, may suspend or remove from office 
any delinquent inspector. The chief inspector shall receive as his compen- 
sation, ten per cent, on all the fees and fines received by the inspectors 
acting under his authority, and may be removed at the pleasure of the 
executive. 

(16.) All fees and forfeitures imposed by this act, and not otherwise 
specially provided for, shall go one half to the informer, and the other be 
paid into the treasury of the State, to constitute a fund, to be called the 
" fugitive, slave fund," and to be used for the payment of rewards awarded 
by the Governor, for the apprehension of runaway slaves, and to pay other 
expenses incident to the execution of this law, together with such other pur- 
poses as may hereafter be determined on by the General Assembly. 

(17.) This act shall be in force from its passage. 



ESCAPING IN A CHEST. 

$150 REWARD. Pwan away from the subscriber, on Sunday night, 27th inst., 
my NEGRO GIRL, Lear Green, about 18 years of age, black complexion, round- 
featured, good-looking and ordinary size; she had on and with her when she left, a 
tan-colored silk bonnet, a dark plaid silk dress, a light mouslm delaine, also one wa- 
tered silk cape and one tan colored cape. I have reason to be confident that she was per- 



282 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

suaded off by a negro man named Wm. Adams, black, quick spoken, 5 feet 10 inches high, 
a large scar on one side of his face, running down in a ridge by the corner of his mouth, 
about 4 inches long, barber by trade, but works mostly about taverns, opening oysters, &c. 
He has been missing about a week ; he had been heard to say he was going to marry the 
above girl and ship to New York, where it is said his mother resides. The above reward wdl 
be paid if said girl is taken out of the State of Maryland and delivered to me ; or fifty dol- 
lars if taken in the State of Maryland. Jamks Noble, 
m26-3t. No. 153 Broadway, Baltimore. 

Leak Green, so particularly advertised in the " Baltimore Sun " by 
" James Noble/' won for herself a strong claim to a high place among 
the heroic women of the nineteenth century. In regard to description 
and age the advertisement is tolerably accurate, although her master might 
have added, that her countenance was one of peculiar modesty and grace. 
Instead of being " black," she was of a " dark-brown color." Of her 
bondage she made the following statement : She was owned by " Jamea 
Noble, a Butter Dealer " of Baltimore. He fell heir to Lear by the will of 
his wife's mother, Mrs. Rachel IIo\vard, by whom she had previously been 
owned. Lear was but a mere child when she came into the hands of Noble's 
family. She, therefore, remembered but little of her old mistress. Her 
young mistress, however, had made a lasting impression upon her mind ; 
for she was very exacting and oppressive in regard to the tasks she was 
daily in the habit of laying upon Lear's shoulders, with no disposition 
whatever to allow her any liberties. At least Lear was never indulged in 
this respect. In this situation a young man by the name of William Adams 
proposed marriage to her. This offer she was inclined to accejjt, but dis- 
liked the idea of being encumbered with the chains of slavery and the 
duties of a family at the same time. 

After a full consultation with her mother and also her intended upon 
the matter, she decided that she must be free in order to fill the station 
of a wife and mother. For a time dangers and difficulties in the way of 
escape seemed utterly to set at defiance all hope of success. Whilst every 
pulse was beating strong for liberty, only one chance seemed to be left, the 
trial of which required as much courage as it Mould to endure the cutting 
off the right arm or plucking out the right eye. An old chest of substan- 
tial make, such as sailors commonly use, was procured. A quilt, a pillow, 
and a few articles of raiment, with a small quantity of food and a bottle 
of water were put in it, and Lear placed therein ; strong ropes were fast- 
ened around the chest and she was safely stowed amongst the ordinary 
freight on one of the Erricson line of steamers. Her intended's mother, 
who was a free woman, agreed to come as a passenger on the samp boat. 
How could she refuse? The prescribed rules of the Company assigned 
colored passengers to the deck. In tliis instance it was exactly where this 
guardian and mother desired to be — as near the chest as possible. Once 
or twice, during the silent watches of the night, she was drawn irresisti- 



ESCAPING IN A CHEST. 



283 




bly to the chest, and could not refrain from venturing to untie the rope 
and raise the lid a little, to see if the poor child still lived, and at the 
same time to give her a breath of fresh air. AVithout uttering a wliisper, 
that frightful moment, this office was successfully performed. That the 
silent prayers of this oppressed young woman, together with her fiithful 
iprotector's, were momentarily ascending to the ear of the good God above, 
there can be no question. Nor is it to be doubted for a moment but that 
some ministering angel aided the mother to unfasten the rope, and at the 
jsame time nerved the heart of poor Lear to endure the trying ordeal of 
'her perilous situation. She declared that she had no fear. 
'[ After she had passed eighteen hours in the chest, the steamer arrived 
at the wharf in Philadelphia, and in duo time the living freight was brought 
otf the boat, and at first was delivered at a house in Barley street, occupied 
iby particular friends of the mother. Subsequently chest and freight were 
[removed to the residence of the writer, in whose family she remained several 
days under the protection and care of the Vigilance Committee. 

Such hungering and thirsting for liberty, as was evinced by Lear Green, 
made the efforts of the most ardent friends, who were in the habit of aiding 
fugitives, seem feeble in the extreme. Of all the heroes in Canada, or out 
of it, who have purchased their liberty by downright bravery, through j^erils 
■the most hazardous, none deserve more praise than Lear Green. 

She remained for a time in this family, and was then forwarded to El- 
tnira. In this place she was married to William Adams, who has been 



284 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

previously alluded to. They never went to Canada, but took up their per- 
manent abode in Elmira. The brief space of about three years only was 
allotted her in which to enjoy freedom, as death came and terminated her 
aireer. About the time of this sad occurrence, her mother-in-law died in 
this city. The iniiircssions made by both mother and daughter can never be 
effaced. The chest in which Lear escaped has been preserved by the Mritcr 
as a rare trophy, and her photograph taken, while in the chest, is an ex- 
cellent likeness of her and, at the same time, a fitting memorial. 



ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS, AND KIT NICKLESS. 

MONTHS IN A CAVE. — SHOT BY SLAVE-HUNTEES. 

Rarely were three travelers from the house of bondage received at the 
Philadelphia station whose narratives were more interesting than those of 
the above-named individuals. Before escaping they had encountered diffi- 
culties of the most trying nature. No better material for dramatic effect 
could be found than might have been gathered from the incidents of their 
lives and travels. But all that we can venture to introduce here is the brief 
account recorded at the time of their sojourn at the Philadelphia station 
when on their way to Canada in 1854. The three journeyed together. They 
had been slaves together in the same neighborhood. Two of them had 
shared the same den and cave in the woods, and had been shot, captured, and 
confined in the same prison ; had broken out of prison and again escaped ; 
consequently their hearts were thoroughly cemented in the hope of reaching 
freedom together. 

Isaac was a stout-made young man, about twenty-six years of age, 
possessing a good degree of physical and mental ability. Indeed his 
intelligence forbade his submission to the requirements of Slavery, rendered 
him unhap])y and led him to seek his freedom. He owed services to D. 
Fitchhugh up to within a short time before he escaped. Against Fitchhugh 
he made grave charges, said that he was a '^ hard, bad man." It is but fair 
to add that Isaac was similarly regarded by his master, so both were dissat- 
isfied with each other. But the master had the advantage of Isaac, he could 
sell him. Isaac, however, could turn the table on h.is master, by running 
off. But the master moved quickly and sold Isaac to Dr. James, a negro 
trader. The trader designed making a good speculation out of his invest- 
ment : Isaac determined that he should be disappointed ; indeed that he 
should lose every dollar that he paid for him. So while the doctor was 
planning where and how he could get the best price for him, Isaac was 
planning how and where he might safely get beyond his reach. The time 
for planning and acting with Isaac was, however, exceedingly short. He 



ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS, AND KIT NICKLESS. 285 

,vas daily expecting to be called upon to take his de])arture for the South, 
[u this situation he made known his condition to a friend of his who was 
n a precisely similar situation; had lately been sold just as Isaac had to 
;he same trader James. So no argument was needed to convince his friend 
md fellow-servant that if they meant to be free they would have to set off 
mmediately. 

That night Henry Banks and Isaac Williams started for the woods 
oo-cther, preferring to live among reptiles and wild animals, rather than be 
my longer at the disposal of Dr. James. For two weeks they successfully 
iscaped their pursuers. The woods, however, were being hunted in every 
direction, and one day the pursuers came upon them, shot them both, and 
carried them to King George's Co. jail. The jail being an old building 
lad weak places in it ; but the prisoners concluded to make no attempt to 
jreak out while suffering badly from their wounds. So they remained one 
nonth in confinement. All the while their brave spirits under suffering 
^rew more and more daring. Again they decided to strike for freedom, 
but where to go, save to the woods, they had not the slightest idea. Of 
,30urse they had heard, as most slaves had, of cave life, and pretty well 
understood all the measures which had to be resorted to for security when 
entering upon so hazardous an undertaking. They concluded, however, 
that they could not make their condition any worse, let circumstances be 
what they might in this respect. Having discovered how they could break 
jail, they were not long in accomplishing their purpose, and were out and 
off to the woods again. This time they went far into the forest, and there 
they dug a cave, and with great pains had every thing so completely ar- 
ranged as to conceal the spot entirely. In this den they stayed three 
months. Now and then they would manage to secure a pig. A friend 
ilso would occasionally serve them with a meal. Their sufferings at best 
svere fearful ; but great as they were, the thought of returning to Slavery 
never occurred to them, and the longer they stayed in the woods, the 
2;reater was their determination to be free. In the belief that their owner 
had about given them up they resolved to take the North Star for a pilot, 
^and try in this way to reach free land. 

Kit, an old friend in time of need, having proved true to them in their 
cave, was consulted. He fully appreciated their heroism, and determined 
that he would join them in the undertaking, as he was badly treated by his 
master, who was called General Washington, a common farmer, hard drinker, 
and brutal fighter, which Kit's poor back fully evinced by the marks it 
bore. Of course Isaac and Henry were only too willing to have him ac- 
company them. 

In leaving their respective homes they broke kindred ties of the tondorcst 
nature. Isaac had a wife, Eliza, and three children, Isaac, Estella, and 
Ellen, all owned by Fitchhugh. Henry was only nineteen, single, but left 



286 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

parents, brothers, and sisters, all owned by different slave-holders. Kit had 
a wife, Matilda, and three children, Sarah Ann, Jane Frances, and Ellen, 
slaves. 



September 28, 1856. 
ARRIVAL OF FIVE FROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF 

MARYLAND. 

Cyrus Mitchell, alias John Steel ; Joshua Handy, alias Hamble- 
TON Hamby; Charles Dulton, a^m*- William Robinson; Epiiraim 
Hudson, alias John Spry; Francis Molock, alias Thomas Jack- 
son; all h\ "good order" and full of hope. 

The following letter from the fearless friend of the slave, Thomas Garrett, 
is a specimen of his manner of dispatching Underground Rail Road busi- 
ness. He used Uncle Sam's mail, and his own name, with as much freedom 
as though he had been President of the Pennsylvania Central Rail Road, 
instead of only a conductor and stock-holder on the Underground Rail 
Road. 

9 mo. 26tb, 1856. 

Respected Friend : — William Still, I send on to thy care this evening by Rail 
Koad, 5 able-bodied men, on their way North; receive them as the Good Samaritan of old 
and oblige thy friend, Thomas Garrett. 

The " able-bodied men " duly arrived, and were thus recorded on the 
Underground Rail Road books as trophies of the success of the friends of 
humanity. 

Cyrus is twenty-six years of age, stout, and unmistakably dark, and was 
owned by James K. Lewis, a store-keeper, and a "hard master." He kept 
slaves for the express purpose of hiring them out, and it seemed to aftbrd 
him as much pleasure to receive the hard-earned dollars of his bondmen as 
if he had labored for them with his own hands. "It mattered not, how 
mean a man might be," if he would pay the largest price, he was the man 
whom the store-keeper preferred to hire to. This always caused Cyrus to 
dislike him. Latterly he had been tjilking of moving into the State of 
Virginia. Cyrus disliked this talk exceedingly, but he "said nothing to the 
white people " touching the matter. However, he was not iong in deciding 
that such a move would be of no advantage to him ; indeed, he had an idea 
if all was true that he had heard about that place, he would be still more 
miseral)lo there, than he had ever been under his present owner. At once, 
he decided that he would move towards Canada, and that he would be fixed 
in his new home before his master got off to Virginia, unless he moved 
sooner than Cyrus expected him to do. Those nearest of kin, to whom he 



SUNDR Y ARRIVALS ABOUT A UG UST \st, 1855. 287 

felt most tenderly allied, aud from whom lie felt that it would be hard to 
part, were his father and mother. He, however, decided that he should 
have to leave them. Freedom, he felt, was even worth the giving up of 
parents. 

Believing that company was desirable, he took occasion to submit his 
plan to certain friends, who were at once pleased with the idea of a trip on 
the Underground Rail Road, to Canada, etc; and all agreed to join him. 
At first, they traveled on foot; of their subsequent travel, mention has 
already been made in friend Garrett's epistle. 

Joshua is about twenty-seven years of age, quite stout, brown color, and 
would pass for an intelligent farm hand. He was satisfied never to wear 
the yoke again that some one else might reap the benefit of his toil. His 
' master, Isaac Harris, he denounced as a "drunkard." His chief excuse for 
escaping, was because Harris had " sold " his " only brother." He was 
obliged to leave his father and mother in the hands of his master. 

Charles is twenty-two years of age, also stout, and well-made, and 
apparently possessed all the qualifications for doing a good day's work on a 
farm. He was held to service by Mrs. Mary Hurley. Charles gave no 
glowing account of happiness and comfort under the rule of the female sex, 
indeed, he was positive in saying that he had " been used rough." During 
the present year, he was sold for $1200. 

Ephraim is twenty-two years of age, stout and athletic, one who 
appears in every way fitted for manual labor or anything else that he might 
be privileged to learn. John Campbell Henry, was the name of the man 
whom he had been taught to address as master, and for whose benefit he had 
been compelled to labor up to the day ho " took out." In considering what 
he had been in IMaryland and how he had been treated all his life, he 
alleged that John Campbell Henry was a " bad man." Not only had 
Ephraim been treated badly by his master but he had been hired out to a 
' man no better than his master, if as good. Ephraim left his mother and 
six brothers and sisters. 

Francis is twenty-one, an able-bodied "article," of dark color, and was 
owned by James A. Waddcll. All that he could say of his owner, was, 
that he was g, " hard master," from whom he was very glad to escape. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS, ABOUT AUGUST 1st, 1855. 
Arrival 1st. Frances Hilliard. 
Arrival 2d. Louisa Harding, alias Rebecca Hall. 
Arrival 3d. John Mackintosh. 
Arrival 4th. Maria Jane Houston. 



288 THE UNDERGEOUyD HAIL ROAD. 

Arrival 5th. INIiles Iloopes. 

Arrival 6th. Samuel Miles, alias Robert King. 

Arrival 7th. James Heuson, alias David Caldwell. 

Arrival 8th. I^aura Lewis. 

Arrival 9th. Elizabeth Banks. 

Arrival lOth. Simon Hill. 

Arrival 11th. Anthony and Albert Brown. 

Arrival Tith. George Williams and Charles Holladay. 

Arrival 13th. William Govan. 

While none in this catalogue belonged to the class whose daring adven- 
tures rendered their narratives marvellous, nevertheless they represented a 
very large number of those who were continually on the alert to get rid of 
their captivity. And in all their efforts in this direction they manifested a 
marked willingness to encounter perils either by land or water, by day or 
by night, to obtain their God-given rights. Doubtless, even among these 
names, will be found those who have been supposed to be lost, and mys- 
teries will be disclosed wliich have puzzled scores of relatives longing and 
looking many years in vain to ascertain the whereabouts of this or that 
companion, brother, sister, or friend. So, if impelled by no other conside- 
ration tl)an the hope of consoling this class of anxious inquirers, this is a 
sufficient justification for not omitting them entirely, notwithstanding the 
risk of seeming to render these pages monotonous. 

Arrtvai. No. 1. First on this record was a young mulatto woman, 
twenty-nine years of age — orange color, who could read and write very well, 
and was unusually intelligent and withal quite handsome. She was known 
by the name of Frances Hilliard, and escaped from Rii^hmond, Ya., where 
she was owned by Beverly Blair. The owner hired her out to a man by 
the name of Green, from whom he received seventy dollars per annum. Green 
allowed hor to hire herself for the same amount, with the understanding 
that Frances should find all her own clothes, board herself and find her own 
house to live in. Her husband, who was also a slave, had fled nearly one 
year pnviuns, leaving her widowed, of course. Notwithstanding the above 
mentioned conditions, under which she had the privilege of living, Frances 
said that she " had been used well." She had been sold four times in her 
life. In the first instance the failure of her master was given as the reason 
of her sale. Siibsecpiently she was purchased and sold by different traders, 
who designed to speculate upon her as a " fancy article." They would dress 
her very elegantly, in order to show her off to the best advantage possible, 
but it aj)])cnrs thnt she had too nuich regard for her hus])and and her honor, 
to consent to fill the positions which had been basely assigned her by her 
owners. 

Frances assisted her husband to escape from his owner — Taits — and was 



SUNBB Y ARRIVALS, ABOUT AUG UST 1 st, 1855. 289 

never contented until she succeeded in following him to Canada. In 
escaping, she left her mother, Sarah Corbin, and her sister, Maria. On reach- 
ing the Vigilance Committee she learned all about her husband. She was 
conveyed from Richmond secreted on a steamer under the care of one of tlie 
colored hands on the boat. From here siie was forwarded to Canada at the 
expense of the Committee. Arriving in Toronto, and not finding her hopes 
fully realized, with regard to meeting her husband, she wrote back the ibl- 
lowing letter: 

Toronto, Canada, U. C, October 15tli, 1855. 

My Dear Mr. Still : — Sir — I take the opportunity of writing you a few lines to inform 
you of my health. I am very well at present, and hope that when these few lines reach 
you they may find you enjoying the same blessing. Give my love to Mrs. Still and all 
the children, and also to Mr. Swan, and tell him that he must give you the money that he 
has, and you will please send it to me, as I have received a letter from my husband saving 
that I must come on to him as soon as I get the money from him. I cannot go to him 
until I get the money that Mr. Swan has in hand. Please tell Mr. Caustle that the clothes 
he spoke of my mother did not know anything about them. I left them with Hinson 
Brown and he promised to give them to Mr. Smith. Tell him to ask Mr. Smith to get them 
from Mr. Brown for me, and when I get settled I will send him word and he can send them 
to me. The letters that were sent to me I received them all. I wish you would send me 
word if Mr. Smith is on the boat yet — if he is please write me word in your next letter. 
Please send me the money as soon as you possibly can, for I am very anxious to see my 
husband. I send to you for I think you will do what you can for me. No more at present, 
but remain Yours truly, Frances Hilliard. 

Send me word if Mr. Caustle had given Mr. Smith the money that he promised to give 
him. 

For one who had to steal the art of reading and writing, her letter bears 
studying. 

Arrival No. 2. Louisa Harding, alias Rebecca Hall. Louisa was a 
mulatto girl, seventeen years of age. She reported herself from Baltimore, 
where she had been owned by lawyer Magill. It might be said that she 
also possessed great personal attractions as an "article" of much value iu 
the eye of a trader. All the near kin whom she named as having left be- 
hind, consisted of a mother and a brother. 

Arrival No. 3. John Mackintosh. John's history is short. He repre- 
sented himself as having arrived from Darien, Georgia, where he had seen 
" hard times." Age, forty-four. This is all that was recorded of John, 
except the expenses met by the Committee. 

Arrival No. 4. Maria Jane Houston. The little State of Delaware lost 
in the person of Maria, one of her nicest-looking bond-maids. She had just 
arrived at the age of twenty-one, and felt that she had already been suffi- 
ciently wronged. She was a tall, dark, young woman, from the neighbor- 
hood of Cantwell's Bridge. Although she had no horrible tales of suffering 
to relate, the Committee regarded her as well worthy of aid. 
19 



290 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL-ROAD. 

Arrival Xo. 5. Miles Hooper. This subject came from North Caro- 
lina; he was owned by George Montigue, wlio lived at Federal Mills, was a 
decided opponent to the no-pay system, to flogging, and selling likewise. 
In fact nothing that was auxiliary to Slavery was relished by him. Conse- 
quently he concluded to leave the place altogether. At the time that Miles 
took this stand he was twenty-three years of age, a dark-complexioned man, 
rather under the medium height, physically, but a full-grown man mentally. 
" ]My owner was a hard man," said Miles, in speaking of his characteristics. 
His parents, brothers, and sisters were living, at least he had reason to 
believe so, although they were widely scattered. 

Arrival No. 6. Samuel Miles, alias Robert King. Samuel was a 
representative of Revel's Neck, Somerset Co., Md. His master he regarded 
as a " very fractious man, hard to please." The cause of the trouble or un- 
pleasantness, which resulted in Samuel's Underground adventure, was 
traceable to his master's refusal to allow him to visit his Mife. Not only 
■was Samuel denied this privilege, but he was equally denied all jirivileges. 
His master probably thought that Sam had no mind, nor any need of a wife. 
"Whether this was really so or not, Sam was shrewd enough to " leave his 
old master with the bag to hold," which was sensible. Thirty-one years of 
Samuel's life were passed in Slavery, ere he escaped. The remainder of his 
days he felt bound to have the benefit of himself. In leaving home he had 
to part with his wife and one child, Sarah and little Henry, who were for- 
tunately free. 

On arriving in Canada Samuel wrote back for his wife, &c., as follows: 

St. Catharines, C. W., Ang. 20th, 1855. 

To Mr. Wm. Still, Dear Friend : — It gives me pleasure to inform you that I have 
had the good fortune to reach this northern Canaan. I got here yesterday and am in good 
health and happy in the enjoyment of Freedom, but am very anxious to have my wife 
and child here with me. 

I wish you to write to her immediately on receiving this and let her know where I am 
you will recollect her name Sarah ]\Iiles at Baltimore on the corner of Hamburg and 
Eutaw streets. Please encourage her in making a start and give her the necessary direc- 
tions how to come. She will please to make the time as short as possible in getting 
through to Canada. Say to my wife that I wish her to write immediately to the friends 
that I told her to address as soon as she hears from me. Inform her that I now stop in 
St. Catharines near the Niagara Falls that I am not yet in business but expect to get into 
business very soon— That I am in the enjoyment of good health and hoping that this com- 
munication may find my affectionate wife the same. That I have been highly favored 
with friends throughout my journey I wish my wife to write to me as soon as she can and 
let me know how soon I may expect to see her on this side of the Niagara River. My 
wife had better call on Dr. Perkins and perhaps he will let her have the money he had in 
charge for me but that I failed of receiving when I left Baltimore. Please direct the 
letter for my wife to Mr. George Lister, in Hill street between Howard and Sharp. My 
compliments to all enquiring friends. Very respectfully yours, Samuel Miles. 

P. S. Please send the thread along as a token and my wife will understand that all is 
right. S. M. 



SUNDE Y ARRIVALS, ABOUT AUG UST 1st, 1855. 291 

Arrival No. 7. James Henson, alias David Caldwell. James fled 
from Cecil Co., Md. He claimed that he was entitled to his freedom ac- 
cording to law at the age of twenty -eight, but had been unjustly deprived 
of it. Having waited in vain for his free papers for four years, he sus- 
pected that he was to be dealt with in a manner similar to many others, 
who had been willed free or who had bought their time, and had been 
shamefully cheated out of their freedom. So in his judgment he felt that 
his only hope lay in making his escape on the. Underground Rail Road. 
Pie had no faith whatever in the man Avho held him in bondage, Jacob 
Johnson, but no other charges of ill treatment, etc., have been found against 
said Johnson on the books, save those alluded to above. 

James was thirty-two years of age, stout and well proportioned, with more 
than average intelligence and resolution. He left a wife and child, both free. 

Arrival No. 8. Laura Lewis. Laura arrived from Louisville, Ken- 
tucky. She had been owned by' a widow woman named Lewis, but as 
lately as the previous March her mistress died, leaving her slaves and otlier 
property to be divided among her heirs. As this would necessitate a sale 
of the slaves, Laura determined not to be on hand when the selling day 
came, so she took time by the forelock and left. Her appearance indi- 
cated that she had been among the more favored class of slaves. She 
was about twenty-five years of age, quite stout, of mixed blood, and intelli- 
gent, having traveled considerably with her mistress. She had been North 
in this capacity. She left her mother, one brother, and one sister in Louis- 
ville. 

Arrival No. 9. Elizabeth Banks, from near Easton, Maryland. Her 
lot had been that of an ordinary slave. Of her slave-life nothing of interest 
was recorded. She had escaped from her owner two and a half years [)rior 
to coming into the hands of the Committee, and had been living in Pennsyl- 
vania pretty securely as she had supposed, but she had been awakened to a 
sense of her danger by well grounded reports that she was pursued by her 
claimant, and would be likely to be captured if she tarried short of Canada. 
With such facts staring her in the face she was sent to the Committee for 
counsel and protection, and by them she was forwarded on in the usual 
way. She was about twenty-five years of age, of a dark, and spare structure. 

Arrival No. 10. Simon Hill. This fugitive had escaped from Virginia. 
The usual examination was made, and needed help given him by the Com- 
mittee, who felt satisfied that he was a poor brother who had been shame- 
fully wronged, and that he richly deserved sympathy. He was aided and 
directed Canada-ward. He was a very humble-looking sj>ecimen of the 
peculiar institution, about twenty-five years of age, medium size, and of a 
dark hue. 

Arrival No. IL Anthony and Albert Brown (brothers), Jones Ander- 
son and Isaiah. 



292 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

This party escaped from Tanner's Creek, Norfolk, Virginia, where they 
had been owned by John and Henry Holland, oysternicn. As slaves they 
alleged that they had been snbjected to very brutal treatment from their 
profane and ill-n;itnred owners. Not relishing this treatment, Albert and 
Anthony came to the conclusion that they nndei"stood boating well enough 
to escape by water. They accordingly selected one of their master's small 
oyster-boats, which was pretty-well rigged with sails, and off they started 
for a Northern Shore. They procealed on a part of their voyage merely by 
guess work, but landed safely, however, about twenty-five miles north of 
Baltiint)re, though, by no means, on free soil. They had no knowledge 
of the danger that they were then in, but they were persevering, and still 
dctcrnnned to make their way North, and thus, at last, success attended 
their elforts. Their struggles and exertions having been attended with 
more of the romantic and tragical elements than had characterized the 
nndertakings of any of the other late passengers, the Committee felt in- 
clined to make a fuller notice of them on the book, yet failed to do them 
justice in this respect. 

The elder brother was twenty-nine, the younger twenty-seven. Both 
were mentally above the average run of slaves. They left wives in Norfolk, 
named Alexenia and Ellen. While Anthony and Albert, in seeking their 
freedom, were forced to sever their connections with their companions, 
they did not forget them in Canada. 

How great was their delight in freedom, and tender their regard for their 
wives, and the deep interest they felt for their brethren and friends gene- 
rally, may be seen from a perusal of the following letters from them : 

Hamelton, March 7th 1856. 
Mr. Wj:. Still: — Sir: — T now take the opportianit}' of wrilting you a few lins hoping 
to find yourself and famly well as thes lines leves me at present, myself and brother, 
Anthony & Albert brown's respects. We have spent quite agreeable winter, we ware 
emploied in the new hotel, name Anglo american, wheare we wintered and don very well, 
we also met with our too frends ho came from home with us, Jonas anderson and Izeas, 
now we are all safe in hamilton, I wish to cale you to youre prommos, if convenient to 
write to Norfolk, Va., for me, and let my wife mary Elen Brown, no where I am, and my 
brothers wife Elickzener Brown, as we have never heard a word from them since we left, 
tel them that we found our homes and situation in canady much better than we expected, 
tel them not to think hard of us, we was boun to floe from the rath to come, tel them we 
live in the hopes of meting them once more this side of the grave, tel them if we never 
more see them, we hope to meet them in the kingdom of heaven in pece, tel them to 
remember my love to my cherch and brethren, tel them I find there is the same prayer- 
hearing God heare as there is in old Va ; tel them to remember our love to all the enquir- 
ing frends, I have written sevrel times but have never reseived no answer, I find a gret 
meny of my old accuaintens from Va., hears we are no ways lonesom, Mr. Still, I have 
written to you once before, but reseve no answer. Pleas let us hear from you by any 
means. Nothing more at present, but remane youre frends, 

Anthony & Albeet Brown. 



SUNDR Y ARRIVALS, ABO UT A UO UST \st, 1855. 293 

Hamilton June 2Cth, 1856, 

Mr. Wm. Still: — kine Sir: — I am happy to say to you that I have jus reseved my 
letter dated 5 of the present month, but previeously had bin in form las night by Mr. J. 
H. Hall, he had jus reseved a letter from you stating that my wife was with you, oh my 
I was so glad it case me to shed tears. 

Mr. Still, I cannot return you the thanks for the care of my wife, for I am so Glad that 
I dont now what to say, you will pleas start her for canaday. I am yet in hamilton, C. 
W, at the city hotel, my brother and Joseph anderson is at the angle american hotel, they 
send there respects to you and family my self also, and a greater part to my wife. I 
came by the way of syracruse remember me to Mrs. logins, tel her to writ back to my 
brothers wife if she is livmg and tel her to com on tel her to send Joseph Andersons love 
to his mother. 

i now send her 10 Pollers and would send more but being out of employment some of 
winter it pulls me back, you will be so kine as to forward her on to me, and if life las 1 
will satisfie you at some time, before long. Give my respects and brothers to Mr. John 
Dennes, tel him Mr. Hills famly is wel and send there love to them, I now bring my letter 
to a close, And am youre most humble Servant, Anthony Bkown. 

P. S. I had given out the notion of ever seeing my wife again, so I have not been 
attending the office, but am truly sorry T did not, you mention in yours of Mr. Henry 
lewey, he has left this city for Boston about 2 weeks ago, we have not herd from him yet. 

A. Brown. 

Arrival No. 12. George Williams and Charles Holladay. These two 
travelers were about the same age. They were not, however, from the 
same ncigliborhood — they happened to meet each other as they were trav- 
eling the road. George fled from St. Louis, Charles from Baltimore. George 
"owed service" to Isaac Hill, a planter; he found no special fault with his 
master's treatment of him ; but with Mrs. Hill, touching this point, ho was 
thoroughly dissatisfied. She had treated him "cruelly," and it was for this 
reason that he was moved to seek his freedom. 

Charles, being a Baltimorean, had not far to travel, but had pretty sharp 
hunters to elude. 

His claimant, F. Smith, however, had only a term of years claim upon 
him, which was within about two years of being out. This contract for the 
term of years, Charles felt was made without consulting him, therefore he 
resolved to break it without consulting his master. He also declined to 
have anything to do with the Baltimore and Wilmington R. R. Co., consi- 
dering it a proscriptive institution, not worthy of his confidence. He started 
on a fast walk, keeping his eyes wide open, looking out for slave-hunters 
on his right and left. In this way, like many others, he reached the Com- 
mittee safely and was freely aided, thenceforth traveling in a first class Un- 
derground Rail Road car, till he reached his journey's end. 

Arrival No. 13. William Govan. Availing himself of a passage on 
the schooner of Captain B., William left Petersburg, where he had been 
owned by " Mark Davis, Esq., a retired gentleman," ratlier, a retired negro 
trader. 



294 THE rXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

William was about thirty-three years of age, and was of a bright orange 
color. Nothing but an ardent love of liberty prompted him to escape. He 
was quite smart, and a clever-looking man, worth at least $1^000. 



DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK. 

THOMAS MADDEN. 

Of all the passengers who had hitherto arrived with bruised and mangled 
bodies received at the hands of slave-holders, none brought a back so shame- 
fully lacerated by the lash as Thomas Madden. Not a single spot had been 
exempted from the excoriating cow-hide. A most bloody picture did the 
broad back and shoulders of Thomas present to the eye as he bared his 
wounds for inspection. While it was sad to think, that millions of men, 
women, and children throughout the South were liable to just such brutal 
outrages as Thomas had received, it was a satisfaction to think, that this 
outrage had made a freeman of him. 

He was only twenty-two years of age, but that punishment convinced him 
that he was fully old enough to leave such a master as E. Ray, who had 
almost murdered him. But for this treatment, Thomas might have remained 
in some degree contented in Slavery. He was expected to look after the 
fires in the house on Sunday mornings. In a single instance desiring to 
be absent, perhaps for his own pleasure, two boys offered to be his substi- 
tute. The services of the boys were accepted, and this gave offence to the 
master. This Thomas declared was the head and front of his offending. 
His simple narration of the circumstances of his slave life was listened to 
by the Committee with deep interest and a painful sense of the situation of 
slaves under the despotism of such men as Ray. 

After being cared for by the Committee he was sent on to Canada. AVhen 
there he wrote back to let the Committee know how he was faring, the 
narrow escape he had on the way, and likewise to convey the fact, that one 
named " Rachel," left behind, shared a large place in his affections. The 
subjoined letter is the only correspondence of his preserved : 

Stanford, June 1st, 1855, Niagara district. 
Dear Sir : — I set down to inform you that I take the liberty to rite for a frend to 
inform you that he is injoyinggood health and hopes that this will finde you the same he 
got to this cuntry very well except that in Albany he was vary neig taking back to his oald 
home but escaped and when he came to the suspention bridg he was so glad that he run 
for freadums shore and when he arived it was the last of October and must look for sum 
wonrk for the winter he choped wood until Ternary times are good but money is scarce he 
thinks a grpat deal of the girl he left beliind him he thinks that there is non like her 
hf-re non so hansom as his Rachel right and let him hear from you as soon as convaniant 
no more at presant but remain yours, ^ Albert metteb. 



PETE MATTHEWS, alias SAMUEL SPARROWS. 295 

« PETE MATTHEWS," alias SAMUEL SPARROWS. 

" I MIGHT AS WELL BE IN THE PENITENTIARY, «fcC." 

j Up to the age of thirty-five "Pete" had worn the yoke steadily, if not 
' patiently under William S. Matthews, of Oak Hall, near Temperaneeville, 
in the State of Virginia. Pete said that his "master was not a hard man,"' 
but the man to whom he " was hired, George Matthews, was a very cruel 
man." " I might as well be in the penitentiary as in his hands," was his 
declaration. 

One day, a short while, before Pete " took out," an ox broke into the 
truck patch, and helped himself to choice delicacies, to the full extent of 
his capacious stomach, making sad havoc with the vegetables generally. 
Peter's attention being directed to the ox, he turned him out, and gave 
him what he considered proper chastisement, according to the mischief he 
had done. At this liberty taken by Pete, the master became furious. 
11 « jjg got hJs gmi auj threatened to shoot him." " Open your mouth if you 
dare, and I will put the whole load into you," said the enraged master. 
" He took out a large dirk-knife, and attempted to stab me, but I kept out 
of his way," said Pete. Nevertheless the violence of the master did not 
abate until he had beaten Pete over the head and body till he was wear}', 
inflicting severe injuries. A great change was at once wrought in Pete's 
mind. He was now ready to adopt any plan that might hold out the least 
encouragement to escape. Having capital to the amount of four dollars 
only, he felt that he could not do much towards employing a conductor, 
but he had a good pair of legs, and a heart stout enough to whip two 
or three slave-catchers, with the help of a pistol. Happening to know a 
man who had a pistol for sale, he went to him and told him that he 
wished to purchase it. For one dollar the pistol became Pete's property. 
He had but three dollars left, but he was determined to make that amount 
answer his purposes under the circumstances. The last cruel beating mad- 
dened him almost to desperation, especially when he remembered how he 
had been compelled to work hard night and day, under Matthews. Then, 
too, Peter had a wife, whom his master prevented him from visiting; this 
was not among the least offences with which Pete charged his master. 
Fully bent on leaving, the following Sunday was fixed by him on which to 
commence his journey. 

The time arrived and Pete bade farewell to Slavery, resolved to follow 
the North Star, with his pistol in hand ready for action. After traveling 
about two hundred miles from home he unexpectedly had an opportunity of 
using his pistol. To his astonishment he suddenly came face to face wnth a 
former master, whom he had not seen for a long time. Pete desired no 
friendly intercourse with him whatever ; but he perceived that his old 



296 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

master recognized liiiii and was bent upon stopping him. Pete held on to 
his pistol, but moved as fast as his wearied limbs would allow him, in 
an opposite direction. As he was running, Pete cautiously, cast his eye 
over his shoulder, to see Mhat had become of his old master, when to his 
amazement, he found that a regular chase was being made after him. 
Need of redoubling his pace was quite obvious. In this hour of peril, Pete's 
legs saved him. 

After this signal leg-vietory, Pete had more confidence in his " under- 
standings," than he had in his old pistol, although he held on to it until he 
reached Philadelphia, where he left it in the possession of the Secretary of 
the Committee. Considering it worth saving simply as a relic of the Under- 
ground Rail Road, it was carefully laid aside. Pete was now christened 
Samuel Sparrows. i\Ir. Sparrows had the rust of Slavery washed otf as 
clean as possible and the Committee furnishing him with clean clothes, a 
ticket, and letters of introduction, started him on Canada-ward, looking 
quite respectable. And doubtless he felt even more so than he looked; 
free air had a powerful effect on such passengers as Samuel Sparrows. 

The unpleasantness which grew out of the mischief done by the ox on 
George ^latthews' farm took place the first of October, 1855. Pete may 
be described as a man of unmixed blood, well-made, and intelligent. 



" MOSES " ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS. 

" Not allowed to seek a master ;" — " Very devilish ;" — father " leaves two 

LITTLE sons ;" — " USED HARD ;" — " FeARED FALLING INTO THE HANDS OF YOUNG 

HEIRS," ETC. John Chase, alias Daniel Floyd ; Benjamin Eoss, alias 
James Stewart ; Henry Eoss, alias Levin Stewart ; Peter Jackson, alias 
Staunch Tilohman ; Jane Kane, alias Catharine Kane, and Egbert Eoss. 

The coming of these passengers was heralded by Thomas Garrett as 
follows: 

THOMAS GAERETT'S LETTER. 

Wilmington, 12 mo. 29th, 1854. 
Esteemed Friend, J. Millep. McKim : — We made arrangements last night, and sent 
away Harriet Tubman, with six men and one woman to Allen Agnew's, to be forwarded 
across the country to the city. Harriet, and one of the men had worn their shoes off 
Iheir feet, and I gave them two dollars to help fit them out, and directed a carriage to be 
hired at my expense, to take them out, but do not yet know the expense. I now have two 
more from the lowest county in Maryland, on the Peninsula, upwards of one hundred 
miles. I will try to get one of our trusty colored men to take them to-morrow morning to 
the Anti-slavery ofTice. You can then pass them on. Thomas Garkett. 

IIariukt TritMAX liad been their "Moses," but not in the sense that 
Andrew Johnson \va.s the " Moses of the colored people." She had faith- 



MOSES ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS. 297 

fully gone down into Egypt, and had delivered these six bondmen by her 
own heroism. Harriet was a woman of no pretensions, indeed, a more 
ordinary specimen of humanity could hardly be found among the most 
unfortunate-looking farm hands of the South. Yet, in point of courage, 
shrewdness and disinterested exertions to rescue her fellow-men, by making 
personal visits to JNIaryland among the slaves, she was without her equal. 

Her success was wonderful. Time and again she made successful visits to 
Maryland on the Underground Rail Road, and would be absent for weeks, 
at a time, running daily risks while making preparations for herself and 
passengers. Great fears were entertained for her safety, but she seemed 
wholly devoid of personal fear. The idea of being captured by slave- 
hunters or slave-holders, seemed never to enter her mind. She was appa- 
rently proof against all adversaries. While she thus manifested such 
utter personal indifference, she was much more watchful with regard to 
those she was piloting. Half of her time, she had the appearance of 
one asleep, and would actually sit down by the road-side and go fast asleep 
when on her errands of mercy through the South, yet, she would not suffer 
one of her party to whimper once, about "giving out and going back," how- 
ever wearied they might be from hard travel day and night. She had a 
very short and pointed rule or law of her own, which implied death to any 
who talked of giving out and going back. Thus, in an emergency she 
would give all to understand that "times were very critical and therefore no 
foolishness would be indulged in on the road." That several wlio were 
rather weak-kneed and faint-hearted were greatly invigorated by Harriet's 
blunt and positive manner and threat of extreme measures, there could be no 
doubt. 

After having once enlisted, "they had to go through or die." Of 
course Harriet was supreme, and her followers generally had full faith in 
her, and would back up any word she might utter. So when she said 
to them that " a live runaway could do great harm by going back, but 
that a dead one could tell no secrets," she was sure to have obedience. 
Therefore, none had to die as traitors on the " middle passage." It is obvi- 
ous enough, however, that her success in going into Maryland as she did, 
was attributable to her adventurous spirit and utter disregard of conse- 
quences. Her like it is probable was never known before or since. On 
(examining the six passengers who came by this arrival they were thus 
recorded : 

December 29th, 1854 — John is twenty years of age, chestnut color, of 
spare build and smart. He fled from a farmer, by the name of John 
Campbell Henry, who resided at Cambridge, Dorchester Co., jMaryhmd. 
Qn being interrogated relative to the character of his master, John gave no 
V^Bry amiable account of him. He testified that he was a "hard man" and 
tHat he " owned about one hundred and forty slaves and sometimes he would 



298 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

sell," etc. John was one of the slaves Avho were " hired out." lie " de- 
sired to have the privilege of liunting his own master." His desire was 
not granted. Instead of lueeicly submitting, John felt wronged, and made 
this his reason for running away. This looked pretty spirited on the part 
of one so young as John. The Committee's respect for him was not a 
little increased, when they hoard him express himself. 

Benjamin was twenty-eight years of age, chestnut color, medium size, 
and shrewd. He was the so-called property of Eliza Ann Brodins, who 
lived near Buckstown, in ]\Iaryland. Ben did not hesitate to say, in unqual- 
ified terms, that his mistress was "very devilish." He considered his 
charges, proved by the fact that three slaves (himself one of tlieni) were 
required to work hard iuul fare mcagcrly, to support his mistress' family in 
idleness and luxury. The Committee paid due attention to his ex parte 
statement, and was obliged to conclude that his argument, clothed in common 
and homely language, was forcible, if not eloquent, and that he was well 
worthy of aid. Benjamin left his parents besides one sister, Mary Ann 
"Williamson, who wanted to come away on the Underground Kail Road. 

Henry left his wife, Harriet Ann, to be known in future by the name of 
"Sophia Brown." He was a fellow-servant of Ben's, and one of the sup- 
ports of Eliza A. Brodins. 

Henry was only twenty-two, but had quite an insight into matters and 
things going on among slaves and olave-holdcrs generally, in country life. 
He was the father of two small children, whom he had to leave behind. 

Peter was owned by George Wenthrop, a farmer, living near Cambridge, 
j\Id. In answer to the question, how he had been used, he said "hard." 
Xot a pleasant thought did he entertain respecting his master, save that he 
was no longer to demand the sweat of Peter's brow. Peter left parents, 
who were free ; he was born before they were emancipated, consequently, he 
was retained in bondage. 

Jane, aged twenty-two, instead of regretting that she had unadvisedly 
left a kind mistress and indulgent master, who had aiforded her necessary 
comforts, affirmed that her master, " Hash Jones, was the worst man in 
the country." The Committee were at first disjiosed to doubt her sweeping 
statement, but when they heard particularly how she had been treated, 
they thought Catharine had good ground for all that she said. Personal 
abuse and hard usage, were the common lot of poor slave girls. 

Robert was thirty-five years of age, of a chestnut color, and well made. 
His report was similar to that of many others. He had been provided with 
plenty of hard drudgery — hewing of Nvood and drawing of water, and had 
hardly been treated as well as a gentleman would treat a dumb brute. HI3 
feelings, therefore, on leaving his old master and home, were those of an 
individual who had been unjustly in prison for a dozen years and had at 
last regained his libertv. 



ESCAPED FROM A WORTHLESS SOT. 299 

The civilization, religion, and customs under which Robert and his com- 
panions had been raised, were, he thought, " very wicked." Although these 
travelers were all of the field-hand order, they were, nevertheless, very 
promising, and they anticipated better days in Canada. Good advice was 
proffered them on the subject of temperance, industry, education, etc. 
Clothing, food and money were also given them to meet their wants^ and 
they were sent on their way rejoicing. 



ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT." 

JOHN ATKINSON. 

John was a prisoner of hope under James Ray, of Portsmouth, Va., 
whom he declared to be " a worthless sot." This character was fully set 
forth, but the description is too disgusting for record. John Avas a dark 
mulatto, thirty-one years of age, well-formed and intelligent. For some 
years before escaping he had been in the habit of hiring his time for C^120 
per annum. Daily toiling to support his drunken and brutal master, was 
a hardship that John felt keenly, but was com^Jelled to submit to up to 
the day of his escape. 

A part of John's life he had suffered many abuses from his oppressor, and 
only a- short while before freeing himself, the auction-block was held up 
before his troubled mind. This caused him to take the first daring step 
towards Canada, — to leave his wife, Mary, without bidding her good-bye, 
or saving a word to her as to his intention of fleeing. 

John came as a private passenger on one of the Richmond steamers, and 
was indebted to the steward of the boat for his accommodations. Having 
been received by the Committee, he was cared for and sent on his journey 
Canada-ward. There he was happy, found employment and wanted for 
nothing but his wife and clothing left in Virginia. On these two points he 
wrote several times with considerable feeling. 

Some slaves who hired their time in addition to the payment of their 
monthly hire, purchased nice clothes for themselves, which they usually 
valued highly, so much so, that after escaping they would not be contente<l 
until they had tried every possible scheme to secure them. They would 
write back continually, either to their friends in the North or South, hoping 
thus to procure them. 

Not unfrcquently the persons who rendered them assistance in the South, 
would be entrusted with all their effects, with the understanding, that such 
valuables would be forwarded to a friend or to the Committee at the earliest 
opportunity. The Committee strongly protested against fugitives writing 
■back to the South (through the mails) on account of the liability of getting 



3Q0 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

parties into aangcr, as all such letters Mcre liable to be iiitercept^jd in 
order to the discovery of the names of such as aided the Underground 
liail Road. To render needless this writing to the Soutli the Coniiuittoe 
often submitted to be taxed with demands to rescue clothing as well as 
wives, etc., belonging to such as liad l^cen already aided. 

The following lettei-s are fair sanvples of a large number which came to 
the Committee touching the matter of clothing, etc. : 

St. Catharines, Sept. 4tli. 
Dear Sir :— T now embrace this favorable opportunity of writing you a few linos to 
inform you that I am quite well and arrived here safe, and I hope that these few lines 
may find you and your family the same. I hope you will intercede for my clothes and as 
soon as they come please to send them to me, and if you have not time, get Dr. Lnndy to 
look out for them, and when they come be very careful in sending them. I wish you 
would copy off this letter and give it to the Steward, and tell him to give it to Henry 
Lewy and tell him to give it to my wife. Brother sends his love to you and all the family 
and he is overjoyed at seeing me arrive safe, he can hardly contain himself; also he wants 
to see his wife very much, and says when she comes he hopes you will send her on as soon 
as possible. Jerry Williams' love, together with all of us. I had a message for Mr. 
Lundv but I forgot it when I was there. No more at present, but remain your ever 
grateful and sincere friend, J^"^ Atkinson. 

St. CATnARiNEs, C. W., Oct. 5th, 1854. 
]Mr. Wm. Still :— Dear Sir— I have learned of my friend, Richmond Buhm, that my 
clothes were in Philadelphia. Will you have the kindness to see Dr. Lundy and if he has 
my clothes in charge, or knows about them, for him to send them on to me immedialely, 
as I am in great need of them. I would like to have them put in a small box, and the 
overcoat I left at your house to be put in the box with them, to be sent to the care of my 
friend, Iliram Wilson. On receipt of this letter, I desire you to write a few lines to my 
wife, Mary Atkins, in the care of my friend, Henry Lowey, stating that I am well and 
hearty and hoping that she is the same. Please tell her to remember my love to her 
mother and her cousin, Emclin, and her husband, and Thomas Hunter; also to my father 
and mother. Please request her to write to me immediately, for her to be of good courage, 
that I love her hotter than ever. I would like her to come on as soon as she can, but for 
her to write and let me know when she is going to start. Affectionately Yours, 

John Atkins. 
W. 11. Atkinson, Fugitive, Oct., 1S54. 



AVILLLIA^I BUTCIIEU, alias WILLIAINI T. JSIITCIIELL. 

" HE WAS ABUeKFUL." 

This passenger reported himself from Miissey's Cross-Roads, near George- 
town, Maryland. William gave as his reason for being found destitute, 
and under the necessity of asking aid, that a man by the name of Willuun 
Boyer, who followed farming, had deprived him of his hard earnings, am! 
also claimed him as his property ; and withal that he had abused hiui ibi 



WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS. 301 

years, and recently had " threatened to sell " him. This threat made his 
yoke too intolerable to be borne. 

He here be^an to think and plan for the future as he had never done 
before. Fortunately ho was possessed with more than an average amount 
of mother wit, and he soon comprehended the requirements of the Under- 
ground Kail Iload. He saw exactly that he must have resolution and self- 
dependence, very decided, in order to gain the victory over Boyer. In his 
hour of trial his wife, Phillis, and child, John Wesley, who were free, 
caused him much anxiety ; but his reason taught him that it was his duty 
to throw off the yoke at all hazards, and he acted accordingly. Of course 
he left behind his wife and child. The interview which the Committee 
held with William was quite satisfactory, and he was duly aided and regu- 
larly dcs})atchcd by the name of William T. Mitchell. He was about 
twenty-eight years of age, of medium size, and of ([uite a dark hue. 



« WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS." 

John Wesley Gibson represented himself to bo not only the slave, but 
also the son of William Y. Day, of Taylor's Mount, Maryland. The 
faintest shade of colored blood was hardly discernible in this passenger. 
He relied wholly on his father's white blood to secure him freedom. Hav- 
ing resolved to serve no longer as a slave, he concluded to "hold up his 
head and put on airs." He reached Baltimore safely without being dis- 
covered or suspected of being on the Underground Bail Boad, as far as 
he was aware of. Here he tried for the first time to pass for white; the 
attempt proved a success beyond his expectation. Indeed ho could but 
wonder how it was that he had never before hit upon such an expedi- 
ent to rid himself of his unhappy lot. Although a man of only twenty- 
eight years of age, he was foreman of his master's farm. But he was not 
particularly favored in any way on this account. His master and father 
endeavored to hold the reins very tightly upon him. Not even allowing 
him the privilege of visiting around on neighboring plantations. Perhaps 
the master thought the family likeness was rather too discernible. John 
believed that on this account all privileges were denied him, and he resolved 
to escape. His mother, Harriet, and sister, Frances, were named as near 
kin whom ho had left behind. John was quite smart, and looked none the 
worse for having so much of his master's blood in his veins. The master 
was alone to blame for John's escape, as he passed on his (the master's) color. 



302 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 




ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES. 

HARRIET SHEPHARD, AND HER FIVE CHILDREN, WITH FIVE OTHER PASSENGERS. 

One morning about the first of November, in 1855, the sleepy, slave- 
holding neighborhood of Chestertown, Maryland, was doubtless deeply excited 
on learning that eleven head of slaves, four head of horses, and two carriages 
were missing. It is but reasonable to suppose that the first report nuist 
have ])roduced a shock, scarcely less stunning than an earthquake. Aboli- 
tionists, emissaries, and incendiaries were farther below par than ever. It 
may be supposed that cursings and threatenings were breathed out by a 
deeply agitated community for days in succession. 

Harriet Shophard, the mother of five children, for whom she felt of 
course a mother's love, could not bear the thought of having her off- 
spring compelled to wear the miserable yoke of Slavery, as she had been 
compelled to do. By her own personal experience, Harriet could very ^^■ell 
judge what their fate would be when reaching man and womanhood. She 
declared that she had never received " kind treatment." It was not on 
this account, however, that she was prompted to escape. She was actuated 
by a more disinterested motive than this. She was chiefly induced to make 
the bold effort to save her children from having to drag the chains of 
Slavery as she herself had done. 

Anna ^^aria, Edwin, Eliza Jane, Mary Ann, and John Ilonry wore 
the names of the children for whom she was willing to make any sacrifice. 
They were young, and unable to walk, and she was penniless, and unable to 



ESCAPING WITH MASTERS CARRIAGES AND HORSES. 303 

hire a conveyance, even if she had known any one who would have been 
willing to risk the law in taking them a night's journey. So there was no 
hope in these directions. Her rude intellect being" considered, she was 
entitled to a great deal of credit for seizing the horses and carriages 
belonging to her master, as she did it for the liberation of her children. 

Knowing others at the same time, who were wanting to visit Canada, 
she consulted with five of this class, males and females, and they mutually 
decided to travel together. 

It is not likely that they knew much about the roads, nevertheless they 
reached Wilmington, Delaware, pretty direct, and ventured up into the heart 
of the town in carriages, looking as innocent as if they were going to 
meeting to hear an old-fashioned Southern sermon — " Servants, obey your 
masters." Of coj^iyse, the distinguished travelers were immediately reported to 
the noted Tliomds Garrett, who was accustomed to transact the affairs of the 
Underground Rail Road in a cool masterly way. But, on this occasion, 
there was but little time for deliberation, but much need of haste to meet 
the emergency. He at once decided, that they must immediately be sepa- 
rated from the horses and carriages, and got out of ^yilmiugton as quickly 
as possible. With the courage and skill, so characteristic of Garrett, 
the fugitives, under escort, were soon on their way to Kennett Square 
(a hot-bed of abolitionists and stock-holders of the Underground Rail Road), 
which place they reached safely. It so happened, that they reached Long 
Wood meeting-house in the evening, at which place a fair circle had con- 
vened. Being invited, they stayed awhile in the meeting, then, after re- 
maining all night with one of the Kennett friends, they were brought to 
Downingtown early in the morning and thence, by daylight, within a short 
distance of Kimberton, and found succor with friend Lewis, at the old head- 
quarters of the fugitives. 

[A letter may be found from Miss G. A. Lewis, on page thirty-nine, 
throwing much light on this arrival]. After receiving friendly aid and ad- 
vice while there, they were forwarded to the Committee in Philadelphia. 
. Here further aid was afforded them, and as danger was quite obvious, tliey 
I were completely divided and disguised, so that the Committee felt that they 
might safely be sent on to Canada in one of the regular trains considered 
most private. 

Considering the condition of the slave mother and her children and 
friends, all concerned rejoiced, that they had had the courage to use their 
master's horses and vehicles as they did. 



301 THE UNDERGEOUyD RAIL ROAD. 

EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED. 

WASHINGTON SOMLOR, ALIAS JAMES MOORE. 

But few could tell of having been eye-witnesses to outrages more revolt- 
ing and disgraceful than Washington Somlor. He arrived per steamer 
Pennsylvania (secreted), directly from Norfolk, Virginia, in 1855. He was 
thirty-two years of age — a man of medium size and quite intelligent. A 
merchant by the name of Smith owned Washington. 

Eiglit and a half months before escaping, Washington had been secreted 
in order to shun both master and auction-block. Smith believed in scll- 
in<y, flogging, cobbing, paddling, and all other kinds of torture, by which 
he could inflict punishment in order to make the slaves feel his power. 
He thus tyrannized over about twenty-five head. 

Being naturally passionate, when in a brutal mood, he made his slaves 
suffer unmercifully. Said Washington, "On one occasion, about two mouths 
before I was secreted, he" had five of the slaves (some of them women) tied 
across a barrel, lashed with the cow-hide and then cobbed — this was a 
common practice." 

Such treatment was so inhuman and so incredible, that the Committee 
hesitated at first to give credence to the statement, and only yielded when 
facts and evidences were given which seemed incontestible. 

The first effort to come away was made on the steamship City of Rich- 
mond. W^ithin sixty miles of Philadelphia, in consequence of the ice ob- 
struction in the river, the steamer had to go back. How sad Washington 
felt at thus having his hopes broken to pieces may be imagined but can- 
not be described. Great as was his danger, when the steamer returned to 
Norfolk, he was safely gotten off the boat and under the eye of officers 
walked away. Again he was secreted in his old doleful quarters, where he 
waited patiently for the Spring. It came. Again the opportunity for 
another trial was presented, and it was seized unhesitatingly. This time, 
his tried faith was rewarded with success. He came through safely to the 
Committee's satisfaction as well as his own. The recital of his sufferings 
and experience had a very inspiring effect on those who had the pleasure of 
seeing Wash, in Philadelphia. 

Although closely secreted in Norfolk, he had, through friends, some little 
commiinication with the outside world. Among other items of information 
which came to his ears, was a report that his master was being pressed by 
his creditors, and had all his slaves advertised for sale. An item still more 
sad also reached his ear, to the effect that his wife had been sold away to 
North Carolina, and thus separated from her child, two years old. The 
child was given as a present to a niece of the master. While this is only a 
meagre portion of his interesting story, it was considered at the time sum- 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 3O5 

cient to identify liiin should the occasion ever require it. "We content our- 
selves, therefore, simply with giving Avhat was recorded on the book. Wash, 
spent a short while in Philadelphia in order to recruit, after which, he went 
on North, where colored men were free. 



AKTHUR FOAYLER, alias BENJAMIN JOHNSON. 

Arthur came from Spring Hill, Maryland. Edward Fowler held 
Arthur in fetters and usurped authority over him as his lord and master. 
Arthur saw certain signs connected with his master's family which presa^red 
to him that the day was not far distant, when somebody would have to be 
sold to raise money to pamper the appetites of some of the superior mem- 
bers of the patriarchal institution. Among these provocations were indul- 
gence in a great deal of extravagance, and the growing up of a number of 
young masters and mistresses. Arthur %vould often look at the heirs, and 
the very thought of their coming into possession, would make him tremble. 
Nothing so affected Arthur's mind so much in moving him to make a bold 
stroke for freedom as these heirs. 

Under his old master, the usage had been bad enough, but he feared that 
it would be a great deal worse under the sons and daughters. He therefore 
wisely concluded to avoid the impending danger by availing himself of the 
I Underground Rail Road. After completing such arrangements as he 
deemed necessary, he started, making his way along pretty successfully, with 
,the exception of a severe encounter with Jack Frost, by which his feet were 
badly bitten. He was not discouraged, however, but was joyful over his 
, victory and hopeful in view of his prospects in Canada. Arthur was about 
thirty years of age, medium size, and of a dark color. The Committee 
afforded him needed assistance, and sent him off. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 

About the 1st of June, 1855, the following arrivals were noted in the 
record book: 

Emory Roberts, alias William Kemp, Talbot Co., Maryland ; Daniel 
Payne, Richmond, Virginia; Harriet Mayo, John Judah, and 
Richard Bradley, Petersburg and Richmond; James Crummill, 
Samuel Jones, Tolbert Jones, and Henry Howard, Haverford 
Co., Maryland; Lewis Childs, Richmond, Daniel Bennett, alias 
Henry Washington, and wife (Martha,) and two children (George 
and a nameless babe). 
20 



306 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

The road at this time, was doing a fair business, in a quiet way. Passen- 
gers were managing to come, without having to suffer in any very violent 
manner, as many had been called upon to do in making similar efforts. The 
success 'attending some of these passengers was partly attributable to the 
intelligence of individuals, who, for years, had been planning and making 
preparations to effect the end in view. Besides, the ilxvorableness of the 
weather tended also to make travel more pleasant than in colder seasons 

of the vear. ^ . ^. ^^ , oc - 

While matters were thus favorable, the long stories of mdividual suttermg 
and of practices and customs among young and old masters and mistresses, 
were listened to attentively, although the short summer nights hardly 
afforded sufficient opportunity for writing out details. 

Emory arrived safely from Talbot county. As a slave, he had served 
Edward Lloyd. He gave his master the character of treating his slaves 
with great severity. The "lash" was freely used "on women as well as 
men, old and young." In this kind of property Lloyd had invested to the 
extent of " about five hundred head," so Emory thought. Food and cloth- 
ing for this large number were dealt out very stintedly, and daily suffering 
was the common lot of slaves under Lloyd. 

Emory was induced to leave, to avoid a terrible flogging, which had been 
promised him for the coming Monday. He was a married man, but exer- 
cised no greater control over his wife than over himself. She was hired on 
a nei.diboring plantation; the wav did not seem open for her to accompany 
him, ''so he had to leave her behind. His mother, brothers, and sisters had 
to be left also. The ties of kindred usually strong in the breasts of slaves, 
were hard for Emory to break, but, by a firm resolution, that he would not 
stay on Lloyd's plantation to endure the impending flogging, he was nerved to 
surmount every obstacle in the way of carrying his intention into execution 
He came to the Committee hungry and in want of clothing, and was aided 

in the usual way. 

Daniel Payne. This traveler was a man who might be said to be lull 
of years, infirm, and well-nigh used up under a Virginia task-master. But 
within the (.Id man's breast a spark was burning for freedom, and he was 
desirous of reaching free land, on which to lay his body when life's toi' 
ended. So the Committee sympathized with him, aided him and sent hini 
on to Canada. He was owned by a man named M. W. Morris, of Rich- 

mond, whence he fled. 

Harhiet Mayo, John Judah, and Richard Bradley were the next wlm 

brought joy and victory with them. 

Harriet was a tall, well-made, intelligent young woman, twenty-two 
years of age. She spoke with feelings of much bitterness ^ against her 
master, James Cuthbert, saving that he was a " very hard man," at the same 
time, adding that his " wife was still worse." Harriet " had been sold once. 



d\ 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 307 

She admitted however, having been treated kindly a part of her life. In 
escaping, she had to leave her '' poor old mother " with no hope of ever see- 
mo- her again; likewise she regretted having to leave three brothers, who 
kindly aided her to escape. But having her heart bent on freedom, she 
resolved that nothing should deter her from putting forth efforts to get or.fc 
of Slavery. 

John was a mulatto, of genteel address, well clothed, and looked as if ho 
had been "well fed." Miss Eliza Lambert had the honor of owning John, 
and was gracious enough to allow him to hire his time for one hundred and 
ten dollars per annum. After this sum was punctually paid, John could do 
what he pleased with any surplus earnings. Now, as he was fond of nice 
clothing, he was careful to earn a balance sufiicient to gratify this love. 
By similar means, many slaves were seen in southern cities elegantly dressed, 
and, strangers and travelers from the North gave all the credit to "indul- 
gent masters," not knowing the flicts in the case. 

John accused his mistress of being hard in money matters, not caring how 
the servants fared, so she got " plenty of money out of them." For himself, 
however, he admitted that he had never experienced as great abuses as many 
had. He was fortunate in being wedded to a free wife, who was privy to 
all his plans and schemes looking forth to freedom, and fully acquiesced in 
the arrangement of matters, promising to come on after he should reach 
Canada. This promise was carried out in due time, and they were joyfully 
re-united under the protection of the British Lion. 

Richard was about twenty-seven. For years the hope of freedom had 
occupied his thoughts, and many had been the longing desires to see the 
way open by which he could safely get rid of oppression. He was suffi- 
ciently intelligent to look at Slavery in all its bearings, and to smart 
keenly under even ordinarily mild treatment. Therefore, he was very 
happy in the realization of his hopes. In the recital of matters touching 
his slave life, he alluded to his master, Samuel Ball, as a "very hard man," 
utterly unwilling to allow his servants any chance whatever. For reasons 
which he considered judicious, he kept the matter of his contemplated escape 
wholly private, not even revealing it to his wife. Probably he felt that she 
would not be willing to give him up, not even for freedom, as long as she 
could not go too. Her name was Emily, and she belonged to William 
Bolden. How she felt when she learned of her husband's escape is for the 
imagination to picture. These three interesting passengers were brought 
away snugly secreted in Captain B's. schooner. 

James Crummill, Samuet. and Tolbert Jones and Henry Howard. 
This party united to throw off the yoke in Haverford county, Md. 

James, Samuel and Tolbert had been owned by William Hutchins. 
They agreed in giving Hutchins the character of being a notorious "frolicker," 



308 Tin: rxDERGRorxn rafl road. 

niiil a '' vcrv hard master." Uiulcr liini, niattcM-s were grow inn; "worse and 
Morse." Helore tlu' old masfer's death (iiiies were imieli better. 

IIknuy did not live nnder the same authority that his tliree eompanions 
were sidijcftcd to, hut l)eh»nij,(>d to IMiilip (iaiTisou. The continual threat 
to si'U harassed Henry so nuieh, that he saw no ehanee of peaec or liap- 
piness in the future. So one day the master laid the "last straw on the 
camel's hacU," and not another day would ITenrv stay. INlany times it 
reipjii-cd a pretty heavy pressure to start olf a number of yonno; men, 
but in this instance they seeniecl unwilling to wait to be worn out under the 
yoke and violent treatment, or to beciMuc encumbered with wives and child- 
ren before leaving. All were single, with the exception of James, whose wife 
M'as free, and named Charlotte ; she understood about his going to Canada, 
and, of course, was true to him. 

These Ndung men had of courst> btnai reared under circunistaneos alto- 
gether unfavorable to mental development. Nevertheless tluy had fervent 
aspiratit)ns to strike lor freedom. 

Li'.wis Giles bel<Miged, in (he prison-house of bondage, in the city of 
Kichmond, and owed service to a Mr. J^ewis Hill, who made it a business to 
\icop slaves expressly to hire out, just as a man keeps a livery stid)le. 
]-e\vis was not satisfied with this arrangement; he could see no fair play in it. 
In fact, he was utterly at variance with the entire system of Slavery, and, 
a long time before he left, had ])lans laid with a view of escaping. Through 
one of the Underground Kail Road Agents the glad tidings were borne to 
him that a jtassage might be procured on a schooner for twenty-live dollars. 
Lewis at once availed himself of this oifer, and maile his arrangiMuents 
aeconlingly. He, however, made no mention of this contemplated move- 
raent to his wile, Louisa; and, t(^ her astonishment, he was soon among 
tlie missing. Lewis was a fuie-looking " article," six feet high, well j>ropor- 
titmed, and of a dark chestnut color, worth probably eSlllOl), in the Kich- 
mond market. Touching his slave life, he saiil (hat he had been treated 
*' pretty well," except that he " had been sold several times." Intellectnally 
he was above the average run of slaves. He left on the twenty-third of 
April, and arrived about tlu^ second of June, having, in the meantime, 
enconntcrt'd dilliculties and discouragement*! of various kinds. His safe 
arrival, therefore, was attended with unusual rejoicing. 

Pamki, Bfnnrtt and his wife and children were the next in order. A 
woman poorly ilad with a bab<> just one month oM in her arms, and a little 
boy at her side, who could scarcely toddle, together with a husband who had 
never dared mider penalty of the laws to protect her or her little ones, pre- 
siMited a most painfully touching pietin-e. It was easv enouirh to see, that 
they hatl betMi ernshcd. The husliand had been owned bv Captain Janifts 
Tavlor — the wife ami children bv Geor-re Carter. 



SUNDR Y Alilil VALS. 309 

The young mother gave Carter a very ]jad character, afTirming, tluit it was 
a "common practice with him to flog the slaves, stripped entirely naked" — 
that she had herself been so flogged, since she had been a married woman. 
How the husband was treated, the record book is silent. He was about 
thirty-two — the wife about twenty-seven. Especial pains were taken to 
provide aid and sympathy to this fauiily in their destitution, fleeing under 
sucli peculiarly trying circumstances and from such loathsome brutality. They 
were from Aldie P. O., Loudon County, Virginia, and passed through the 
hands of the Committee about the 11th of June. What has been their fate 
since is not known. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY FIRST, 1855. 

VERENEA MERCER. 

The steamship Pennsylvania, on one of her regular trips from Richmond, 
brought one passenger, of whom the Captain had no knowledge; no j)ermis- 
sion had been asked of any officer of the boat. Nevertheless, Verenea 
Mercer managed, by the most extraordinary strategy, to secrete herself on the 
steamer, and thus succeeded in reaching Philadelphia. She was following 
her husband, who escaped about nine months before her. 

Verenea was about forty-one years of age, of a dark chestnut color, prc- 
})ossessing in manners, intelligent and refined. She belonged to the slave 
population of Richmond, and was owned by Thomas W. Quales. Accord ir.-g 
to her testimony, she had not received severe treatment during the eight 
and a half years that she had been in his hands. Previous to his becoming 
the owner of Verencta, it might have been otherwise, although nothing 
is recorded in proof of this inference, except that she had the misfortune to 
lose her first husband by a sale. Of course she was left a widow, in \vhich 
state she remained nine years, at the expiration of which jieriod, she married 
a man by the name of James Mercer, whose narrative may be found on p. 54. 

How James got off, and where he went, Verenea knew quite well ; conse- 
quently, in planning to reach him, she resorted to the same means by whicli 
he achieved success. The Committee rendered her the usual aid, and sent 
her on direct to her husband in Canada. Without difficulty of any kind slie 
reached there safely, and found James with arms wide open to embrace her. 
Frequent tidings reached the Committee, that they were getting along quite 
well in Toronto. 

On the same day (January 1st), Peter DERnifiKSON and Ciiatjees 
PuRNELL arrived from iJerlin, Worcester county, Maryland, lioth were 
able-bodied young men, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, just the 
kind that a trader, or an experienced slave-holder in the farming business, 



310 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

would be most likely to select for doing full days' work in the field, or for 
bringing high prices in the market. 

Peter toiled and toiled, with twenty others, on John Derrickson's farm. 
And although Derrickson was said to be a "mild master," Peter decidedly 
ol)iected to working for him for nothing. He thought over his situation a 
great deal, and finally came to the conclusion, that he must get from under 
the yoke, if possible, before entering another New Year. His friend Charles 
he felt could be confided in, therefore he made up his mind, that he Avould 
broach the question of Canada and the Underground Rail Road to liim. 
Charles was equally ready and willing to enter into any practical arrange- 
ments by which he could get rid of his no-pay task-master, and be landed 
safely in Canada. After taking into account the dangers likely to attend 
such a struggle, they concluded that they would risk all and try their luck, 
as many had done before them. 

" What made you leave, Charles?" said a member of iho. Committee. 

" I left because I wanted my time and money for myself." 

No one could gainsay such a plain common-sense answer as that. The 
fact, that he had to leave his parents, three brothers, and five sisters, all 
in slavery, brought sad reflections. 

Lloyd Hacket, alias Perry Watkins and William Henry Johnson, 
alias John Wesley. 

No weather was too cold for travel, nor way too rough, when the slave 
was made to feel by his heartless master, that he was going to sell him or 
starve him to death. 

Lloyd had toiled on until he had reached fifty-five, before he came to 
the conclusion, that he could endure the treatment of his master, Jolm 
Griffin, no longer, simply because " he was not good to feed and clothe," and 
was a "great fighter." Moreover, he would "never suflTer his slaves to stop 
work on account of bad weather." Not only was his master cruel in these 
jjarticulars, but he was equally cruel with regard to selling. Georgia Mas 
continually held up to the slaves with a view of producing a wholesome fear, 
but in this instance, as in many similar ones, it only awakened desires to 
seek flight via the Underground Rail Road. 

Lloyd, convinced by experience, that matters with him would be no 
better, but worse and worse, resolved that he would start with the ojieniiig 
of the New Year to see if he could not find a better country than the one 
that he was then in. 

He consulted William, who, although a young man of only twenty-four 
years of age, had the hate of slavery exceedingly strong in his heart, and 
was at once willing to accompany Lloyd — ready to face cold weather 
and start on a lon<; walk if freedom could be thus purchased, and liis master, 
John Hall, thus defeated. So Lloyd took a heroic leave of his Avife, INIary 
Ann, and their little boy, one brother, one sister, and two nieces, and at once 



SUNDB Y ARRIVALS. 311 

set out with William, like pilgrims and strangers seeking a better country — 
where they would not have to go "hungry" and be "worked hard in 
all weather," threatened with the auction-block, and brutally flogged if 
they merely seemed unwilling to endure a yoke too grievous to be borne. 
Both these travelers were mulattoes, and but for the crushing influences that 
they had lived under would have made smart men — as it was they showed 
plainly, that they were men of shrewd sense. 

Inadvertently at the time of their arrival, the names of the State and 
place whence they fled were not entered on the book. 

In traveling they suffered severely from hunger and the longdistance they 
had to walk, but having succeeded victoriously they were prepared to rejoice 
all the more. 

David Edwards. John J. Slater, coachmaker of Petersburg, Virginia, 
if he is still living, and should see these items, may solve what may have 
been for years a great mystery to him — namely, that David, his man- 
servant, was enjoying himself in Philadelphia about the first week in Jan- 
uary, 1855, receiving free accommodations and obtaining letters of intro- 
duction to friends in Canada. Furthermore, that David alleged that he was 
induced to escape because he (the coachmaker) was a very hard man, who 
took every dollar of his earnings, from which he would dole out to him 
only one dollar a week for board, etc., a sum less than David could manage 
to get along with. 

David was thirty years of age, black, weighed one hundred and forty-five 
pounds, and was worth one thousand dollars. He left his wife behind. 

Beverly Good and George Walker, alias Austin Valentine. These 
passengers came from Petersburg, per steamship Pennsylvania. Richard 
Perry was lording it over Beverly, who was a young man of twenty-four 
years of age, dark, medium size, and possessed of a quick intellect — just the 
man that an Underground Rail Road agent in the South could approach with 
assurance with questions such as these — " What do you think of Slavery ?" 
" Did you ever hear of the Underground Rail Road ?" " How would you 
like to be free?" "Would you be willing to go to Canada if you could get 
off safely," etc., etc. 

Such questions at once kindled into a flame the sparks of freedom lying 
dormant in the heart. Although uttered in a whisper, they had a won- 
drous ring about them, and a wide-awake bondman instantly grasped their 
meaning. Beverly was of this class ; he needed no arguments to prove that 
he was daily robbed of his rights — that Slavery was merciless and freedom 
the God-given right of all mankind. Of him, therefore, there was no fear 
that he would betray his trust or flinch too soon when cramped up in his 
hiding-place on the steamer. 

His comrade, George, was likewise of the same mettle, and was aided in 
the same way. George, however, had more age on his side, being about 



312 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

forty-tliree. He was about six feet high, with marked physical and mental 
abilities, but Slavery had had it^ heel upon his neck. And who could 
then have risen ? 

Eliza Jones held the deed for George, and by her he was hired as foreman 
in a tobacco factory, in which position his duties were onerous — especially to 
one with a heavy, bleeding heart, throbbing daily for freedom, while, at 
the same time, inournfully brooding over past wrongs. Of these wrongs 
one incident must suffice. He had been married twice, and had been the 
father of six children by his first wife; at the command of his owner the 
wedded relations were abruptly broken, and he was obliged to seek another 
wife. In entering this story on the book at the time of the arrival, the con- 
cluding words were written thus: "This story is thrilling, but time will not 
allow its being penned." 

Although safely under the protection of the British Lion, George's heart 
was in Virginia, where his wife was retained. As he could not return for 
lier deliverance, he was wise enough to resort to the pen, hoping in this way 
to effect his grand object, as the following letter will show: 

Toronto, January 25th, 1855. 

Dear Friend Still : — George Walker, of Petersburg, Va., is now in my office, and 
requests me to write a letter to you, and request you to write to his wife, after or accord- 
ing to the instructions he gave to his friend, John Brown, in your city, with whom he says 
you are acquainted. You will understand, of course, his reason for wanting the letter 
wrote and posted at Philadelphia. You will please attend to it and address a letter to 
him (Walker) in my care. He and Beverly Good, his comrade, tender much love to you. 
Send them on ; we are prepared for them. Yours in great haste, J. B. Smith. 

P. S. — Be sure and follow the directions given to Brown. 

Adam Buooks, alias "William Smith. Hardtown, Montgomery county, 
Maryland, lost a rather promising " article of merchandise," in the person of 
Adam. The particulars of his going are on this wise: John Phillips, his 
so-called master, believed in selling, and practiced accordingly, to the extent 
at least of selling Adam's mother, brother, and sister only two years before 
his escape. 

If Adam had known nothing else against Phillips, this was enough in all 
conscience to have awakened his deadly hate; but, added to this, P]iillii)s 
was imprudent in his habit of threatening to "sell," etc. This kept the 
old wound in Adam's heart continually bleeding and forced him to the 
conclusion, that his master was not only a hard man, as a driver on the farm, 
but that at heart he was actnallv a bad man. Furthermore, that it was his 
duty to break his fetters and .seek his freedom in Canada. 

In thus looking at his situation, his mind was worked uj) to fever heat, 
and he resolved that, let the consequences be what they might, go he must. 
In this pronii.sing .state of mind he started, at an appointed time, for Penn- 
sylvania, and, .sure enough, he succeeded. Having the appearance of a 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 3I3 

desirable working-hand, a Pennsylvania farmer prevailed on him to stop 
for a time. It was not long before the folly of this halt was plainly dis- 
cernible, as his master had evidently got wind of his whereabouts, and was 
pretty hot in pursuit. Word reached Adam, however, barely in time for 
him to make his escape through the aid of friends. 

In coming into the hands of the Committee he needed no persuading to 
go to Canada; he was occupied with two interesting problems, to go back 
or to go forward. But he set his face hopefully towards Canada, and had no 
thought of stopping short thereof. In stature, he was small; color, black; 
countenance, pleasant, and intellect, medium. As to his fitness for making 
a good citizen in Canada the Committee had no doubt. 

Sarah A. Dunagan. Having no one to care for her, and, having been 
threatened with the auction-block, Sarah mustered pluck and started out in 
search of a new home among strangers beyond the borders of slave territory. 
According to her story, she "was born free'' in the State of Delaware, but 
had been "bound out" to a man by the name of George Churchman, 
living in Wilmington. Here she averred, that she "had been flogged re- 
peatedly," and had been otherwise ill-treated, while no one interfered to 
take her part. Consequently she concluded, that although she was born free, 
she would not be likely to be benefited thereby unless she made her escape 
on the Underground Rail Road. This idea of freedom continued io agitato 
Sarah's mind until she decided to leave forthwith. She was a young mulatto 
woman, single, and told her story of hardships and of the dread of being 
sold, in a manner to elicit much sympathy. She had a mother living in 
New Castle, named Ann Eliza Kingslow. It was no uncommon thing for 
free-born }K'rsons in slave States to lose their birth-right in a manner simi- 
lar to that by which Sarah feared that she had lost hers. 

"Arrived JosEPfi Hall, Jr., son of Joseph Hall, of Norfolk, Virginia." 
This is all that is recorded of this passenger, yet it is possible that this item 
of news may lead to the recognition. of Joseph, should he still hai)pen to be 
of the large multitude of fugitives scattered over the land amongst the 
living. 

Isaac D. Davis. In fleeing from bondage, in Maryland, Davis was 
induced to stoj^, as many others were, in Pennsylvania. Not comprehending 
the Fugitive Slave Law he fancied that he would be safe so long as he kept 
matters private concerning his origin. But in this particular he labored 
under a complete delusion — when he least dreamed of danger the slave- 
catchers were scenting him close. Of their approach, however, he was for- 
tunate enough to be notified in time to place himself in the hands of the 
Committee, who soon held out Canada to him, as the only sure refuge for 
him, and all others similarly situated. His fears of being carried back 
opened his eyes, and understanding, so that he could readily see the force of 
this argument, and accepting the proffered aid of the Committee was sent on 



314 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

his "way rejoicing. He had been away from his master eigliteen months, and 
in the meanwhile had married a wife in Pennsylvania. What became of 
them after this flight the book contains no record. 

Jacob Matthias Boyer left at about the age of tM'cnty. He had no 
idea of working in the condition of a slave, but if he had not been threat- 
ened with the auction-block, he might have remained much longer than he 
did. He had been owned by Richard Garmaii, cashier of one of the Anna- 
j)olis banks, and who had recently died. Jacob fled from Annai)olis. Very 
little record was made of either master or slave. Probably no incidents 
were related of sufficient importance, still the Committee felt pleased to 
receive one so young. Indeed, it always afforded the Committee especial 
satisfaction to see children, young people, and females escaping from the 
prison-house. Jacob was of a dark hue, a little below medium stature. 

Zechariaii Mead, alias John AVilliams. This traveler had been in the 
house of bondage in Maryland, doing service for Charles C. Owens, to 
whom he belonged. According to Zechariah's statement, his mistress had 
been very unfortunate with her slave property, having lost fifteen head out 
of twenty in a similar manner to that by which she lost Zechariaii. Thus 
she had been considerably reduced in circumstances. But Zechariaii had no 
compassion on her whatever, but insisted that she was a hard mistress. 
Doubtless Zechariaii was prompted to flee by the " bad " example of others 
who had succeeded in making good their escape, before he had made up his 
mind to leave. He was not yet quite twenty-one, but was wide-awake, and 
it appeared from his conversation, that he had done some close thinking 
before he started for freedom. He left his father, mother, and three 
brothers, all slaves except his father. 



SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED 

WIVES. 

JAMES GRIFFIN ALIAS THOMAS BROWN. 

James was a tiller of the soil under the yoke of Joshua Hitch, who lived 
on a farm about seventeen miles from Baltimore. James spoke rather favor- 
ably of hini ; indeed, it was through a direct act of kindness on the part of 
his master that he procured the opportunity to make good his escai)e. It 
appeared from his story, that his master's affairs had become particularly 
embarrassed, and the Sheriff was making frequent visits to his house. This 
sign was interpreted to mean that James, if not others, would have to be 
sold before long. The master was much puzzled to decide which way to 
turn. He owned but three other adult slaves besides James, and they were 



i 



SLA VE- HOLDER IN 3IAR YLAND. 3 1 5 

females. One of tliem was his chief housekeeper, and with them all his 
social relations were of such a nature as to lead James and others to think 
and say that they '* were all his wives." Or to use James's own language, 
"he had three slave women; two were sisters, and he lived with them all as his 
wives; two of them he was very fond of," and desired to keep them from 
being sold if possible. The third, he concluded he could not save, she would 
have to be sold. In this dilemma, he was good enough to allow James a 
few days' holiday, for the purpose of finding him a good master. Express- 
ing his satisfaction and gratification, James, armed with full authority from 
his master to select a choice specimen, started for Baltimore. 

On reaching Baltimore, however, James carefully steered clear of all 
slave-holders, ajid shrewdly turned his attention to the matter of getting an 
Underground Rail Road ticket for Canada. After making as much inquiry 
as he felt was safe, he came to the conclusion to walk of nights for a long 
distance. He exaiuined his feet and legs, found that they were in good 
order, and his faith and hope strong enough to remove a mountain. Besides 
several days still remained in which he was permitted to look for a new 
master, and these he decided could be profitably spent in making his way 
towards Canada. So off he started, at no doubt a very diligent pace, for at 
the end of the first night's journey, ho had made much headway, but at the 
expense of his feet. 

His faith was stronger than ever. So he rested next day in the woods, 
concealed, of course, and the next evening started with fresh courage and 
renewed perseverance. Finally, he reached Columbia, Pennsylvania, and 
there he had the happiness to learn, that the mountain which at first had 
tried his faith so severely, was removed, and friendly hands were reached out 
and a more speedy and comfortable mode of travel advised. He was directed 
to the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, from whom he received friendly 
aid, and all necessary information respecting Canada and how to get there. 

James was thirty-one years of age, rather a fine-looking man, of a chest- 
nut color, and quite intelligent. He had been a married man, but for two 
years before his escape, he had been a widower — that is, his wife had been 
sold away from him to North Carolina, and in that space of time he had 
received only three letters from her; he had given up all hope of ever seeing 
her again. He had two little boys living in Baltimore, whom he was obliged 
to leave. Their names were Edward and William. What became of them 
afterwards was never known at the Philadelphia station. 

James's master was a man of about fifty years of age — who had never 
been lawfully married, yet had a number of children on his place who were 
of great concern to him in the midst of other pressing embarrassments. Of 
course, the Committee never learned how matters were settled after James 
left, but, in all probability, his wives, Nancy and Mary (sisters), and Lizzie, 
with all the children, had to be sold. 



316 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. 

NAMES OF I'ASSENGERS. 

Petee IIeines, Eatontown, North Carolina; Matthew Bor>AMS, Ply- 
mouth, North Carolina; James ]\Iokkis, South End, North Carolina; 
Charles Thompson, Charity Thompson, Nathaniel Bowser, and 
Thomas Cooper, Portsmouth, Virginia ; George Anderson, Elkton, 

Maryland. 

.t 
Their arrival was announced by Thomas Garrett as follows: 

Wilmington, 7th mo., 19tb, 1856, 
Respected Friend, William Still : — I now have the pleasure of consigning to thj 
care four able-bodied human beings from North Carolina, and five from Virginia, one of| 
which is a girl twelve or thirteen years of age, the rest all men. After thee has seen anc 
conversed with them, thee can determine what is best to be done with them. I am as- 
sured they are such as can take good care of themselves, Elijah Pennypacker, some time''" 
since, informed me he could find employment in his neighborhood for two or three good'^ 
hands. I should think that those from Carolina would be about as safe in that neighbor- 
hood as any place this side of Canada. Wishing our friends a sale trip, I remain thy sin- 
cere friend, Thos. Garkett. 

After conferring with Harry Craige, we have concluded to send five or six of tliem to- 
night in the cars, and the balance, if those go safe, to-morrow night, or in the steam-boat' 
on Second day morning, directed to the Anti-Slavery office. 

There was much rejoicing over these select passengers, and very much 
interesting information was elicited from them. 

Peter was only twenty-one years of age, composed of equal parts of An- 
glo-Saxon and Anglo- African blood — rather a model-looking "article," 
with a fair share of intelligence. As a slave, he had fared pretty well — ^ 
he had neither been abused nor stinted of food or clothing, as many others 
had been. His duties had been to attend upon his master (and reputed 
father), Elias IIeines, Esq., a lawyer by profession in North Carolina, 

No charges Avhatever appear to have been made against Mr. IIeines, 
according to the record book; but Peter seemed filled with great delight at 
the prospects ahead, as well as with the success that had attended his etibrts 
thus far in striking for freedom. 

James was twenty-seven years of age. His experience had been quite 
different from that of Peter's. The heel of a woman, by the name of }drs. 
Ann M(>C(>urt, had been on James's neck, and she had caused liim to suiler 
severely. As James recounted his grievances, while nniler the rule, he by 
no means gave her a very flattering character, but, on the contrary, he 
plainly stated, that she was a " desperate woman " — that he had " never 
known any good of her," and that he was moved to escape to get rid of her. 
In other words she had threatened to sell him ; this well nigh produced a 
frenzy in James's mind, for too well did he remember, that he had already 



CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. 317 

been sold three times, and in different stages of his bondage had been treated 
quite cruelly. In the change of masters he was positive in saying, that he 
had not found a good one, and, besides, he entertained the belief that such 
personages were very rare. 

Those of the Committee who listened to James were not a little amazed 
at his fluency, intelligence and earnestness, and acknowledged that he dealt 
unusually telling blows against the Patriarchal Institution. 

Matthew was twenty-three years of age, very stout — no fool — a man of 
decided resolution, and of the very best black complexion produced in the 
South. Matthew had a very serious bill of complaints against Samuel Sim- 
mons, who professed to own him (jMatthew), both body and mind, while in 
this world at least. Among these complaints v/as the charge of ill- 
treatment. Nevertheless Matthew's joy and pleasure were matchless over 
his Underground Rail Road triumph, and the prospect of being so soon out 
of the land and reach of Slavery, and in a land where he could enjoy 
his freedom as others enjoyed theirs. Indeed the entire band evinced similar 
feelings. Matthew left a brother in Martin county. 

Further sketches of this interesting company were not entered on the book 
at the time, perhaps on account of the great press of Underground Rail 
Road business which engaged the attention of the acting Committee. How- 
ever, they were all duly cared for, and counselled to go to Canada, where 
their rights would be protected by a strong and powerful government, and 
they could enjoy all the rights of citizenship in common with " all the world 
>and the rest of mankind." And especially M'cre they advised to get education; 
to act as men, and remember those still in bonds as bound with them, and 
that they must not forget to write back, after their arrival in Canada, to in- 
form their friends in Philadelphia of their prospects, and what they thought 
of the "goodly land." Thus, with the usual Underground Rail Road pass- 
ports, they were again started Canada-ward. Without difficulty of any kind 
they duly reached Canada, and a portion of them wrote back as follows: 

"Toronto, C. W., Aug. 17th, 1856. 
Mr. Still: — Dear Sir — These few lines may find you as they leave us, we are well at 

present and arrived safe in Toronto. Give our respects to Mrs. S. and daughter. 

.Toronto is a very extensive place. We have plenty of pork, beef and mutton. There are 
five market houses and many churches. Female wages is 62^ cents per day, men's wages 
is $1 and york shilling. We are now boarding at Mr, George Blunt's, on Centre street, 
two doors from Elm, back of Lawyer's Hall, and when you write to us, direct your letter 
to the care of Mr. George Blunt, &c. (Signed), James Monroe, Peter Heines, Henry 
James Morris, and Matthew Bodams." 

This intelligence was very gratifying, and most assuredly added to the 
pleasurable contemplation of having the privilege of holding out a helping 
hand to the fleeing bondman. From James Morris, one of this company, 
however, letters of a painful nature were received, touching his wife in 



:{IH Tin: rx/)i:i!<;L'(>n\/> uml uoap. 

1»(>iii1h, H«'llin^ I'orlli her "awful" siliiulitui and apjualiiiji; (o llio Coiniiiiltoc 
lo use llicii- Im'sI, «'ii(lcav(»rs (o rescue her, willi her ehil«l, Cruiii Slavi-ry. One 
(.r ihese leMei-M, HO lull ol' lomhiiig Hcntiiiieiit.s ul" all'eetioii ami appeal on 
Ix IimII" oI" his wile, is jus IoIIows: 

ToKoNro, (^maila Wi-hI, ni>|nT, ISili day of t]i,> ',)(!, mo,, 18,^;. 

Mil. W'li.i.iAM Srii.i.: — l>t'iu-Hir— I liopo Mi(>h(< hi\t's iiiiiy liiul you uin.1 your I'lmiily as 
Mii'V IciiVK uu« |.',ivt» luy roHiii'cIrt lo lidlo ("aroliuo ami \w\ luotlicr. 

l)»Mir Sir, 1 liavo n>ct>iv<>(l two l(»Mi'rs from my wifo HiiH't< I saw you, ami the second was 
(iwful. I am Morry to say nlm Hay« slw lias Ix-ou Iroatcil awful siiu-o 1 left, and she (old the 
lady hIio Ih.iuj^lil. tdic was left fr('i> :iud r\\o lold Iut Aw was an mucli slave as ever she was 
lliat (ln< n(al« was not lo 1m> HoMlcd uuld lior ilcath and il. would lie a monu'lo if she and 
lior child got it tluMi and that her maslor left a groat uumy relations and she diden no what 
ihoy woidd dt». Mr. Si ill doar Mir 1 am very sorry to hoar my wifo and child are sIuvoh 
if you ploaMt* dear sir inform me what to do for my dear wito niui ehild. She said she has 
been threatened to be put in jail thrive limt>s sineo I l(>fL also she (ells me that she is wash- 
ing lor the eaplaiii of a vt>s('l that uho to run lo rt^terslnirg hut now ho runs to I'^alliiiioro 
and h<> has pitunas lo laki^hiT (o Oolawaro or Now York for M dtdlars and sh(> had not 
the luout'v, sho stMit to mo and 1 sent hor all 1 had whioh was f) dollars dear sir can you 
inform mo what to do with a, easi» of this kind the caiitains name is Thomas. 

My wifo is name luoy an morris my ohild is nnmo lot, if ymi please dear sir answer mo 
Ra soon as you ean posahle. Ill nuy Jami'.s Mokuis, Toronto C. W. 

Ilonry .lamos Morris in ean> of \\'\\\. (loorgo l>lunt, ("outre st., '1 doors from Elam. 

Tiiis s;i(l Iftlv'r Muule :i moiinil'iji iiiij)r(>s>:it>ii, ;is il was not e;isv {o see liow 
lu-r (K'livtM'anee was lo lu> ellei'te«l. Oik- leMtiire, howe\ I'r, about (his (>|)istlo 
alVonh'il iiineh s;itisl"aetion, UMnielv, \o Know, that .lames diil nt^t loro-et his 
pcM- wile ;iii(l I'liild, who were in the prist>n-hoiis(\ iManv months alter (his 
lirst letter eanu> l(» han«l. Mrs, l)r. Willis, one o\' the llr^t hulitN in Toronto, 
wrote on his hehalf as lollows: 

Toi;oNr(>. ir>(li .luuo, Monday morning, 1857. 
To Mu. Sru.i,, Dr.AK Siu: — I write vimi this letter for a respectable young man (his 
name is Jamos Morris), ho passed through your haiiils July of last year (isr)0), and has 
just had a letter frvun his wife, whom he left behind in Virginia, tiiat she and her child aro 
likely U-' bt> sold. lh> is very anxious about this and wishful that she could get away by 
some vessel or otherwisp. His wife's naiiu> is Lucy ^[^u•ris ; the child's nanu> is Lot Mor- 
ris ; the lady's name she lives with is a Mrs. Hine (I hope I .sjiell her name riglit, Hine), nt 
the i>»rnerof Puke street and Washington stivel, in Norfolk city, Virginia. She is hired 
out to this rich ohl widow buly. James Morris wishes me to write you — ho has saved 
forty dollars, and will .«»end it to you whenever it is ivquiivd, to bring her on (o Toitmto, 
r^nnda West, It is in the bank ivady up^m call. Will you please, sir, diitvt ycnir letter 
in n>ply (o this, to a Mrs. Kinggold. Centre stivet, two dooi-s fl\Mn Klain street. TonMito, 
O.'inaila West, as I will be out of town. I write this instead of Mr. Thomas Henning, 
who IS lust about leaving lor Kngland. Hoping you will reply soon, I remain, sir. 
U.spoettully yours, A*:nis Wu.i.is. 

W hether .lames over siu^vtHled in reeoverino- his wife ami ehiUl, it* not 
ktioN^n to the writer. Many similarly situati'd were wont to appeal M.oain 
ami «i:ain. tmlil orowino; entirely hopeless. (luy wonhl eonehule to marry. 



CAPTA IN F. A RUT VES WITH NINE PASSENG EIlS. 31 Q 

Here it may be remarked, witli reference to marrylii<jj, tliat of tli(; }i;reat 
number of f'lij^itives in Canada, the male kcx was larj^ely in j)rej)ondeianee 
over the female, and many of them were single young men. This class found 
themselves very a(!ceptable to Irish girls, and frequently legal alliances were 
the result. And it is more than likely, that there are white women in Can- 
ada to-day, who arc married to some poor slave woman's fugitive husband. 

Verily, the romantic and tragic phases of the Unch-rground Rail Jioad 
are without number, if not j)ast finding rmt. 

S'-arcely had the above-mentioned nine left the Philadelphia dcjiot, ere the 
following way-worn trave](;rs came to hand; 

Perry Siiepiiard, and Isaac Reed, Eastern Shore, Maryland ; Ci;oRf;E 
Sperryman-, aliaA Thomas Johnson, Ridimond ; Vai>enti,\e Sj'iues, 
near J'etersburg; Daniei. Oreen, <iUaH Gr-x/ROE 'J'ayj/>R, J.(,'esbui-g, Vir- 
ginia; James Johnson, allaH Whjjam (Ivia'.vmt and wife Harriet, 
Prince George's county, Maryland; IlE.viiY Cooi'Eit, and William Ihraki, 
SMiTir, Middhitown, Delaware ; Anna Dorkey, Maryla?id. 

Although stiirting from wid^'ly separated localities without the slightest 
communication with each other in the South, each separate passenger earn- 
estly bent on freedom, had (endured suffering, hunger, and perils, by land 
and water, sustained by tlie hope of ultimate freedtjm. 

Perry Shephard and Isaac; Heed reported themselves as having fled 
from the ]Oastern Shore of Maryland ; that they had there been he-ld to 
s(;rvic(! or Slavery })y Sarah Ann Burgess, and Benjamin Franklin Houston, 
from whom they fled. No incidents of slave life or travel were recorded, 
save that Perry l(;fl his wife Milky Ann, and two children, Xatify and 
Kfibeeea (free). Also Isaac h'ft lils wife, Hester Ann liouisa, and the 
following named ehildrfn : Philip Henry, Harriet Ann and Jane Kli/abeth. 

George Sperryman's lot was cast amongst the oj)pressed in th<; (■'\\y oi' 
Piehmond, Va. Of the common ills of slave life, George frxild ."-pe-ak 
frorn experienee; but little of liis story, however, was recorded at the Litne. 
He had reached the Committee through the regular chann^'l — was adjudged 
wf)rthy of aid and enry>uragemcnt, and they gave it to him freely. jS'ickless 
Tenipleman was the loser in this instance; how he bore the misfortune the 
Committf.'C was not apprised. Without question, the property was delighted 
with getti)ig rid of the owner. 

Valentine Spires came a fellow-passenger with George, having "took 
out" tl)e j)revious C'hristtrias, from a \\\:\<-(t called Dunwofxly, near Peters- 
burg. ]Ie was held to service; in that place by Dr. Jesse Sfjuirf-s. HndfT 
his opi)resHive rules and demands, \'alf*ritine had been convinced that thr-re 
could be no prijice, consequently he turned his attention to one id'-a — frecflom 
and the Underground Kail Poad, and with this faith, worked his way 
through to the Committee, and was received, and aided of course. 



IY20 THE rX/>h'/!(,'/i'<>t.\/> AM//. /COA/>. 

|)\\ii. (Jifii'.N, (lr<l (idiii \V!ii-nnj;l(>ii, iK'Mi" li(>('sl)iir«r. Elliolt C'lirlctt 
HH mIiiiiihmI haviti Ity (lirnil.'iiiii|r (o nrll liiiii, lliaf llic idea of liltcrly iiiuiu!- 
(liiilflv (ni.k puMscMsion ill Pavid'H luiiid. |).i\i(l liail siinrrcd many liard- 
hlii|t,s III llif liaiids nC his ma- Ita, ImiI wImii I lie aiirl i(Mi-l>I()ck was licid up to 
liiiii, thai WUM (li(< \V(»f.sl nil, nl" nil. lie iM-caiiic u lliinkcr ii;;li| away. 
AIiIhiii}';Ii III* hud a wilr and one child in Slavery, he decided lo lice for \m 
Irccdtim al all ha/.ards, and accii!din;.'ly he eaniid mil his linn rcsoliilion. 

.Iami:s .Iomnson. This "arlicle" was ddinu; nnre(|nilcd lalior as the slavo 
1)1' 'rhomas Wallace, in I'rince (Jeorj^-e eomily, Maryland. 1 le was a hIouI 
and ru};'^ed loi'lvin;^', man, ol" I liii ly-live )'ears of a;2,<'. On escapinn-, he w.'iH 
roi'liinulc I'litiiif^h (n hring his wife, llarrici with him. She was leii ynU'H 
voutijjvr ihaii himself, and had hccii owned l>y William 'P. Wood, hy whom 
hIu< naiil (hill she had " hccn well liealcd." Hul of laic, ihis Wood \mf{ 
tiikeii lo li.pior, and .Jic fell in daiccr of being sold. SliO Knew thai nun 
ruined ihe l)csl ol' slave holdcis, so she was admonished (o t;'c( out of danger 
MS soon as possible. 

('ii\i;iis lli;\i;v ( V»on'.i; and Wii.l.lAM IsuA Ki, Sm 1111. These pusscii- 
gers w«re rcprcseiilaliscs of (he peculiar Insliliirum of Middlclown, I)ila- 
ware. Charles wum owned ItN' (\alliarine Meiidine, and William l>y .lohn I'. 
("afher. Aceordiiii;' lo (heir confession, ( 'harles and William it secnii d had 
lieen (hinkiiii;' a p)od deal over (he idea ttf " worUiiit;- for iiothini;," of heiiijf 
dailv driven (o Mippoit others, while (hey were rciulcred iiiIm labi*' (hereby. 
So they made up ihcir minds totiv the I 'ndir^;i-ouiid Ivail lu>ad, " hit, or 
miss." This resolution was made and eariicd inb» ellcct [o\\ the part (if 
Cluu'U'S at least), at (he cos( of lea\ini!,- a mo(her, (lirce brodiers, and (hrec 
wistern in Slavt>r\', wiihoiil hope ol' cNcr seeiiii; (hem apiin. flic ages 
(>t'(MuirleN aj>il William wtae respee(ively (wen(y-(wo aiul (wcn(y-onc. I>o(h 
stout ami well-made yonn^'; men, with intcllec(s well tpialified (o make (he 
wilderness of ( 'aiiada bud and blossom as (1k< rosi-, and (hitherwanl they 
NVOIV dispatched. 

Anna 1>okskv bei'anuMired t>f Slavery ju ISfaryland, where she reported 
tliat sht> had been held to si'rvlcc bv a slave-holder, kut>wn by tlu> name of 
Mli Molc-^woith. The rei-ord is silent as to how she was trcaUnl. Asa 
slave, she had be«'n britUi;ht up a sv-amstrcss, auvl was ipiiti' intellipait. Age 
twcutv-two, mulatto. 



OWKN \M> (>riU> TAYLOU'S hMdCllb Wlldl llOUslS. Ivrc. 

ru»;KK m;orui:us, rwv> v>k ruKM wirii wivks \np tniimtKN. 

Ab«»ut the latter part of Maivli, lv^r>(5, Oweu Taylor and his wife. Mary 

Ann, and their little sou, Kdward, togetlu'r with a bn>ther aud his wlfo and 

two chiKhi'u, auvl a tliir\l bn>tlicr, Ueujamiu, arrivixl from ni>ar Clear 



OWEN AXD OTirO TAYLORS FIJOIfT WITH IIORSKS, KTC. .321 

Springs, nine miles from IIu;^er.stown, Maryland. They uU lei't their home, 
or rather escaped from the prison-house, on Easter Sunday, and came vid 
Ilarrisburg, where they were assisted and directed to tli<i Vigilance <^JonimiL- 
tee in Philadtilphia. A more interesting party had n<jt reached tiic (>>m- 
mittoe for a long time. 

The three brothers were intelligent, and heroic, and, in tlie resolve to 
obtain freedom, not only for themselves, but for their wives and children 
desperately in earnest. They had counted well the cost of this Ktruggle 
fijr liberty, and had fully made up their minds that if interfered with by 
slave-catchers, somebody wouhl have to bit*; the dust. 'J'hat th(;y had 
pledged themselves never to surrender alive, was obvious. Jheir travel- 
worn appearance, their attachment for each other, the joy that the tokens 
of friendship affo.'ded them, the dcso-ijjfion they gave of incidc.'iits on tiie 
road, made an im[>ression not soon to be effaced. 

In the presence of a group like this Sumner's great and eloquent sjteech 
on the ]5arbarism of Slavery, seemed almost cold and dcati, — the mute 
appeals of these little ones in their mother's arms — the urdettei-e(l language 
of these young mothers, striving U) save their offs{)ring from the dooni of 
Slav(;ry — the resolute and manly bearing of these brothers expressed in 
words full of love of liberty, and of the determination to resist Slavery 
to the death, in defence of their wives and children — this was Sumner's 
speech enacted befoj-e our eyes. 

Owen was about fiiii'ty-onc years r)f agr-, but had exjiericnccd a deal of 
trouble. He had been married twice, and both wives were believed to be 
living. The first one, with their little child, had l>een sohi in the Halfimore 
market, about three years before, tiie mother was sent to I^ouisiana, 
the child to South Carolina. Father, mother, and cliild, part<;d with 
no hope of ever seeing each other again in this world. After Owen's 
wife was sent South, he sent her his likeness and a dress; the latter was 
received, and she was greatly delighted with it, l>ut he never lujard of 
tier having received his likeness. lie likewise wrote to her, but he was not 
sure that she received his letters. Finally, he came to the conclusion that as 
•jhc was forever dead to him, he would dr> well to marry again. Aword- 
ingly he took to himself another i>artner, the one who now accomj)auied 
him on the Underground itail iioad. 

Omitting other interesting incidents, a reference to liis handiwork will 
suffice to show the ability of Owen. Owen was a born mechanic, and his 
Tiaster practically tested his skill in various ways ; sometimes in the black- 
smith shop — at other times as a wheelwright — again at making brushes and 
jrooms, and at leisure times he wovdd try his fiatxl in all these erafts. 
This Jack-of-all-trades was, of course, very valuable to his masUir. Indeed 
lis placxi was hard to fill. 

Henry Flerv, a farmer, "about sixty-ffMir years of age, a stout, crusty oI<l 
21 



322 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

fellow," was the owner of Owen and his two brothers. Besides slaves, the 
old man was in possession of a wife, whose name was Martha, and seven 
children, who were pretty well grown up. One of the sons owned Owen's 
wife and two children. Owen declared, that they had been worked hard, 
while few jjrivilcges had been allowed them. Clothing of the poorest tex- 
ture was only sparingly furnished. Nothing like Sunday raiment was ever 
given them; for these comforts they were compelled to do over- work of 
nights. For a long time the idea of escape had been uppermost in the 
minds of this party. The first of January, past, was the time "solemnly" 
fixed upon to " took out," but for some reason or other (not found on the 
record book), their strategical minds did not see the way altogether clear, and 
they deferred starting until Easter Sunday. 

On that memorable evening, the men boldly harnessed two of Mr. Fiery's 
steeds and j)lacing their wives and children in the carriage, started off via 
Hagerstown, in a direct line for Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, at a rate that 
allowed no grass to grow under the horses' feet. In this manner they made 
good time, reac^hed Chambersburg safely, and ventured up to a hotel where 
they put up their horses. Here they bade their faithful beasts good-bye and 
"took out" for Harrisburg by another mode of travel, the cars. On their 
arrival they naturally fell into the hands of the Committee, who hurried 
tiiem off to Philadelphia, apprising the Committee there of their approach 
by a dispatch sent ahead. Probably they had scarcely reached Pliiladeiphia 
ere the Fierys were in hot haste after them, as far as Harrisburg, if not 
farther. 

It hardly need be hinted, that the community in wdiich the Fierys lived 
was deeply agitated for days after, as indeed it was along the entire route to 
Chambersburg, in consecpience of this bold and successful movement. The 
horses were easily captured at the hotel, where they were left, but, of course, 
they were mute as to what had become of their drivers. The furious 
Fierys proi)ably got wind of the fact, that they had made their way to 
Harrisburg. At any rate they made very diligent search at this point. 
While here prosecuting his hunting operations. Fiery managed to open 
communication with at least one member of the Harrisburg Committee, to 
whom his grievances were made known, but derived little satisfaction. 
. After the experience of a few weeks, the pursuers came to the conclusioDj 
that there was no likelihood of recovering them through these agencies, or 
through the Fugitive Slave Law. In their despair, therefore, they resorted 
to another " dodge." All at once they becume " sort-o'-friendly " — indeed 
more than half disposed to emancipate. The member of the Committee 
in Harrisburg had, it is probable, frequently left room for their great 
delusion, if he did not even go so far iis to feed their hopes with plausibli 
suggestions, that some assistance might be afforded by which an amicabk 
settlement mi<rht be made between masters and slaves. 



OWEXAyn OTHO TAYLORS FLIGHT WITH HORSES, ETC. 323 

The following extract, from the Committee's letter, relative to this matter, 
is open to this inference, and may serve to throw some light on the subject: 

Haerisburg, April 28, '56. 

Friend Still : — Your last came to hand ia due season, and I am happy to hear of the 
safe arrival of those gents. ******* 

I have before me the Power of Attorney of Mr. John S. Fiery, son of Mr. Henry Fiery, 
of Washington county, Md., the owner of those three men, two women and three cliildren, 
who arrived in your town on the 24th or 25th of March. He graciously condescends to 
liberate the oldest in a year, and the remainder in proportional time, if they wUl come 
back; or to sell them their time for $1300. He is sick of the job, and is ready to make 
any conditions. Now, if you personally can get word to them and get them to send him 
a letter, in my charge, informing him of their whereabouts and prospects, I think it will 
be the best answer I can make him. He will return here in a week or two, to know 
what can be done. He offers $500 to see them. 

Or if you can send me word where they are, I will endeavor to write to them for his 
special satisfaction ; or if you cannot do either, send me your latest information, for I 
intend to make him spend a few more dollars, and if possible get a little sicker of this bad 
job. Do try and send him a few bitter pills for his weak nerves and disturbed mind. 
Yours in great haste, Jos. C. Bustill. 

A subsequent letter from Mr. Bustill contains, besides other interesting 
Underground Rail Road matter, an item relative to the feeling of disap- 
pointment experienced by Mr. Fiery on learning that his property Avas in 

Canada. 

Hareisburg, May 26, '56. 

Friend Still : — I embrace the opportunity presented by the visit of our friend, John 
F. Williams, to drop you a few lines in relation to our future operations. 

The Lightning Train was put on the Road on last Monday, and as the traveling season 
has commenced and this is the Southern route for Niagara Palls, 1 have concluded not to 
send by way of Auburn, except in cases of great danger ; but hereafter we will use the 
Lightning Train, which leaves here at \h and arrives in your city at 5 o'clock in the 
morning, and I will telegraph about 5j o'clock in the afternoon, so it may I'eacli you be- 
fore you close. These four are the only ones that have come since. my last. The woman 
has been here some time waiting for her child and her beau, which she expects here about 
the first of June. If possible, please keep a knowledge of her whereabouts, to enable me 
to inform him if he comes. ******* 

I have nothing more to send you, except that John Fiery has visited us again and much 
to his chagrin received the information of their being in Canada. 

Yours as ever, Jos. C. Bustit-l. 

^Vliilst the Fierys were working like beavers to re- enslave these brave 
fugitives, the latter were daily drinking in more and more of tlie spirit of 
freedom and were busy with schemes for the deliverance of other near kin 
left behind under the galling yoke. 

Several very interesting letters were received from Otho Taylor, relative 
to a raid he designed making expressly to effect the escape of his family. 
The two subjoined must suffice, (others, much longer, cannot now be pro- 
duced, they have probably been loaned and not returned.) 



324 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

April 15th, IS57. 

SiB_We an-ived here safely. Mr. Syrus and his lady is well situated. They have a 
place for the year round 15 dollars per month. We are all well and hope that you are all 
the same. Now I wish to know whether you would please to send me some money to go 
after those people. Send it here if you please. Yours truly, Otho Taylob. 

WiLLiAii Still. 

St. Catharines, Jan. 26, 1857. 

Mr. Wii. Still : — Dear Sir — I write at this time in behalf of Otho Taylor. He is very 
anxious to go and get his family at Clear Spring, Washington county, Md. He would 
like to know if the Society there would furnish him the means to go after them from Phil- 
adelphia, that you will be running no risk in doing this. If the Society can do this, he 
■would not be absent from P. more than three days. 

He is so anxious to get his family from slavery that he is willing to do almost anything 
to get them to Canada. You may possibly recollect him — he was at your place last Au- 
gust. I think he can be trusted. If you can do something for him, he has the means to 
take him to your place. 

Please let me know immediately if you can do this. Respectfully yours, 

M. A. H. Wilson. 

Siidi appeals came very frequently from Canada, causing much sadness, 
as but little cncouni<i-emenfc could be held out to such projects. In the first 
place, the danger attendant upon snch expeditions was so fearful, and in 
the second place, our funds were i^o inadequate for this kind of work, that, 
in most cases, such aj)}ieals had to be refused. Of course, there were those 
whose continual coming, like the poor widow in the Gospel, could not be 
denied. 



i 



HEAYY REWARD. 




TiTKEE Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the subscri- 
ber, residing near IMadensburg, Prince George's county, Maryland, on Saturdiiv 
night, the 22(1 of March, TS56, my negro man, Tom "Matthews, aged about 25 
years, about n feet 9 or 10 inciies high, dark copper color, full suit of bushy hair, 
broad face, with high cheek bones, broad and square shoulders, stands and walks 
very erect, thouch quite a sluggard in action, except in a dance, at which he is 
hard to beat. Ho wore away a black coat and brown pantaloons. I will give 
the above reward if taken and brought home, or secured in jail, so that I get him. 

E. A. Jones, near Bladensburg, Md. 

As Mr. Jones may be unaware which way his man Tom traveled, 
this item may inform him that his name was entered on the Underground 
Rail Road book April 4th, 1856, at which date he appeared to be in gooil 
health and firll of hope for a .-wfe sojourn in Canada. He was dw^titutc, 
of course, just as anyl)o<ly else would have bwn, if robbers had stripped 
him <^r every dollar of his earnings ; but he felt pretty sure, that he could 
take care of him.self in her Majesty's dominion. 



CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 325 

The Committee, encouraged by his efforts, reached him a iielping 
haud and seut him on to swell the goodly number in the promised land — 

< Canada. 

On the same day that Tom arrived, the Committee had the pleasure of 
taking James Jones by the hand. He was owned by Dr. William 
Stewart, of King George's Court House, Maryland. He Wiis not, however, 
in the service of his master at the time of his escajie but was hired out 

1 in Alexandria. For some reason, not noticed in the book, James became 
dissatisfied, changed his name to Henry Rider, got an Underground Rail 

iEiOad pass and left the Dr. and his other associations in Maryland. He was 
one of the well-cared for " articles," and was of very near kin to the white 
people, at least a half-brother (mulatto, of course). He was thirty-two 
years of age, medium size, hard-featured and raw-boned, but " no marks 
about him." 

James looked as if he had had pretty good health, still the Committee 
thought that he would have much better in Canada. After hearing a 
full description of that country and of the great number of fugitives there 
from Maryland and other parts of the South, ^' Jim" felt that that was just 
the place he wanted to find, and was soon off with a free ticket, a letter of 

! introduction, etc. 



CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTI- 
CLES " ON BOARD. 

Thomas Garrett announced this in the followins: letter: 

Wilmington, 3d mo , 23d, 1856. 
Dear Friend, William Still:— Captain Fountain has arrived all safe, witli the hu- 
man cargo thee was inquiring for, a few days since. I had men waiting till 12 o'clock 
till the Captain arrived at his berth, ready to receive them ; last night they then learned, 
that he had landed them at the Rocks, near the old Swedes church, in the care of our effi- 

: cient Pilot, who is in the employ of my friend, John Hillis, and he has them now in 
charge. As soon as my breakfast is over, I will see HiUis and determine what is best to 
be done in their case. My own opinion is, we had better send them to Hook and there 

1 put them in the cars to-night and send a pilot to take them to thy house. As Marcus 

■ Hook is in Pennsylvania, the agent of the cars runs no risk of the fine of five hundred 
dollars our State imposes for assisting one of God's poor out of the State hy steamboat or 

' ^'^^^ As ever thy friend, Thos. Garrett. 

NAMES OF THE "ARTICLES." 

Rebecca Jones, and her three daugliters, Sarah Frances, Mary, and Re- 
becca; Isaiah Robinson, Arthur Spence, Caroline Taylor, and her two 
daughters, Nancy, and Mary; Daniel Robinson; Thomas Page; Benjamin 
Dickinson; David Cole and wife. 



326 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

From the tenor of Thomas Grarrett's letter, the Committee was prepared 
for a joyful reception, knowing that Captain F. was not in the habit of doing 
things by the halves — that he was not in the habit of bringing numb- 
skulls; indeed he lu^ought none but the bravest and most intelligent. Yet 
notwithstanding our knowledge of his practice in this respect, when he 
arrived we were surprised beyond measure. The women outnumbered the 
men. The two young mothers, with their interesting, hearty and fine- 
looking children representing in blood the two races about equally — pre- 
sented a very impressive spectacle. 

The men had the appearance of being active, smart, and well disposed, 
much above the generality of slaves; but, compared with those of the oppo- 
site sex, their claims for symj>athy were very faint indeed. No one could 
possibly avoid the conclusion, that these mothers, with their handsome 
daughters, were valued on the Ledger of their owners at enormously high 
prices; that lustful traders and sensualists had already gloated over the 
thought of buying them in a few short years. Probably not one of those 
beautiful girls would have brought less than fifteen hundred or two thousand 
dollars at the age of fifteen. It was therefore a great satisfaction to think, 
that their mothers, who knew full well to what a fate such slave girls were 
destined, had labored so heroically to snatch them out of this danger ere 
the critical hour arrived. 

Rebecca Jones was about twenty-eight years of age ; mulatto, good- 
looking, considerably above medium size, very intelligent, and a true-born 
heroine. 

The following reward, offered by the notorious negro-trader. Hall, proved 
that Rebecca and her children were not to be allowed to go free, if slave- 
hunters coidd be induced by a heavy pecuniary consideration to recapture 
them: 

^300 Reward is offered for the apprehension of negro woman, REBECCA 

JONES and her three children, and man ISAIAH, belonging to W. W. Davidson, 

who have disappeared since the 20th inst. The above reward will be paid tor the 

apprehension and delivery of the said Negroes to my Jail, by the attorney in fact of the 

owner, or the sura of $250 for the man alone, or $150 for the woman and three children 

alone. Wm. W. Hall, for the Attorney. 

feb. 1. 

Years before her escape, her mistress died in England; and as Rel)ecca 
had always understood, long before this event, that all the slaves were to 
be freed at the death of her mistress, she was not prepared to believe any 
other report. It turned out, however, as in thousands of other instances, 
that no will could be found, and, of course, the administrators retained 
the slave property, regardless of any verbal expressions respecting freeing, 
etc. Rebecca closely wat<-hod the course of the administrators, and in the 
meanwhile firndy resolved, that neitlier she nor her children should ever 
serve another master. Rather than submit, she declared that she would 



CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 327 

take the lives of her chiklreu and then her own. Notwithstanding her 
bold and decided stand, the report went out that she was to be sold, 
and that all the slaves were still to be held in bondage. Rebecca's 
sympathizers and friends advised her, as they thought for the best, to 
get a friend or gentleman to purchase her for herself. To this she replied: 
" Not three cents would I give, nor do I want any of my friends to buy me, 
not if they could get me for three cents. It would be of no use," she con- 
tended, " as she was fully bent on dying, rather than remain a slave," The 
slave-holders evidently understood her, and were in no hurry about bringing 
her case to an issue — they rather gave her time to become calm. But Re- 
becca was inflexible. 

Six years before her arrival, her husband had escaped, in company with 
the noted fugitive, "Shadrach." For a time after he fled, she frequently 
received letters from him, but for a long while he had ceased to write, and 
of late she had heard nothing from him. 

In escaping stowed away in the boat, she suffered terribly, bu't faithfully 
endured to the end, and was only too happy when the agony was over. After 
resting and getting thoroughly refreshed in Philadeljjhia, she, with others, 
, was forwarded to Boston, for her heart was there. Several letters were 
received from her, respecting her prospects, etc., from which it appears that 
siie had gained some knowledge of her husband, although not of a satisfac- 
tory nature. At any rate she decided that she could not receive him 
back again. The following letter has reference to her prospects, going to 
California, her husband, etc. : 

Parker Hotjse, School street, Boston, Oct. 18th, '56. 

My Dear Sir: — I can hardly express the pleasure I feel at the receipt of your kind 
letter ; but allow me to thank you for the same. 

And now I will tell you my reasons for going to California. Mrs. Tarrol, a cousin of 
my husband, has sent for me. She says I can do much better there than in Boston. And 
as I have my children's welfare to look to, I have concluded to go. Of course I shall be 
just as likely to hear from home there as here. Please tell Mr. Bagnale I shall expect one 
letter from him before I leave here. 

I should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more, and let me hear every 
particular. You never can know how anxious I am to hear from thera ; do please impress 
this upon their minds. 

I have written two letters to Dr. Lundy and never received an answer. I heard Mrs. 
Lundy was dead, and thought that might possibly be the reason he had not replied to me. 
Please tell the Doctor I should take it as a great favor if he would write me a few lines. 

I suppose you think I am going to live with my husband again. Let me assure you 
'tis no such thing. My mind is as firm as ever. And believe me, in going away from 
Boston, I am going away from him, for I have heard he is living somewhere near. He 
has been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference in my feelings to 
him. I hope that yourself, wife and family are all quite well. Please remember me to 
them all. Do me the favor to give my love to all inquiring friends. I should be most 
lappy to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of and I trust I shall 
3ver remain Yours faithfullv, Eebecca Jones. 



328 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

p. S — I do not know if I shall go this Fall, or in the Spring. It will depend upon the 
letter I receive from California, but whichever it may be, I shall be happy to hear from 
you very soon. 

IsAiAir, who Wiis a fellow-sorvant with Rebecca, and was included in the 
reward olil'red by Hall for Rebecca, etc., was a young man about twenty- 
three years of age, a mulatto, intelligent and of prepossessing manners. A 
purely ardent thirst for liberty prompted him to flee ; although he declared 
that he had been treated very badly, and had even suffered severely from 
being shamefully "beaten." He had, however, been permitted to hire 
his time by the year, for which one hundred and twenty dollai's were 
regularly demanded by his owner. Young as he was, he was a married 
man, with a wife and two children, to whom he was devoted. He had 
besides two brothers and two sisters for whom he felt a warm degree of 
brotherly affection ; yet when the hour arrived for him to accept a chance 
for freedom at the apparent sacrifice of these dearest ties of kindred, he was 
found heroic enough for this })ainful ordeal, and to give up all for freedom. 

Caroline Taylor, and her two little children, were also from Norfolk, 
and came by boat. Upon the whole, they were not less interesting than Re- 
becca Jones and her three little girls. Although Caroline was not in her 
person half so stately, nor gave such promise of heroism as Rebecca — for 
Caroline was rather small of stature — yet she was more refined, and quite 
as intelligent as Rebecca, and represented considerably more of the Anglo- 
Saxon blood. She was a mulatto, and her children were almost fair enough 
to pass for white — probably they were quadroons, hardly any one would 
have suspected that they had only one quarter of colored blood in their veins. 
For ten years Caroline had been in the habit of hiring her time at the 
rate of seventy-five dollars per year, with the exception of the last year, 
when her hire was raised to eighty-four dollars. So anxious was she to 
have her older girl (eleven years old) at home with her, that slie also hired 
her time by the year, for w^hich she was compelled to pay twenty-four 
dollars. As her younger cliild was not sufficiently grown to hire out for 
pay, siio was permitted to have it at home with her on the conditions that 
she would feed, clothe and take good care of it, permitting no expense what- 
ever to fall upon the master. 

Judging from the appearance and manners of the children, their mother 
had, doubtless, been most faithful to them, for more handsome, well-behaved, 
intelligent and pleas^Ing children could not easily be selected from either 
race or any staticm of life. The younger, Mary by name, nine years of age, 
attracted very great attention, by the deep interest she manifested in a poor 
fugitive (wliom she had never seen before), at the Philadelphia station, 
confined to the bed and suffering excruciating pain from wounds he had 
received whilst escaping. Hours and houi-s together, during the two or 
three days of their sojourn, she spent of her own accord, by liis bed-side^ 



CAPTJ IX F. ARRIVES WITH FO UR TEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 329 

manifesting almost womanly sympathy in the most devoted and tender 
manner. She thus, doubtless, unconsciously imparted to the sufferer a 
great deal of comfort. Very many affecting incidents had come under the 
observation of the acting Committee, under various circumstances, but never 
before had they witnessed a sight more interesting, a scene more touching. 

Caroline and her children were owned by Peter March, Esq., late of 
K^orfolk, but at that time, he was living in New York, and was carrying 
on the iron business. He came into possession of them through his wife, 
who was the daughter of Caroline's former master, and almost the only heir 
left, in consequence of the terrible fever of the previous summer. Caroline 
was living under the daily fear of being sold; this, together with the task 
of supporting herself and two children, made her burden very grievous. 
Not a great while before her escape, her New York master had been on to 
Norfolk, expressly with a view of selling her, and asked two thousand 
dollars for her. This, however, he failed to get, and was still awaiting an 
offer. 

These ill omens aroused Caroline to think more seriously over the con- 
dition of herself and children than she had ever done before, and in this 
state of mind she came to the conclusion, that she would strive to save her- 
self and children by flight on the Underground Rail Road. She knew full 
well, that it was no faint-hearted struggle that was required of her, so she 
had nerved herself with the old martyr spirit to risk her all on her faith 
in God and Freedom, and was ready to take the consequences if she fell back 
into the hands of the enemy. This noble decision was the crowning act 
in the undertakings of thousands similarly situated. Through this faith 
she gained the liberty of herself and her children. Quite a number of the 
friends of the slave saw these interesting fugitives, and wept, and rejoiced 
witli them. 

Col. A. Cummings, in those days Publisher of the " Evening Bulletin," 
for the first time, witnessed an Underground Rail Road arrival. Some time 
previous, in conversation with Mr. J. M. INIcKim, the Colonel had ex- 
pressed views not altogether favorable to the Underground Rail Road.- 
indced he was rather inclined to apologize for slavery, if not to defend the 
Fugitive Slave Law. While endeavoring somewhat tenaciously to maintain 
his ground, Mr. IMcKim opposed to him not only the now well established 
Anti-Slavery doctrines, but also offered as testimony Underground Rail 
Road facts — the results of personal knowledge from daily proofs of the 
heroic struggles, marvellous faith, and intense earnestness of the fugitives. 

In all probability the Colonel did not feel prepared to deny wholly Mr. 
McKim's statement, yet, he desired to see " some " for himself. " Well," 
said Mr. McK., "you shall see some." So when this arrival came to hand, 
true to his promise, Mr. McK. called on the Colonel and invited him to 
accompany him to the Underground Rail Road station. He assured the 



300 THE UyDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Colonel tli.it li(> (litl not wnnt :iny money fVi>in liini, but simply wanted to 
ciuivineo liim ol'iiis vrvov in tlio recent armiment that tliey hail hoUl on the 
yuhject. .Veeorilini^ly the Colonel aeeomj)anie(l him, and lound that twentv- 
two passengers had been on hand within the past twenty-four hours, and 
at least sixteen or s(>venteeu were then in his presence. It is needless to 
say, that such a sight admitted of" no contradiction — no argument — no 
doubt. Tlie facts were too self-evident. The Colonel could say but little, 
so complete was his amazement; but he voluntarily attested the thoroughness 
of his conversion by pulling out of liis pocket and handing to Mr. McK. a 
twenty dollar gold piece to aid the passengers on to freedom. 

In these hours of rest and joyful anticipation the necessities of both large 
and small were administcreil to according to their needs, before forwarding 
them still further. The lime and attention rcipiired ibr so many left but 
little oppoi'tunity, however, ibr the Secretary to write their narratives. 
lie had only evening leisure ibr the Mork. Ten or twelve of that 
party had to be sent olf Avithout liaving their stories recorded. Daniel 
Robertson was one (»f this number; his name is simply entered on the 
roll, and, but for letters received from him, after ho passed on North, 
no further knowledge would have been obtained. In Petersburg, whence 
he escaped, he left his wife, tor whose deliverance he felt bound to do 
.everything that lay in his power, as the subjoined letters will attest: 

Havana, August 11, 1856, Schuylkill Co., N. Y. 

Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir: — I came from Virginia in March, and was at your oflice 
the last of March. My object iu writing you, is to inquire what I can do, or what can be 
done to help my wife to escape from the same bondage that I was in. You will knew 
by your books that I was from Petersburg, Va., and that is where my wife now is. I 
have received two or three letters from a lady in that place, and the last one says, thai my 
wife's mistress is dead, and that she expects to be sold. I ara very anxious to do what I 
can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to devise some means to get her away. 
Capt. the man that brought me away, knows the colored agent at Petersburg, and 
knows he will do all he can to forward my wife. The Capt. promised, that when I could 
raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver her in Philadelphia. Tell liiin that 
I can now raise the money, and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks tliat he 
can bring her. Please .see the Captain and lind when he will undertake it, and then let me 
know when to forward the money to you. I am at work for tlie Hon. Charles Cook, and 
can send the money any day. My wife's name is Harriet Kobertson, and the agent at 
Petersburg knows her. 

Please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to N. Coryell, of this village, 
and he will see that all is right. Very respectfully, Paniel Robertson. 

Havana, Aug. IS, 1856. 
Mr. Wm. Still— Dear Sir:— Youi-s of the ISth, for D. Robertson, was duly received. 
In behalf of Daniel, I thank you kindly for the interest you manifest in him. The letters 
that have gone from him to his friends in Virginia, have been written by me, and sent in 
such a manner as we thought would best ensure safety. Yet I am well aware of the risk 
of writing, and have restrained him as far as possible, and the last one I wrote was to be 



CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 331 

the last, till an effort was made to reclaim his wife. Daniel is a faithful, likely man, and 
is well liked by all who know him. He is industrious and prudent, and is bending hi's 
whole energies toward the reclaiming his wife. He can forward to you the one hundred 
dollars at any day that it may be wanted, and if you can do anything to forward his inter- 
ests it will be very gratefully received as an additional favor on your part. He asks for 
no money, but your kindly efforts, which he regards more highly than money. 

Very respectfully, N. Coeyell. 

The letters that have been written for him were dated " Niagara Falls, Canada West," 
and his friends think he is there — none of them know to the contrary — it is important 
that they never do know. N. C. 

Havana, Sept. 29, 1856. 
Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir : — I enclose herewith a draft on New York, payable to your 
order, for $100, to be paid on the delivery at Philadelphia of Daniel Robertson's wife. 

You can readily see that it has been necessary for Daniel to work almost night and day 
to have laid up so large an amount of money, since the first of April, as this one hundred 
dollars, Daniel is industrious and prudent, and saves all of his earnings, above his most 
absolute wants. If the Captain is not successful in getting Daniel's wife, you, of course, 
j will return the draft, without charge, as you said. I hope success will attend him, for 
Daniel deserves to be rewarded, if ever man did. Yours, &c. N. Coeyell. 

Havana, Jan. 2, 1857. 
Deae Sir : — Your favor containing draft on N. York, for Daniel Robertson, came to 
hand on the 31st ult. Daniel begs to tender his acknowledgments for your kind interest 
manifested in his behalf, and says he hopes you will leave no measure untried which has 
any appearance of success, and that the money shall be forthcoming at a moment's notice. 
Daniel thinks that since Christmas, the chances for his wife's deliverance are fewer than 
before, for at that time he fears she was disposed of and possibly went South. 
The paper sent me, with your well- written article, was received, and on reading it to 
: Daniel, he knew some of the parties mentioned in it — he was much pleased to hear it 
; read. Daniel spent New Year's in Elmira, about 18 miles from this place, and there he 
met two whom he was well acquainted with. Yours, &c., N. Coryell. 

Wm. Still, Esq., Phila. 

[ Such devotion to freedom, such untiring labor, such appeals as those letters 
contained awakened dee[) interest in the breasts of Daniel's new friends, 
which spoke volumes in favor of the Slave and against slave-holders. But, 
alas, nothing could be done to relieve the sorrowing mind of poor Daniel for 
the deliverance of his wife in chains. The Committee sympathized deeply 
with him, but could do no more. What other events followed, in Daniel's 
life as a fugitive, were never made known to the Committee. 

ArtiiuPw Spence also deserves a notice. lie was from North Carolina, 
about twenty-four years of age, and of pleasing appearance, and was heart 
and soul in sympathy with the cause of the Underground Rail Road. 
In North Carolina he declared that he had been heavily oppressed by being 
i compelled to pay $175 per annum for his hire. In order to get rid of this 
I heavy load, l)y shrewd management he gained access to the kind-hearted 
Captain and procured an Underground Rail Road ticket. In leaving 



332 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

bondage, he was obliged to leave his mother, two brothers and one sister. 
He appeared to be composed of just the kind of material for making a good 
British subject. 

Ben Dickinson. Ben was also a slave in North Carolina — located at 
Eatontown, being the property of " Miss Ann Blunt, who was very hard," 
In slave property Miss Blunt was interested to the number of about "ninety 
head." She was much in the habit of hiring out servants, and in thus dis- 
posing of her slaves Ben thought she was a great deal more concerned in 
getting good prices for herself than good places for them. Indeed he de- 
clared that "she did not care how mean the place was, if she could only get 
her price." For three years Ben had Canada and the Underground Rail Road 
in view, having been " badly tr^ted." At last the long-looked for time 
arrived, and he conferred neither with master nor mistress, but " picked 
himself up " and "took out." Age twenty-eight, medium size, quite dark, 
a good carpenter, and generally intelligent. Left two sisters, etc. 

Of this heroic and promising party we can only mention, in conclusion, 
one more passenger, namely: 

Tom Page. At the time of his arrival, his name only was enrolled on 
the book. Yet he was not a j^assenger soon to be forgotten — he was but a 
mere boy, probably eighteen years of age ; but a more apt, ready-witted, 
active, intelligent and self-reliant fellow is not often seen. 

Judging from his smartness, under slavery, with no chances, it was easy 
to imagine how creditably he miglit with a white boy's chances have 
climbed the hill of art and science. Obviously he had intellect enough, 
if properly cultivated, to fill any station within the ordinary reach of 
intelligent American citizens. He could read and write remarkably well for 
a slave, and well did he understand his advantages in this particular ; indeed 
if slave-holders had only been aware of the growing tendency of Tom's 
mind, they would have rejoiced at hearing of his departure for Canada; he 
was a most dangerous piece of property to be growing up amongst slaves. 

After leaving the Committee and going North his uncaged mind felt the 
need of more education, and at the same time he was eager to make money, 
and <lo something in life. As lie had no one to depend on, parents and 
relatives being left behind in Norfolk, he felt that he must rely upon 
himself, young as ho was. He first took up his abode in Boston, or 
New Bedford, where most of the party with whom he escaped went, and 
where he had an aunt, and perhaps some other distant kin. There he 
worked and was a live young liian indeed — among the foremost in ideas and 
notions about freedom, etc., as many letters from him bore evidence. After 
spending a year or more in Massachusetts, he liad a desire to see how the 
fugitives were doing in Upper and Lower Canada, and if any better chances 
existed in these parts for men of his stamp. 

Some of his letters, from different places, gave proof of real thought 



CAPTAIX F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 333 

and close observation, but they were not generally saved, probably were 
loaned to be read by friendly eyes. Nevertheless the two subjoined will, in 
a measure, suffice to give some idea of his intelligence, etc. 

Boston, Mass., Feb. 25th, 1857. 
William Still, Esq. : — Dear Sir — I have not heard from you for some time. I take 
this opportunity of writing you a few lines to let you and all know that I am well at 
present and thank God for it. Dear Sir, I hear that the under ground railroad was in 
operation. I am glad to hear that. Give my best respects to your family and also to 
Dr. L., Mr. Warrick, Mr. Camp and familys, to Mr. Fisher, Mr. Taylor to all Friends 
names too numerous to mention. Please to let me know when the road arrived with 
another cargo. I want to come to see you all before long, if nothing happens and life 
lasts. Mrs. Gault requested me to learn of you if you ask Mr. Bagnal if he will see 
father and what he says about the children. Please to answer as soon as possible. No 
more at present from a friend, Thomas F. Page. 

Niagara Falls, N. Y., Oct. 6th, '58. 
Dear Sip. : — I received your kind letter and I was very glad to hear from you and your 
family. This leaves me well, and I hope when this comes to hand it may find you the 
same. I have seen a large number of your U. G. R. R. friends in my travels through the 
Eastern as well as the Western States. Well there are a good many from my own city 
who I know — some I talk to on private matters and some I wont. Well around here 
there are so many — Tom, Dick and Harry — that you do not know who your friend is. 
So it don't hurt any one to be careful. Well, somehow or another, I do not like Canada, 
or the Provinces. I have been to St. John, N. B., Lower Province, or Lower Canada, 
also St. Catharines, C, W., and all around the Canada side, and I do not like it at all. The 
people seem to be so queer — though I suppose if I had of went to Canada when I first 
came North to live, I might like it by this time. I was home when Aunt had her Ambro- 
type taken for you. She often speaks of your kindness to her. There are a number of 
your friends wishes you well. My little brother is going to school in Boston. The lady, 
Mrs. Hillard, that my Aunt lives with, thinks a good deal of him. He is very smart and 
I think, if he lives, he may be of some account. Do you ever see my old friend, Capt. 
Fountain? Please to give my love to him, and tell him to come to Boston, as there are 
a number of his friends that would like to see him. My best respects to all friends. I must 
now bring ray short epistle to a close, by saying I remain your friend truly, 

Thomas F; Page. 

While a portion of the party, on hand with him, came as passengers with 
Capt. F., another portion was brought by Capt. B., both parties arriving 
within twelve hours of each other ; and both had likewise been frozen up 
on the route for weeks with their respective live freight on board. 

The sufferings for food, which they were called upon to endure, were be- 
yond description. They happened to have plenty of salt fat pork, and per- 
haps beans, Indian meal and some potatoes for standing dishes ; the more 
delicate necessaries did not probably last longer than the first or second week 
of their ice-bondage. 

Without a doubt, one of thege Captains left Norfolk about the twentieth 
of January, but did not reach Philadelphia till about the twentieth of 



334 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

March, having been frozen up, of course, during the greater part of that 
time. Men, women and ehihlren were alike sharers in the common struggle 
for freedom — were alike an hungered, in prison, naked, and sick, but it was 
a fearful thing in those days for even women and children to whisper their 
sad lamentations in the city of Philadelphia, except to those friendly to the 
Underground Rail Road. 

Doubtless, if these mothers, with their children and partners in tribula- 
tion, could have been seen as they arrived direct from the boats, many hearts 
would have melted, and many tears would have found their Avay down many 
clieeks. But at that time cotton was acknowledged to be Isaw^i — the Fuixi- 
tive Slave Law was supreme, and the notorious decision of Judge Taney, 
that " black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," 
echoed the prejudices of the masses too clearly to have made it safe to reveal 
the fact of their arrival, or even the heart-rending condition of these Fugi- 
tives. 

Nevertheless, they were not turned away empty, though at a peril they 
were fed, aided, and comforted, and sent away Avell clothed. Indeed, so 
bountifully were the M'omen and children supplied, that as they Avere being 
conveyed to the Camden and Amboy station, they looked more like a plea- 
suring party than like fugitives. Some of the good friends of the slave 
sent clothing, and likewise cheered them with their presence. 

[Before the close of this volume, such friends and sympathizers A\'ill be 
more particularly noticed in an appropriate place.] 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS— LATTER PART OF DECE:\rBER, 1855, 
AND BEGINNING OF JANUARY, 1856. 

JosEi'Ti Cornish, Dorchester Co., Md.; Lewis Francis, aUan Lewis 
Joiixsox, Harford Co., Md.; Alexander Munson, Chestertown, Md.; 
Samuel and Ann Scott, Cecil Cross-Roads, ]\Id. ; Wm. Henry Lam- 
INSON, Del.; Isaac Stout, alias George Washington, Caroline 
Graves, Md.; Henry and Eliza Washington, Alexandria, Ya.; 
Henry Chambers, John Chambers, Samuel Fall, and Thomas 
Anderson, ^Id. 

Joseph Cornish was about forty years of age when lie escaped. The 
heavy bonds of Slavery made him miserable. He was a man of 
much natural ability, quite dark, well-made, and said that he had been 
" worked very hard." According to his statement, he had been an " accep- 
table preacher in the African Methodist Church," and was also " respected 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. ^ 335 

by the respectable white and colored people in his neighborhood." He would 
not have escaped but for fear of being sold, as he had a wife and five chil- 
dren to whom he was very much attached, but had to leave them behind. 
Fortunately they were free. 

Of his ministry and connection with the Church, he spoke with feelings 
of apparent solemnity, evidently under the impression that the little flock 
he left would be without a shepherd. Of his master, Captain Samuel Le 
Count, of the U. S. Navy, he had not one good word to speak ; at least 
nothing of the kind is found on the Record Book ; but, on the contrary, 
he declared that " he was very hard on his servants, allowing them no 
chance whatever to make a little ready money for themselves." So in turn- 
ing his face towards the Underground Rail Road, and his back against 
slavery, he felt that he was doing God service. 

The Committee regarded him as a remarkable man, and was much im- 
pressed with his story, and felt it to be a privilege and a pleasure to aid him. 

Lewis Francis was a man of medium size, twenty-seven years of age, 
good-looking and intelligent. He stated that he belonged to Mrs. Dclinas, 
of Abingdon, Harford Co., Md., but that he had been hired out from a boy 
to a barl)er in Baltimore. For his hire his mistress received eight dollars 
per month. 

To encourage Lewis, his kind-hearted mistress allowed him out of his 
own wages the sum of two dollars and fifty cents per annum ! His cloth- 
ing he got as best he could, but nothing did she allow him for that purpose. 
Even with this arrangement she had been dissatisfied of late years, and 
thought she was not getting enough out of Lewis ; she, therefore, talked 
strongly of selling him. This threat was very annoying to Lewis, 
so much so, that he made up his mind that he would one day let her see, 
that so far as he was concerned, it was easier to talk of selling than it would 
be to carry out her threat. 

With this growing desire for freedom he gained what little light he could 
on the subject of traveling, Canada, etc., and at a given time off he stai'ted 
on his journey and found iiis way to the Committee, who imparted substan- 
tial aid as usual. 

Alexander INIunson, alias Samuel Garrett. This candidate for Canada 
was only eighteen years of age ; a well-grown lad, however, and had the 
one idea that " all men were born free" pretty deeply rooted in his mind. 
He was quite smart, and of a chestnut color. By the will of his original 
owner, the slaves were all entitled to their freedom, but it appeared, from 
/Vlexander's story, that the executor of the estate did not regard this freedom 
plause in the will. He had already sold some of the slaves, and others — 
be among them — were expecting to be sold before coming into possession of 
heir freedom. Two of them had been sold to Alabama, therefore, with 
hese evil warnings, young Alexander resolved to strike out at once for 



',]•](] Till-: r\ni:i!(iii(^r\n rail no ad. 

( 'im:iil:i, (lt's|)it(> ^fiirvlaiHl slavc-lioldcrs. With (liis bold niul niatily spirit 
lu' siicfcrdcd, of coiirsc. 

Anna Scoi't nnd liiisliaiid, Samuel Scolt. 'Phis couple escaped from Cecil 
Cross-Kojids, Mil. Tlic wile, in (his instance, evidently look (he lend, and 
:ic(«'d (he nunc manly par( in s(rIUin<i; ("or iVcedoni ; therei'ore, our notice of 
(his arrival will chielly relate (o her. 

Anna was owned l»y a widow, nanu'd INFrs. Ann Elizabeth Lnshy, who 
resided on a l"ariu o{' lu>r i>wn. I'^irtccn slaves, with other stock, were 
k(>p( on the |>Lu'e. She was a«'eus(on\ed (o rul(> with severity, being governed 
by a " lii.di tenipei," and in nowist' disposed to alhnv her slaves to enjoy jJ 
«'\ en oitlinarv privileges, and lu'sides, wcnild occ!isit)nally sell to the South(>rii 
market. She was calcnlatctl to ren(h>r slave life very unhappy. Anna })or- 
(raNcd her mistress's (I't'atnuMit of (Iu> slaves with much earnestness, espo- 
ciallv w hen ii'lerring to (he sale of lu>r own brotluT ami sister, l^pon the 
whi>le, (he mistress was so hateful (o Anna, (hat she resolved not to liviM'n 
the house wi(h her. Huring several years prior to her escape, Anna had 
been hii'ed (>ut, where sht> had betMi (reatt>d a little more ilcet'utlv than her 
mistrt>ss was woi\t to \.\o\ on (his ai'count she was less willing to put up with 
auv snbseipieut abuse from lu>r mis(ress. 

To eseape was the only rtMuedy, so she madi^ up her mind, that she would 
leave a( all hazards. She gave her husband to undei'stand, that she 
had resolv<'«l (o siH>k a home in Canada. Fortunately, he Avas free, but 
slavery had many wavs of putting the yoke on tlu^ cidored m:ui, even (hough 
he n\igh( W ("re(>; it was bound to ki>ep him in ignorance, and at the same 
time miserably abjt>et, so (hat he Avould seatvely dare to hndv up in the 
pres(M\ec i>f white pei>ph'. 

S\M. apparcutlv, was oui> ot" tiu> number wIk'* had In'en greatlv Avronged 
in this particular. lie had less spirit thaj\ his wife, \\\\o had been 
dirci'tlv goadt>d (o desperatit>u. lli> agreinl, however, to stautl by her 
in her strug>;les while llct'lng, and ilid so, ("or which he tlescrves 
cnnlit. It n\ust be admitted, (hat it rcipiircd siuue considerable nerve 
fiU" a free man even to ji>in his witc in au'ctlort k>( this chanictcr. 
In setting on(, Anna had to K-ave her father (^.hu'v>b Trust \\ seven sis- 
tei"s and two brothers. The names o{' the sisters were as tbllows: lane- 
line. Sus;u» -Vun, l>elilah, Mary I'li/.a, Kose(ta. KiVie Mllendcr and Kliza- 
beth; the brothel's — Fanson and Terry. For the omui\euecmeiit of their 
jourui'v they avaiknl themselves of the CMu'istmas holidays, but had to sullor 
(\\m\ the »old wcadicr they cn(»uutenHl. Yet they got along tolenibly avcII, 
and wi'ic much checrt\l by the a((eutiou and aid they nveived fn>m the 
CommidtH'. 

W 1 1. 1,1 AM llr.Ni:v Lamivson came tVom near Xewv\»stle, lVla\vare. lie 
was suKirt enough Xo take adyanta<j:c o( the oppiM'tuuity to escape at the ago 
i»f twenty-one. As he had irivcn the matter his fullest attention tor a long 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 337 

time, he was prepared to make rapid progress when h(! did start, and as he 
had no great distance to travel it is not unlikely, that while liis master was 
one night sleeping soundly, this young piece of property (worth at least 
$1 000 in the market), was crossing Mason and Dixon's Line, and steering 
directly for Canada. Francis Ilarkins was the name of the master. William 
did not give him a very bad character. 

George Washington Gooseberry, alias Isaac Stout, also took advan- 
tao-e of the holidays to separate from his old master, Anthony liybold, a 
farmer living near Newcastle, Delaware. Nothing but the desire to Ijc free 
moved George to escape. He was a young man about twenty-three years of 
age, of- a pure l^lack color, in stature, medium size, and wc;ll-made. Nothing 
remarkable is noted in the book in any way connected with his life or escape. 

Caroline Graves. Caroline was of the bond class belonging to the 
State of Maryland. Having reached the age of forty without being 
content, and seeing no bright prospect in the future, she made up her 
mind to break away from the bonds of Slavery and seek a more congenial 
atmosphere among strangers in Canada. She had had the privilege of trying 
two masters in her life-time; the first she admitted was "kind" to her, but 
the latter was "cruel." After arriving in Canada, she wrote back as fol- 
lows : 

Toronto, Jan. 22, 1856. 
Dear Sir : — William Still — 1 have found my company they arrived here on monday 
eving I found them on tusday evening. Please to be so kind as to send them boxes we 
are here without close to ware we have some white frendes is goin to pay for them at this 
end of the road. The reason that we send this note we are afraid the olither one woudcnt 
go strait because it wasent derected wright. Please to send them by the express then 
Ihay wont be lost. Please to derect these boxes for Carline Graivcs in the car of mrs. 
Brittion. Please to send the bil of the boxes on with them. Mrs. Brittion, Lousig street 
near young street. 

George Graham and wife, Jane, alias Henry Washington and Eliza. 
The cold weather of January was preferred, in this instance, for traveling. 
Indeed matters were so disagreeable with them that they could not tarry in 
their then quarters any longer. George was twenty-four years of age, quite 
smart, plea.sant countenance, and of dark complexion. 

He had experienced "rough usage" all the way along through life, not un- 
frequently from severe floggings. Twice, within the last year, he had been 
sold. In order to prevent a renewal of these inflictions he resorted to the 
Underground Rail Road with his wife, to whom he had only been married 
six months. 

In one sense, they appeared to be in a sad condition, it being the dead of 

winter, but their condition in Alexandria, under a brutal master and 

mistress Avhich b(ith had the misfortune to have, was much sadder. To 

give all their due, however, George's wife acknowledged, that she had 

22 



338 THE UXDEEGBOU.M) BAIL ROAD. 

been "well treated under her old mistress/' but through a cliange, she had 
fallen into the hands of a ''new one," by whom her life had been rendered 
most " miserable ;" so much so, that she was willing to do almost anything 
to get rid of her, and was, therefore, driven to join her husband in running 
away. 

Henry Chambees, John Chambers, Samuel Fall, and Jonathan Fisher. 
This party represented the more promising-looking field-hand slave popula- 
tion of Maryland. Henry and John were brothers, twenty-four and twenty- 
six years of age, stout made, chestnut color, good-looking, but in height 
not (piite medium. Henry "owed service or labor," to a fellow-man by the 
name of William Rybold, a farmer living near Sassafras Neck, Md. Henry 
evidently felt, that he did master Rybold no injustice in testifying that he 
knew no good of him, although he had labored under him like a beast of 
burden all his days. He had been "clothed meanly," and "poorly fed." i_ 
He also alleged, that his mistress was worse than his master, as she would it 
"think nothing of knocking and beating the slave women for nothing." 
John was owned by Thomas ]Murphy. From that day to this, Thomas may 
have been troubling his brain to know why his man John treated him so 
shabbily as to leave him in the manner that he did. Jack had a good reason 
for his course, nevertheless. In his corn field-phrase he declared, that his 
master Murphy would not give you half clothes, and besides he was a " hard 
man," who kept Jack working out on hire. Therefore, feeling his wrongs 
keenly. Jack decided, with his other friends, to run off and be free. 

Sam, another comrade, was also owned by William Rybold. Sam had 
just arrived at his maturity (twenty-one), when he was invited to join 
in the plot to escape. At first, it might be thought strange, why one so 
young should seek to escape. A few brief words from Sam soon explained 
the mystery. It was this: his master, as he said, had been in the habit of 
tying him up by the hands and flogging him unmercifully; besides, in 
the allowance of food and clothing, he always " stinted the slaves yet M'orkcd 
them very hard." Sam's chances for education had been very unfavorable, 
but he had mind enough to know that liberty was worth struggling for. 
He was willing to make the trial with the other boys. He was of a dark 
chestnut color, and of medium size. 

Jonathan belonged to A. Rybold, and was only nineteen years of age. 
All tliat need be said in relation to his testimony, is, that it agreed with his 
colleague's and fellow-servant's, Samuel. Before starting on their journey, 
they felt the need of new names, and in putting their wits together, they 
soon fixed this matter by deciding to pass in future by the following names: 
James and David Green, Jolni Henry, and Jonathan Fisher. 

In the brief sket<'hes given in this chapter, some lost ones, seeking inform- 
ation of relatives, may find comfort, even if the general reader should fail to 
be intereste<l. 



SUNDR Y AlilUVALS. 339 



PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855. 

Thomas Jervis Gooseberry and William Thomas Freeman, alias 
EzEKiEL Chambeits ; Henry Hooper ; Jacob Hall, alias Henry 
Thomas, and wife, Henrietta and child; Two men from near 
Cliestertown, Md. ; Fenton Jones; Mary Curtis; AYilliam 
Brown ; Charles Henry Brown ; Oliver Purnell and Isaac 
Fidget. 

Thomas Jervis Gooseberry and "William Thomas Freeman. The 
coming of this party was announced in the subjoined letter: 

ScnuYLKiLL, Hill Mo., 29Lb, 1855. 

William Still : Deau Friend : — Those boys will be along by the last Norristown 

train to-morrow evening. I think the train leaves Norristown at 6 o'clock, but of this 

inform thyself. The boys will be sent to a friend at Norristown, with instructions to 

' assist them in getting seats in the last train that leaves Norristown to-morrow evening. 

I They are two of the eleven who left some time since, and took with them some of their 

I master's horses ; I have told them to remain in the cars at Green street until somebody 

meets them. * E. F. Pennypackeb. 

Having arrived safely, by the way and manner indicated in E. F. Penny- 
packer's note, as they were found to be only sixteen and seventeen years of 
age, considerable interest was felt by the Acting Committee to hear their 
story. They were closely questioned in the usual manner. They proved to 
be quite intelligent, considering how young they were, and how the harrow 
of Slavery had been upon them from infancy. 

They escaped from Chestertown, Md., in company with nine others (tliey 
being a portion of the eleven who arrived in Wilmington, with two car- 
iriages, etc., noticed on page 302), but, for prudential reasons they were 
[separated while traveling. Some w^ere sent on, but the boys had to be 
retained with friends in the country. Many such separations were inevit- 
able. In this respect a great deal of care and trouble had to be endured 
for the sake of the cause. 

Thomas Jervis, the elder boy, was quite dark, and stammered somewhat, 
yet he was active and smart. He stated that Sarah Maria Perkins was 
his mistress in Maryland. He was disposed to speak rather favorably of 
her, at least he said that she was "tolerably kind" to her servants. She, 
however, was in the habit of hiring out, to reap a greater revenue for 
them, and did not always get them places where they were treated as well 
as she herself treated them. Tom left his father, Thomas Gooseberry, and 
three sisters, Julia Ann, Mary Ellen, and Katie Bright, all slaves. 



340 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

EzEKiEL, the younger boy, was of a chestnut color, clever-lookino-, smart 
and Avell-grown, just such an one as a father enjoying the blessings of educa- 
tion and citizenship, might have felt a considerable degree of pride in. He 
was owned by a man called Jolin Dwa, who followed "farming and drink- 
ing," and when under the influence of liquor, was disposed to ill-treat the 
slaves. Ezekiel had not seen his mother for many years, although she was 
living in Baltimore, and was known by the name of "Dorcas Denby." 
He left no brothers nor sisters. 

The idea of boys, so young and inexperienced as they were, being thrown 
on the M'orld, gave occasion for serious reflection. Still the Committee were 
rejoiced that they were thus early in life, getting away from the "Sum of all 
villanies." In talking with them, the Committee endeavored to imj)res.s 
them with right ideas as to how they should walk in life, aided them, of 
course, and sent them off* with a double share of advice. What has been 
their destiny since, is not known. 

Henry Hooper, a young man of nineteen years of age, came from 
Maryland, in December, in a subsequent Underground Eail Road arrival. 
That he came in good order, and was aided and sent off, was fully enough 
stated on the book, but nothing else; space, however was left for the writing 
out of his narrative, but it was never filled up. Probably the loose sheet 
on which the items were jotted down, was lost. 

Jacob Hall, alias Henry Thomas, wife Henrietta, and child, were also 
among the December passengers. On the subject of freedom they were 
thoroughly converted. Although Jacob was only about twenty years of 
age, he had seen enough of Slavery under his master, " jNIajor ^^'illiam 
Hutchins," whom he described as a "farmer, commissioner, drunkard, and 
hard master," to know that no hope could be expected from him, but if he 
remained, he would daily have to be under the "harrow." The desire to 
work for himself was so strong, that he could not reconcile his mind to the 
demands of Slavery. While meditating upon freedom, he concluded to 
make an effort with his M'ife and child to ffo to Canada. 

His wife, Henrietta, who was then owned by a woman named Sarah Ann 
McGough, was as unhappily situated as himself. Indeed Henrietta had 
come to the conclusion, that it was out of the question for a servant to 
please her mistress, it mattered not how hard she might try ; she also said, 
that her mistress drank, and that made her "avus." 

Besides, she had sold Henrietta's brother and sister, and was then taking 
steps to sell her, — had just had her ai)praised with this view. It was quite 
easy, therefore, looking at their condition in the light of these plain facts, 
for both husband and wife to agree, that they could not make their condi- 
tion any worse, even if they should be captured in attempting to escape. 
Henrietta also remembered, that years before her mother had escaped, and 
got off" to Canada, which was an additional encouragement. Thus, as her 



\ 



i 



SUNDR Y ARRIVALS. 341 

own faith was strengthened, she could strengthen tliat of her hus- 
band. 

• Their little child they resolved to cling to through thick and thin; so, in 
order that they might not have so far to carry him, father and mother each 
bridled a horse and "took out" in the direction of the first Underground 
Rail Road station. Their faithful animals proved of incalculable service, 
but they were obliged to turn them loose on the road without even having 
the opportunity or pleasure of rewarding them with a bountiful feed of oats. 
Although they had strange roads, woods and night scenes to pass through, 
yet tliey faltered not. They found friends and advisers on the road, however, 
and reached tlie Committee in safety, who was made to rejoice that such 
promising-looking " property " could come out of Ladies' Manor, Maryland. 
I The Committee felt that they had acted wisely in taking the horses to 
assist them the first night. 

The next arrival is recorded thus: " Dec. 10, 1855. Arrived, two men 
from near Chestertown, Md. They came to Wilmington in a one horse 
wagon, and through aid of T. G. they were sent on." (Further account at 
the time, written on a loose piece of paper, is among the missing). 

Fenton Jones escaped from Frederick, Md. After arriving in the 
neighborhood of Ercildoun, Pa., he was induced to tarry awhile for the 
purpose of earning means to carry him still farther. But he was soon 
led to apprehend danger, and was advised and directed to apply to the 
Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia for the needed aid, which he did, and 
was dispatched forthwith to Canada. 

About the same time a young woman arrived, calling herself Mary Curtis. 
She was from Baltimore, and was prompted to escape to keep from being 
sold. She was nineteen years of age, small size, dark complexion. No 
special incidents in her life were noted. 

William Brown came next. If others had managed to make their way 
out of the prison-house without great difficulties, it was far from William 
to meet with such good luck, as he had suifered excessively for five weeks 
while traveling. It was an easy matter for a traveler to get lost, not know- 
ing the roads, nor was it safe to apply to a stranger for information or direc- 
tion — therefore, in many instances, the journey would either have to be given 
up, or be prosecuted, suffering almost to the death. 

In the trying circumstances in which W^illiam found himself, dark as 
everything looked, he could not consent to return to his master, as lie felt 
persuaded, that if he did, there would be no rest on earth for him. He 
well remembered, that, because he had resisted being flogged (being high 
spirited), his master had declined to sell him for the express purpose of 
making an example of him — as a warning to the other slaves on the place. 
William was as much opposed to being thus made use of as he was to being 



342 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

flosfo-ed. His reflections and his stout heart enabled liim to endure five 
weeks of severe suifering while fleeing from oppression. Of course, when 
he did succeed, the triumph was unspeakably joyous. Doubtlet^s, he hail 
thought a great deal during this time, and being an intelligent fugitive, he 
interested the Committee greatly. 

The man that he escaped from was called William Elliott, a farmer, living 
in I'rince George's county, Md. William Elliott claimed the right to flog 
and used it too. William, however, gave him the character of being 
among the moderate slave-holders of that part of the country. This was 
certainly a charitable view. William was of a chestnut color, well made, 
and would liave con^manded, under the " hammer," a high price, if his ap- 
parent intelligence had not damaged him. He left his father, grand-mother, 
four sisters and two brothers, all living where he fled from. 

Charles Henry Brown. This " chattel " was owned by Dr. E-ichard 
Dorsey, of Cambridge, Maryland. Up to twenty-seven years of age, he had 
experienced and observed how slaves were treated in his neighborhood, and 
he made up his mind that he was not in favor of the Institution in any 
form whatever. Indeed he felt, that for a man to put his hand in his neigh- 
bor's pocket and rob him, was nothing compared to the taking of a man's 
liard earnings from year to year. Really Charles reasoned the case so well, 
in his uncultured country phrases, that the Committee was rather surprised, 
and admired his spirit in escaping. He was a man of not quite medium 
size, with marked features of mind and character. 

Oliver Purnell and Isaac Fidget arrived from Berlin, Md. Each 
had diiferent owners. Oliver stated that Mose Purnell had owned him, 
and that he was a tolerably moderate kind of a slave-holder, although he 
was occasionally subject to fractious turns. Oliver simply gave as his reason 
for leaving in the manner that he did, that he wanted his " own earnings." 
He felt that he had as good a right to the fruit of his labor as anybody else. " 
Despite all the pro-slavery teachings he had listened to all his life, he was 
far from siding with the pro-slavery doctrines. He was about twenty-six 
years of age, chestnut color, wide awake and a man of promise; yet it 
was sadly obvious that he had been blighted and cursed by slavery even in 
its mildest forms He left his parents, two brothers and thrfce sisters all 
slaves in the hands of Purnell, the master whom he deserted. 

Isaac, his companion, was about thirty years of age, dark, and in intellect 
about equal to the average passengers on the Underground Rail Road. He 
had a very lively hope of finding his wife in freedom, she having escaped 
the ])revious Spring; but of her whereabouts he was ignorant, as he had had 
no tidings of her since her departure. A lady by the name of Mrs. Fidget 
held the deal for Isaac. He spoke kindly of her, as he thought she treated 
her slaves quite as well at least as the best of slave-holders in his neighbor- 



THE FUGITIVE SLA VE BILL OF 1850. 343 

hooJ. His view was a superficial one, it meant only that they had not been 
beaten and starved half to death. 

As the heroic adventures and sufferings of Slaves struggling for freedom, 
shall be read by coming generations, were it not for unquestioned statutes 
upholding Slavery in its dreadful heinousness, people will hardly be able to 
believe that such atrocities were enacted in the nineteenth century, under a 
highly enlightened. Christianized, and civilized government. Having 
already copied a statute enacted by the State of Virginia, as a sample of 
Southern State laws, it seems fitting that the Fugitive Slave Bill, enacted by 
the Congress of the United States, shall be also copied, in order to com- 
memorate that most infamous deed, by which, it may be seen, how great 
were the bulwarks of oppression to be surmounted by all who sought to 
obtain freedom by flight. 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850. 

"an act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from 
the service of their masters." 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled : 

That the persons who have been, or may hereafter be appointed commis- 
sioners, in virtue of any Act of Congress, by the circuit courts of the United 
States, and who, in consequence of such appointment, are authorized to 
exercise the powers that any justice of the peace or other magistrate of any of 
the United States, may exercise in respect to offenders for any crime or offence 
against the United States, by arresting, imprisoning, or bailing the same 
under and by virtue of the thirty-third section of tlie act of the twenty- 
fourth of September, seventeen hundred and eighty-nine, entitled, " An act 
to establish the judicial courts of the United States," shall be, and are 
hereby authorized and required to exercise and discharge all the powers and 
duties conferred by this act. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted: That the superior court of each organ- 
ized . territory of the United States, shall have the same power to appoint 
commissioners to take acknowledgments of bail and affidavit, and to take 
depositions of witnesses in civil causes, which is now possessed by the 
circuit courts of the United States, and all commissioners, who shall here- 
after be appointed for such purposes, by the superior court of any organized 
territory of the United States, shall possess all the powers, and exercise all 
the duties conferred by law, upon the commissioners appointed by the circuit 



344 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

courts of the United States for similar purposes, and shall, moreover, exer- 
cise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted : That the circuit courts of the United 
States, and the superior courts of each organized territory of the United 
States, shall, from time to time, enlarge the number of Commi.ssioners, widi 
a view to afford reasonable facilities to reclaim fugitives from labor, and to 
the prompt discharge of the duties imposed by this aet. 

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that the commissioners above named, 
shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the judges of the circuit and district 
courts of the United States, in their respective circuits and districts within 
the several States, and the judges of the superior courts of the Territories 
severally and collectively, in term time and vacation ; and shall grant cer- 
tificates to such claimants, upon satisfactory proof being made, with 
authority to take and remove sucjj fugitives from service or labor, under the 
restrictions herein contained, to the State or territory from which such 
persons may have escaped or fled. 

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted : That it shall be the duty of all 
marshals and deputy marshals, to obey and execute all warrants and pre- 
cepts issued under the provisions of this act, when to them directed ; and 
should any marshal or deputy marshal refuse to receive such warrant or 
other process when tendered, or to use all proper means diligently to exe- 
cute the same, he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the sum of one 
thousand dollars to the use of such claimant, on the motion of such claimant 
by the circuit or district court for the district of such marshal ; and after arrest 
of such fugitive by the marshal, or his deputy, or whilst at any time in his 
custody, under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape, whether 
with or without the assent of such marshal or his deputy, such marshal shall 
be liable, on his official bond, to be prosecuted, for the benefit of such claim- 
ant, for the full value of the service or labor of said fugitive in the State, 
Territory or district whence ho escaped ; and the better to enable the said 
commissioners, when thus a])pointed, to execute their duties faithfully and 
efficiently, in conformity with the requirements of the Constitution of the 
United States, and of this act, they are hereby authorized and empowered, 
within their counties respectively, to appoint in writing under their hands, 
any one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute all such 
warrants and other process as may be issued by them in the lawful perform- 
ance of their respective duties, with an authority to such commissioners, or 
the persons to be appointed by them, to execute process as aforesaid, to sum- 
mon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus, of the proper 
county, when necessary to insure jWaithful observance of the clause of the 
Constitution referred to, in conformity Avith the provisions of this act; and 
all good citizens are hereby commanded to aid and assist in the prompt and 
efficient execution of this law, whenever their services may be required, as 



THE FUGITIVE SLA VE BILL OF 1850. 345 

aforesaid, for tliat purpose ; and said warrants shall run and be executed by 
said officers anywhere in the State within which they are issued. 

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That when a pei'son held to service or 
labor in any State or Territory of the United States, has heretofore, or shall 
hereafter escape into another State or Territory of the United States, the 
person or persons to whom such service or labor may be due, or his, her or 
their agent or attorney, duly authorized, by power of attorney, in writing, 
acknowledged and certified under the seal of some legal office or court of the 
State or Territory, in which the same may be executed, may pursue and re- 
claim such fugitive person, either by procuring a warrant from some one of 
the courts, judges, or commissioners aforesaid, of the proper circuit, district 
or county, for the apprehension of such fugitive from service or laljor, or by 
seizing and arresting such fugitive, where the same can be done without 
process, and by taking, or causing such person to be taken, forthwith, before 
such court, judge or commissioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and deter- 
mine the case of such claimant in a summary manner, and upon satisfactory 
proof being made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be taken and 
certified by such court, judge or commissioner, or by other satisfactory testi- 
mony, duly taken and certified by some court, magistrate, justice of the 
peace, or other legal officer authorized to administer an oath and take depo- 
sitions under the laws of the State or Territory from which such person 
owing service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such magis- 
trate, or other authority, as aforesaid, with the seal of tiie proper court or 
officer thereto attached, wliich seal shall be sufficient to establish the com- 
petency of the proof, and with proof also, by affidavit, of the identity of the 
person whose service or labor is claimed to be due, as aforesaid, that the 
person so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the pei'son or persons 
claiming him or her, in the State or Territory from which such fugitive may 
have escaped, as aforesaid, and that said person escaped, to make out and 
deliver to such claimant, his or her agent or attorney, a certificate setting 
forth the substantial facts as to the service or labor due from such fugitive 
to the claimant, and of his or her escape from the State or Territory in 
i which such service or labor was due, to the State or Territory, in which he 
or she was arrested, with authority to such claimant, or his or her agent or 
attorney, to use such reasonable force and restraint as may be necessary, 
under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive jierson 
back to the State or Territory from whence he or she may have escaped, as 
aforesaid. In no trial or hearing, under this act, shall the testimony of such 
alleged fugitives be admitted in evidence, and the certificates in this and the 
first section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of the person or per- 
sons in whose favor granted to remove such fugitives to the State or Ter- 
ritory from which they escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of said 



346 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

person or persons by any process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or 
other person whorasoever. 

Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That any person who shall knowingly 
and willfully obstruct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent, or attor- 
ney, or any person or persons lawfully assisting him, her or them from 
arresting such a fugitive from service or labor, either with or \vithout pro- 
cess, as aforesaid, or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such fugitive from 
service or labor, or from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent, or 
attornev, or other person or persons lawfully assisting, as aforesaid, when so 
arrested, pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or shall aid, 
abet, or assist such person, so owing service or labor, as aforesaid, directly or 
indirectly, to escape from such claimant, his agent or attorney, or other person 
or persons legally authorized, as aforesaid, or shall harbor or conceal such fugi- 
tive, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such person, after notice or 
Jcnowledge of the fact that such person was a fugitive from service or labor, 
as aforesaid, shall, for either of said oifences, be subject to a fine not ex- 
ceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding six months, 
by indictment and conviction before the District Court of the United States, 
for the district in which such offence may have been committed, or before 
the proper court of criminal jurisdiction, if committed within any one of the 
organized Territories of the United States ; and shall, moreover, forfeit and 
pay, by way of civil damages, to the party injured by such illegal conduct, 
the sum of one thousand dollars for each fugitive so lost, as aforesaid, to be 
recovered by action of debt in any of the District or Territorial Courts afore- 
said, within whose jurisdiction the said offence may have been committed. 

Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the Marshals, their deputies, and 
the clerks of the said districts and territorial courts, shall be paid for their 
services the like fees as may be allowed to them for similar services in other 
cases ; and where such services are rendered exclusively in the arrest, cus- 
tody, and delivery of the fugitives to the claimant, his or her agent, or attor- 
ney, or where such supposed fugitive may be discharged out of custody from 
the want of sufficient proof, as aforesaid, then such fees arc to be paid in 
the whole by such complainant, his agent or attorney, and in all cases M'herc 
the proceedings are before a Commissioner, he shall be entitled to a fee of 
ten dollars in full for his services in each case, upon the delivery of the said 
certificate to the claimant, his or her agent or attorney ; or a fee of five 
dollars in cases where proof shall not, in the opinion of said Commissioner, 
warrant such certificate and delivery, inclusive of all services incident to 
such arrest and examination, to be paid in either case, by the claimant, his 
or her agent or attorney. The person or persons authorized to execute the 
])rocess to be issued by such Commissioners for the arrest and detention of 
fugitives from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall also be entitled to a fee of 
five dollars each for each person he or they may arrest and take before any 



THE FUGITIVE SLA VE BILL OF 1850. 347 

such Commissioners, as aforesaid, at the instance and request of sucli claim- 
ant, witii such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such Commissioner 
for such other additional services as may be necessarily performed by him 
or them ; such as attending to the examination, keeping the fugitive in cus- 
tody, and providing him with food and lodgings during his detention, and 
until the final determination of such Commissioner ; and in general for per- 
forming such other duties as may be required by such claimant, his or her 
attorney or agent or commissioner in the premises ; such fees to be made up 
in conformity with the fees usually charged by the officers of the courts of 
justice within the proper district or county as far as may be practicable, and 
paid by such claimants, their agents or attorneys, whether such supposed fugi- 
tive from service or labor be ordered to be delivered to such claimants by 
the final determination of such Commissioners or not. 

Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That upon affidavit made by the 
claimant of such fugitive, his agent or attorney, after such certificate has been 
issued, that he has reason to apprehend that such fugitive will be rescued 
by force from his or their possession before he can be taken beyond the limits 
of the State in which the arrest is made, it shall be the duty of the officer 
making the arrest to retain such fugitive in his custody, and to remove him 
to the State whence he fled, and there to deliver him to said claimant, his 
agent or attorney. And to this end the officer aforesaid is hereby author- 
ized and required to employ so many persons as he may deem necessary, to 
overcome such force, and to retain them in his service so long as circumstan- 
ces may require ; the said officer and his assistants, while so employed, to 
receive the same compensation, and to be allowed the same expenses as are 
now allowed by law for the transportation of criminals, to be certified by the 
judge of the district within which the arrest Is made, and paid out of the 
treasury of the United States. 

Sec. 10. And be It further enacted, That when any person held to service 
or labor in any State or Territory, or in the District of Columbia, shall 
escape therefrom, the party to whom such service or labor shall be due, his, 
her, or their agent, or attorney may apply to any court of record therein, or 
judge thereof in vacation, and make such satisfactory proof to such court or 
judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that the person escaping 
owed service or labor to such party. Thereupon the court shall cause a 
record to be made of the matters so proved, and also a personal description 
of the person so escaping, with such convenient certainty as may be; and a 
transcript of such record, authenticated by the attestation of the clerk, and 
of the seal of said court being produced in any other State, Territory or Dis- 
trict In which the person so escaping may be found, and being exhibited to 
any judge, commissioner, or other officer authorized by the law of the United 
States to cause persons escaping from service or labor to be delivered up, 
shall be held and taken to be full and conclusive evidence of the fact of 



348 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

escape, and that tlic service or labor of the person escaping is due to the 
party in such record mentioned. And upon the production, by the said 
party, of other and ffirther evidence, if necessary, either oral or by affidavit, 
in addition to what is contained in said record of the identity of the person 
escaping, he or she shall be delivered up to the claimant. And said 
court, commissioners, judge, or other persons authorized by this act to grant 
certificates to claimants of fugitives, shall, upon the production of the record 
and other evidence aforesaid, grant to such claimant a certificate of his right 
to take any such person, identified and proved to be owing service or labor 
as aforesaid, which certificate shall authorize such claimant to seize, or arrest, 
and transport such person to the State or Territory from which he escaped : 
Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed as requiring the 
production of a transcript of such record as evidence as aforesaid, but in its 
absence, the claim shall be heard and determined upon other satisfactory 
proofs competent in law. 



THE SLAVE-HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY, 
IN SEPTEMBER, 1851. 

"treason at CHRISTIANA." 

Having inserted the Fugitive Slave Bill in these records of the Un- 
derground Rail Road, one or two slave cases will doubtless suffice to 
illustrate the effect of its passage on the public mind, and the colored 
2)eople in particular. The deepest feelings of loathing, contempt and opjiosi- 
tion were manifested by the opponents of Slavery on every hand. Anti- 
slavery papers, lecturers, preachers, etc., arrayed themselves boldly against it 
on the ground of its inhumanity and violation of the laws of God. 

On the other hand, the slave-holders South, and their pro-slavery adlicronts 
in the North demanded the most abject obedience from all parties, regardless 
of conscience or obligation to God. In order to compel such obedience, 
as well as to prove the practicability of the law, unbounded zeal daily 
marked the attempt on the part of slave-holders and slave-catchers to refastcn 
the fetters on the limbs of fugitives in diffisrent parts of the North, whither 
they had escaped. 

In this dark hour, when colored men's rights were so insecure, as a 
matter of self-defence, they felt called upon to arm themselves and resist all 
kidnapping intruders, although clothed with the authority of wicked law. 
Among the most exciting cases tending to justify this course, the following 
may be named : 

James Hamlet was iha first slave case who was summarily arrested 
under the Fugitive Slave Law, and sent back to bondage from New York. 



THE SLA VE-HUNTING TEA OED Y. 349 

William and Ellen Craft were hotly pursued to Boston by hunters 
from Georgia. 

Adam Gibson, a free colored man, residing in Philadelphia, was arrested, 
delivered into the hands of his alleged claimants, by commissioner Edward 
D. lugraham, and hurried into Slavery. 

EuPHEMiA Williams (the mother of six living children), — her case ex- 
cited much interest and sympathy. 

Shadrach was arrested and rescued in Boston. 

Hannah Dellum and her child were returned to Slavery from Phila- 
delphia. 

Thomas Hall and his wife were pounced upon at midnight in Chester 
county, beaten and dragged off to Slavery, etc. 

And, as if gloating over their repeated successes, and utterly regardless of 
all caution, about one year after the passage of this nefarious bill, a party 
of slave-hunters arranged for a grand capture at Christiana. 

One year from the passage of the law, at a time when alarm and excite- 
ment were running high, the most decided stand was taken at Christiana, 
in the State of Pennsylvania, to defeat the law, and defend freedom. For- 
tunately for the fugitives the plans of the slave-hunters and officials leaked 
out while arrangements were making in Philadelphia for the capture, and, 
information being sent to the Anti-slavery office, a messenger was at once 
dispatched to Christiana to put all persons supposed to be in danger on their 
guard. 

Among those thus notified, were l^rave hearts, who did not believe in 
running away from slave-catchers. They resolved to stand up for the 
right of self-defence. They loved liberty and hated Slavery, and when the 
slave-catchers arrived, they were prepared for them. Of the contest, on that 
bloody morning, we have copied a report, carefully written at the time, by 
C. M. Burleigh, editor of the " Pennsylvania Freeman," who visited the 
scene of battle, immediately after it was over, and doubtless obtained as 
faithful an account of all the facts in the case, as could then be had. 

"Last Thursday morning, (the 11th inst.), a peaceful neighborhood in the 
borders of Lancaster county, was made the scene of a bloody battle, result- 
ing from an attempt to capture seven colored men as fugitive slaves. As 
the reports of the affray which came to us were contradictory, and having 
good reason to believe that those of the daily press were grossly one-sided 
and unfair, we repaired to the scene of the tragedy, and, by patient inquiry 
and careful examination, endeavered to learn the real facts. To do this, 
from the varying and conflicting statements which we encountered, scarcely 
two of which agreed in every point, was not easy ; but we believe the 
account we give below, as the result of these inquiries, is substantially 
correct. 

Very early on the 11th inst. a party of slave-hunters went into a neigh- 



350 THE CXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

borhooil about two miles west of Christiana, near the eastern border of 
Lane-aster eounty, in pursuit of fugitive shives. The party consistctl of 
Edward Goisueh, his son, Dickersou Gorsuch, his nephew, Dr. Pearee, 
Nicholas Ilutohins, and others, all from Baltimore county, Md., and one 
Ilciiry IT. Kline, a notorious slave-catching constable from Philadelphia, 
who had been deputized by Commissioner Ingraham for this business. At 
about day-dawn they were discovered lying in an ambush near the house 
of one William Parker, a colored man, by an inmate of the house, who had 
started for his work. He fled back to the house, pursued by the slave- 
hunters, who entered the lower part of the house, but were unable to force 
their way into the upper part, to which the family had retired. A horn was 
blown from an upper window; two shots were fired, both, as we believe, 
though we are not certain, by the assailants, one at the colored man who 
fled into the house, and the other at the inmates, through the window. No 
one was wounded by either. A parley ensued. The slave-holder demanded 
his slaves, who he said were concealed in the house. The colored men 
presented themselves successively at the Avindow, and asked if they were 
the slaves claimed ; Gorsuch said, that neither of them was his slave. They 
told him that they were the only colored men in the house, and were 
determined never to be taken alive as slaves. Soon the colored people of 
the neighborhood, alarmed by the horn, began to gather, armed with guns, 
axes, corn-cutters, or clubs. jMutual threatenings were uttered by the two 
parties. The slave-holders told the blacks that resistance would be useless, 
as they had a party of thirty men in the woods near by. The blacks warned 
them again to leave, as they would die before they would go into Slavery. 

From an hour to an hour and a half passed in these parleyings, angry 
conversations, and threats; the blacks increasing by new arrivals, unti| they 
])robably numbered from thirty to fifty, most of them armed in some way. 
About this time, Castner Hanaway, a white man, and a Friend, who resided 
in the neighborhood, rode up, and was soon followed by Elijah Lewis, 
another Friend, a merchant, in Cooperville, both gentlemen higlily esteemed 
as worthy and peaceable citizens. As they came up, Kline, the deputy 
mai-shal, ordered them to aid him, as a United States oflicer, to capture the 
fugitive slaves. They refused of course, as would any man not utterly desti- 
tute of honor, humanity, and moral principle, and warned the :ii>sailants that 
it was madness for them to attempt to capture fugitive slaves there, or even 
to remain, and begged them if they wished to save their own lives, to leave 
the ground. Kline replied, "Do you really think so?" " Yes," was the 
answer, "the sooner you leave, the better, if you would prevent bloodshed." 
Kline then left the ground, retiring into a very safe distance into a corn- 
field, and toward the woods. The blacks were so exasperated by his threats, 
that, but for the interposition of the two white Friends, it is very doubtful 
whether he would have escaped without injury. Messrs. ILuiaway and 



THE SLA VE-IIUNTING TRA GED Y. Z'A 

Lewis both exerted tlicir influence to dissuade the colored people from 
violence, and would probably have succeeded in restraining them, had not 
the assailing party fired upon them. Young Gorsuch a.sivod liis father to 
leave, but the old man refused, declaring, as it is said and Ijclieved, that he 
would "go to hell, or have his slaves." 

Finding they could do nothing further, Hanaway and Lewis \)(>i\\ started 
to leave, again counselling the slave-hunters to go away, and the colored 
people to peace, but had gone but a few rods, when one of the inmates of 
the house attempted to come out at the door. Gorsuch presented his re- 
volver, ordering him back. The colored man replied, " You had better go 
away, if you don't want to get hurt," and at the same time, pushed him aside 
and passed out. Maddened at this, and stimulated by the question of liis 
nephew, whether he would "take such an insult from a d — d nigger," Gor- 
such fired at the colored man, and was followed by his son and nepljcw, who 
both fired their revolvers. The fire was returned by the Ijlacks, who made 
a rush upon them at the same time. Gorsuch and his son fell, the one dead 
the other wounded. The rest of the party after firing their revolvers, fled 
precipitately through the corn and to the woods, pursued by some of the 
blacks. One was wounded, the rest escaped unhurt. Kline, the deputy 
marshal, who now boasts of his miraculous escape from a volley of musket- 
Ijalls, had kept at a *afe distance, though urged by young Gorsuch to stand 
by his father and protect hira, when he refused to leave the ground. lie of 
course came off unscathed. Several colored men were wounded, but none 
severely. Some had their hats or their clothes perforated with bullets ; 
others had flesh wounds. They said that the Lord protected them, and they 
shook the bullets from their clothes. One man found several shot in his 
l)00t, which seemed to have spent their force ?jefore reaching him, and did 
not even break the skin. The slave-holders having fled, several neiglibors, 
mostly Friends and anti-slavery men, gathered to succor the wounded and 
take charge of the dead. "We are told that Parker himself protected the 
wounded man from his excited comrades, and brought water and a bed from 
his own house for the invalid, thas showing that he was as magnanimous to 
his fallen enemy as he was brave in the defence of his own liberty. The 
young man was then removed to a neighboring house, where the family 
received him with the tenderest kindness and paid him every attention, 
though they told him in Quaker phrase, that "they had no unity with his 
cruel business," and were very sorry to see liim engaged in it. He was 
much affected by their kindness, and we are told, expressed his regret that 
he had been thus engaged, and his determination, if his life was spared, 
never again to make a similar attempt. His wounds are very severe, and it 
IS feared mortal. All attempts to procure assistance to capture the fugitive 
slaves failed, the people in the neighborhood either not relishing the busi- 
ness of slave-catching, or at least, not choosing to risk their lives in it. 



352 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

There was a very great reluctance felt to going even to remove the body and 
the wounded man, until several abolitionists and Friends had collected for 
that object, when others found courage to follow on. The excitement 
caused I)y this most melancholy affair is very great among all classes. The 
abolitionists, of course, mourn the occurrence, M'hile they see in it a legiti- 
mate fruit of the Fugitive Slave Law, just such a harvest of blood as they I 
had long feared that the law would produce, and which they had earnestly I 
labored to prevent. We believe that they alone, of all classes of the nation, ' 
are free from responsibility for its occurrence, having wisely foreseen the 
danger, and faithfully labored to avert it by removing its causes, and pre- 
ventino- the inhuman policy wdiich has hurried on the bloody convulsion. 

The enemies of the colored people, are making this the occasion of fresli 
injuries, and a more bitter ferocity toward that defenceless people, and of 
new misrepresentation and calumnies against the abolitionists. 

The colored people, though the great body of them had no connection 
with this affair, are hunted like partridges upon the mountains, by the 
relentless horde which has been poured forth upon them, under the pretense 
of arresting the parties concerned in the fight. When we reached Chris- 
tiana, on Friday afternoon, we found that the Deputy- Attorney Thompson, 
of Lancaster, was there, and had issued warrants, upon the depositions . of 
Kline and others, for the arrest of all suspected persons. A company of 
police were scouring the neighborhood in search of colored i)copIc, several 
of whom were seized whfle at their work near by, and brought in. 

Castner HANAWAYand Elijah Lewis, hearing that warrants were issued 
against them, came to Christiana, and voluntarily gave themselves uj), calm 
and strong in the confidence of their innocence. They, together with the 
arrested colored men, were sent to Lancaster jail that night. 

Tlie next morning we visited the ground of the battle, and the family 
Avliere young Gorsuch now lives, and while there, we saw a deposition which 
he had just made, that he believed no wdiite persons were engaged in the 
affray, beside his own party. As he was on the ground during the whole 
controversy, and deputy Marshall Kline had discreetly run off into the 
corn-field, before the fighting began, the hireling slave-catcher's eager and 
confident testimony against our white friends, will, we think, weigh lightly 
with Impartial men. 

On returning to Christiana, w^e found that the United States Marshal from 
the city, had arrived at that place, accompanied by Commissioner Ingraham, 
^Ir. Jones, a special commissioner of the United States, from Washington, 
the U. S. District Attorney Ashmead, with forty-five U. S. Marines from 
the Navy Yard, and a posse of about forty of the City Marshal's police, 
together with a large body of special constables, eager for such a man- 
hunt, from Columbia and Lancaster and other jilaces. This crowd divided 
ilito parties, of from ten to twenty-five, and scoured the countiy, in every 



THE SLA VE-HUXTIXG TEA GED Y. 'x -,o 

direction, for miles around, ransacking the houses of the colored people, and 
captured every colored man they could find, with several colored women 
and two other white men. Never did our heart bleed with deeper pity for 
the peeled and persecuted colored people, than when we saw this troop let 
loose upon them, and witnessed the terror and distress which its approach 
excited in families, wholly innocent of the charges laid against them." 

On the other hand, a few extracts from the editorials of some of the lead- 
ing papers, will suffice to show the state of public feeling at that time, and 
the dreadful opposition abolitionists and fugitives had to contend with. ' 

From one of the leading daily journals of Philadelphia, we copy as 
follows : 

" There can be no difference of opinion concerning the shocking affiiir 
which occurred at Christiana, on Thursday, the resisting of a law of Con- 
gress by a band of armed negroes, whereby the majesty of the Government 
was defied and life taken in one and the same act. There is something more 
than a mere ordinary, something more than even a murderous, riot°in all 
this. It is an act of insurrection, we might, considering the peculiar class 
and condition of the guilty parties, almost call it a servile insurrection— if 
not also one of treason. Fifty, eighty, or a hundred persons, whether white 
or black, who are deliberately in arms for the purpose of resisting the law, 
even the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, are in the attitude of levyin-' 
war against the United States ; and doubly heavy becomes the crime of 
murder in such a case, and doubly serious the accountability of all who have 
any connection with the act as advisers, suggesters, countenancers, or acces- 
sories in any way whatever." 

In those days, the paper from which this extract is taken, represented the 
Whig party and the more moderate and respectable class of citizens. 

The following is an extract from a leading democratic organ of Philadel- 
phia : 

"We will not, however, insult the reader by arguing that which has not 
been heretofore doubted, and which is not doubted now, by ten honest men 
in the State, and that is that the abolitionists are implicated in the Chris- 
tiana murder. All the ascertained facts go to show that they were the real 
It not the chief instigators. White men are known to harbor fugitives, in 
the neighborhood of Christiana, and these white men are known to be aboli- 
tionists, known to be opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law, and hioicn to be 
the warm friends of William F. Johnston, (Governor of the State of Penn- 
sylvania). And, as if to clinch the argument, no less than three white men 
are now in the Lancaster prison, and were arrested as accomplices in the 
dreadful afifair on the morning of the eleventh. And one of these white 
men was committed on a charge of high treason, on Saturday last, by 
United States Commissioner Ingraham." 

Another daily paper of opposite politics thus spake: 



354 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

"The unwarrantable outrage committed lust week, at Christiana, Lancas- 
ter county, is a foul stain upon the fair name and fame of our State. We 
are pleased to see tliat the officers of the Federal and State Governments 
are upon the tracks of those who were engaged in the riot, and that several 
arrests liave been made. 

"We do not wish to see the poor misled blacks who participated in the 
afiliir, suffer to any great extent, for they were but tools. The men who are 
really chargeable with treason against the United States Government, and 
with the death of Mr. Gorsuch, an estimable citizen of Maryland, are unques- 
tionably white, with hearts black enough to incite them to the commission of 
any crime equal in atrocity to that committed in Lancaster county. 
Pennsylvania has now but one course to pursue, and that is to aid, and 
warmly aid, the United States in bringing to condign punishment, every 
man engaged in the riot. She owes it to herself and to the Union. Let 
her in this resolve, be just and fearless." 

From a leading neutral daily paper the following is taken: "One would 
suppose from the advice of forcible resistance, so familiarly given by the abo- 
litionists, that they arc quite unaware that there is any such crime as treason 
recognized by the Constitution, or punished with death by the laws of the 
United States. We would remind them, that not only is there such a crime, 
but that there is a solemn decision of the Supreme Court, that all who are 
concerned in a conspiracy which ripens into treason, whether present or 
absent from the scene of actual violence, are involved in the same liabilities 
as the immediate actors. If they engage in the conspiracy and stimulate the 
treason, they may keep their bodies from the affray without saving their 
necks from a halter. 

It would be very much to the advantage of society, if an example could 
be made of some of these persistent agitators, who excite the ignorant and 
reckless to treasonable violence, from which they themselves shrink, but who 
are, not only in morals, but in law, equally guilty and equally amenable to 
punishment with the victims of their inflammatory counsels." 

A luuuber of the most influential citizens represented the occurrence to 
the Governor as follows: 

"To the Governor of Pennsylvania: 

The undersigned, citizens of Peimsylvania, respectfully represent: 

That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly assassinated by a 
band of armed outlaws at a place not more than three hours' journey distant 
from the seat of Government and from the commercial metropolis of the 
State : 

That this insurrectionary movement in one of the most populous parts of 
the State has been so far successful as to overawe the local ministers of 
justice and paralyze the power of the law : 

That your memorialists are not aware that 'any military force' has been 



THE SLAVE-HUNTING TRAGEDY. 355 

sent to the seat of insurrection, or that the civil authority has been strength- 
ened by the adoption of any measures suited to the momentous crisis. 

They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive magistrate of 
Pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity of vindicating the out- 
! raged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the Commonwealth on this im- 
portant and melancholy occasion." 

Under this high pressure of public excitement, threatening and alarm 
breathed so freely on every hand, that fugitive slaves and their friends in 
this region of Pennsylvania at least, were compelled to pass through an 
hour of dreadful darkness — an ordeal extremely trying. The authorities of 
the United States, as well as the authorities of the State of Pennsylvania 
and Mnryland, were diligently making arrests wherever a suspected party 
could be found, who happened to belong in the neighborhood of Christiana. 

In a very short time the following persons were in custody: J. Castner 
Hanaway, Elijah Lewis, Joseph Scarlett, Samuel Kendig, Henry Spins, 
George Williams, Charles Hunter, Wilson Jones, Francis Harkins, Benja- 
min Thomson, William Brown (No. 1), William Brown (No. 2), John Hal- 
liday, Elizabeth Mosey, John Morgan, Joseph Berry, John Norton, Denis 
Smith, Harvey Scott, Susan Clark, Tansy Brown, Eliza Brown, Eliza Par- 
ker, Hannah Pinckney, Robert Johnson, Miller Thompson, Isaiah Clark, and 
Jonathan Black. 

These were not all, but sufficed for a beginning ; at least it made an inter- 
esting entertainment for the first day's examination; and although there were 
two or three non-resistant Quakers, and a number of poor defenceless colored 
' women among those thus taken as prisoners, still it seemed utterly impos- 
sible for the exasperated defenders of Slavery to divest themselves of the 
idea, that this heroic deed, in self-defence, on the part of men who felt that 
their liberties were in danger, was anything less than actually levying war 
against the United States. 

Accordingly, therefore, the hearing gravely took place at Lancaster. 
On the side of the Commonwealth, the following distinguished counsel 
appeared on examination: Hon. John L. Thompson, District Attorney; Wm. 
B. Faulney, Esq. ; Thos. E. Franklin, Esq., Attorney-General of Lancaster 
county; George L. Ashmead, Esq., of Philadelphia, representative of the 
United States authorities ; and Hon. Robert Brent, Attorney-General of 
Maryland. 

' For the defence — Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, Reah Frazer, Messrs. Ford, 
Cline, and Dickey, Esquires. 

From a report of the first day's hearing we copy a short extract, as fol- 
lows : 

''The excitement at Christiana, during yesterday, was very great. Several 
hundred persons were present, and the deepest feeling was manifested 
against the perpetrators of the outrage. At two o'clock yesterday afternoon, 



l^^yQ THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the United States Marshal, IMr. Roberts, United States District Attorney, 
J. H. Ash mead, Esq., Mr. Commissioner Ingraham, and Recorder Lee, 
accompanied by the United States JNIarincs, returned to the citv. Lieut. 
Johnson, and officers I^ewis S. Brest, Samuel Mitchell, Charles ^McCully, 
Samuel Neif, Jacob xVlbright, Robert McP^wen, and — Perkenpine, by 
direction of the United States IMarshal, had charge of the following named 
prisoners, who were safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, accompanied by 
the Marines: — Joseph Scarlett, (white), William Brown, Ezckiel Thompson, 
Lsaiah Clarkson, Daniel Caulsberry, Benjamin Pendergrass, Elijah Clark, 
George W. H. Scott, Miller Thompson, and Samuel Hanson, all colored. 
The last three were placed in the debtors' apartment, and the others in the 
criminal apartment of the Moyamensing prison to await their trial for 
treason, etc." 

In alluding to the second day's doings, the Philadelphia Ledger thus 
represented matters at the field of battle : 

"The intelligence received last evening, represents the country for miles 
around, to be in as much excitement as at any time since the horrible deed 
was committed. The officers sent there at the instance of the proper 
authorities are making diligent search in eveiy direction, and securing every 
person against whom the least suspicion is attached. The jwlice force from 
this city, amounting to about sixty men, are under the marshalship of Lieut. 
Ellis. Just as the cars started east, in the afternoon, five more prisoners 
who were secured at a place called the Welsh Mountains, twelve miles 
distant, were brought into Christiana. They were placed in custody until 
such time as a hearing will take place." 

Although tiie government had summoned its ablest legal talent and the 
popular sentiment was as a hundred to one against William Parker and his 
brave comrades who had made the slave-hunter "bite the dust," most nobly 
did Thaddens Stevens prove that he was not to be cowed, that he believed 
in the stirring sentiment so much apjilauded by the American people, 
"Give me liberty, or give me death," not only for the white man but for all 
men. Thus standing upon such great and invulnerable principles, it was 
soon discovered that one could chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand 
to flight in latter as well as in former times. 

At first even the friends of freedom thought that the killing of Gorsuch 
was not only -wrong, but unfortunate for the cause. Scarcely a week passed, 
however, before the matter was looked upon in a far different light, and it 
was pretty generally thought that, if the T^ord had not a direct hand in it, the 
cause of Freedom at least would be greatly benefited thereby. 

And just in proportion as the masses cried. Treason ! Treason ! the hosts 
of freedom from one end of the land to the other were awakened to sympa- 
thize with the slave. Thousands were goon aroused to show sympathy 
who had hitherto been dormant. Hundreds visited the prisoners in their 



THE 8LA VE-HUNTING TEA GED Y. 357 

cells to greet, elieer, and offer them aid and counsel in tlieir hour of sore 
trial. 

The friends of freedom remained calm even while the pro-slavery party 
were fiercely raging and gloating over the prospect, as they evidently thought 
of the satisfaction to be derived from teaching the abolitionists a lesson from 
the scaffold, which would in future prevent Underground Hail Road 
passengers from killing their masters when in pursuit of them. 

Through the efforts of the authorities three white men, and twenty-seven 
colored had been safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, under the charge of 
treason. The authorities, however, had utterly failed to catch the hero, 
William Parker, as he had been sent to Canada, via the Underground Rail 
Road, and was thus " sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none 
dared to molest, or make him afraid," 

As an act of simple justice it may here be stated that the abolitionists and 
prisoners found a true friend and ally at least in one United States official, 
who, by the way, figured prominently in making arrests, etc., namely : the 
United States Marshal, A. E. Roberts. In all his intercourse with the 
prisoners and their friends, he plainly showed that all his sympathies were 
on the side of Freedom, and not with the popular pro-slavery sentiment 
which clamored so loudly against traitors and abolitionists. 

Two of his prisoners had been identified in the jail as fugitive slaves by 
their owners. When the trial came on these two individuals were among 
the missing. How they escaped was unknown the Marshal, however, 
was strongly suspected of being a friend of the Underground Rail Road, and 
to add now, that those suspicions were founded on fact, will, doubtless, do 
liim no damage. 

In order to draw the contrast between Freedom and Slavery, simply with 
a view of showing how the powers that were acted and judged in the days 
of the reign of the Fugitive Slave Law, unquestionably nothing better could 
be found to meet the requirements of this issue tiian the charge of Judge 
Kane, coupled with the indictment of the Grand Jury. In the liglit of the 
Emancipation and the Fifteenth Amendment, they are too transparent to 
need a single word of comment. Judge and jury having found the accused 
chargeable with Treason, nothing remained, so far as the men were con- 
cerned, but to bide their time as best they could in prison. Most of them 
were married, and had wives and children clinging to them in this hour of 
fearful looking for of judgment. 



358 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 



THE LAW OF TREASON, AS LAID DOWN BY JUDGE KANE. 

The following charge to the Grand Jury of the United States District 
Court, in reference to the Slave-hunting affray in Lancaster county, and ])re- 
paratory to their finding bills of indictment against the prisoners, was deliv- 
ered on INIonday, September 28, by Judge Kane : 

" Gentlemen of the Grand Jury : — It has been represented to me, that 
since we met last, circumstances have occurred in one of the neighborinjr 
counties in our District, which should call for your prompt scrutiny, and 
perhaps for the energetic action of the Court. It is said, that a citizen of the 
State of Maryland, who had come into Pennsylvania to reclaim a fugitive 
from labor, was forcibly obstructed in the attempt by a body of armed men, 
assaulted, beaten and murdered; that some members of his family, who had 
accompanied him in the pursuit, were at the same time, and by the same 
party maltreated and grievously wounded ; and that an officer of justice, 
constituted under the authority of this Court, who sought to arrest tlie fugi- 
tive, was impeded and repelled by menaces and violence, while proclaiming 
his character, and exhibiting his warrant. It is said, too, that the time and 
manner of those outrages, their asserted object, the denunciations by which 
they were preceded, and the simultaneous action of most of the guilty par- 
ties, evinced a combined purpose forcibly to resist and make nugatory a 
constitutional provision, and the statutes enacted in pursuance of it: and 
it is added, in confirmation of tiiis, that for some months back, gatherings of 
people, strangers, as well as citizens, have been held from time to time in the 
vicinity of the place of the recent outbreaks, at which exhortations were 
made and pledges interchanged to hold the law for the recovery of fugitive 
slaves as of no validity, and to defy its execution. Such are some of the 
representations that have been made in my hearing, and in regard to which, 
it has become your duty, as the Grand Inquest of the District, to make legal 
inquiry. Personally, I know nothing of the facts, or the evidence relating 
to them. As a member of the Court, before which the accused persons may 
hereafter bo arraigned and tried, I have sought to keep my mind altogether 
free from any impressions of their guilt or innocence, and even from an extra- 
judicial knowledge of the circumstances which must determine the legal 
c-haracter of the offence that has thus been perpetrated. It is due to the 
groat interests of ]Miblic justioe, no less than to the parties implicated in 
a criminal charge, that their cause should be in no wise and in no degree pre- 
judged. And in referring, therefore, to the representations which have been 
made to me, I have no other object than to point you to the reasons for my 
addre&sing you at this advanced period of our sessions, and to enable you 



THE LA W OF TREASON. 359 

to apply with more facility and certainty the principles and rules of law, 
which I shall proceed to lay before you. 

If the circumstances, to which I have adverted, have in fact taken place, 
they involve the highest crime known to our laws. Treason against the 
United States is defined by the Constitution, Art. 3, Sec. 3, cl. 1, to consist 
in " levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies, giving them aid 
and comfort." This definition is borrowed from the ancient Law of England, 
Stat. 25, Edw. 3, Stat. 5, Chap. 2, and its terms must be understood, of 
course, in the sense which they bore in that law, and which obtained here 
when the Constitution was adopted. The expression, "levying war," so 
regarded, embraces not merely the act of formal or declared war, but any 
combination forcibly to prevent or oppose the execution or enforcement of a 
provision of the Constitution, or of a public Statute, if accompanied or 
followed by an act of forcible opposition in pursuance of such combination. 
This, in substance, has been the interpretation given to these words by the 
English Judges, and it has been uniformly and fully recognized and adopted 
in the Courts of the United States. (See Foster, Hale, and Hawkins, and 
tlie opinions of Iredell, Patterson, Chase, Marshall, and Washington, J. J., 
of the Supreme Court, and of Peters, D. J., in U. S. vs. Vijol, U. S. vs. 
Mitchell, U. S. vs. Fries, U. S. vs. Bollman and Swartwout, and U. S. vs. 
Burr). 

The definition, as you will observe, includes two particulars, both of them 
indispensable elements of the oifence. There must have been a combination 
or conspiring together to oppose the law by force, and some actual force must 
have been exerted, or the crime of treason is not consummated. The highest, 
or at least the direct proof of the combination may be found in the'dcclared 
purposes of the individual party before the actual outbreak ; or it may be de- 
rived from the proceedings of meetings, in which he took part openly; or which 
he either prompted, or made eifective by his countenance or sanction, — com- 
mending, counselling and instigating forcible resistance to the law. I speak, 
of course, of a conspiring to resist a law, not the more limited purpose to 
violate it, or to prevent its application and enforcement in a particular case, 
or against a particular Individual. The combination must be directed against 
the law itself But such direct proof of this element of the offence is not 
legally necessary to establish its existence. The concert of purpose may be 
deduced from the concerted action itself, or it may be inferred from flvcts 
occurring at the time, or afterwards, as well as before. Besides this, there 
must be some act of violence, as the result or consequence of the combining. 

But here again, it is not necessary to prove that the individual accused 
was a direct, personal actor in the violence. If lie was present, directing, 
aiding, abetting, counselling, or countenancing it, he is in law guilty of the 
forciMe act. Nor Is even his personal presence Indispensable. Thono:h he 
bo absent at the time of Its actual perpetration, yet. If he directed the act. 



360 THE UXDERGEOUXD EAIL-ROAD. 

i'levisal, or kno\vIni;'ly furnished the means for carryhig it into cifect, insti- | 
g,itetl others to perform it, he shares their guilt. ' 

In treason there are no accessories. Tliere has been, I fear, an erroneous 
impression on this subject, among a portion of our people. If it has been 
thought safe, to counsel and instigate others to acts of forcible oppugnation 
to the provisions of a statute, to inflame the minds of the ignorant by- 
appeals to passion, and denunciations of the law as oj)pressive, unjust, | 
revolting to the conscience, and not binding on the actions of men, to rej)re- 
sent the constitution of the land as a compact of iniquity, which it were 
meritorious to violate or subvert, the mistake has been a grievous one; and 
they who have fallen into it may rejoice, if pcrad venture their appeals and \m 
their counsels have been hitherto without effect. The supremacy of the ' 
constitution, in all its provisions, is at the very basis of our existence as a 
nation, lie, Avhose conscience, or whose theories of political or individual 
right, forbid him to support and maintain it in its fullest integrity, may 
relieve himself from the duties of citizenship, by divesting himself of its 
rights. But while he remains within our borders, he is to remember, that 
successfully to instigate treason, is to commit it. I shall not be supposed to 
imply in these remarks, that I have doubts of the law-abiding cliaracter of 
our people, Xo one can know them well, without the most entire reliance 
on their fidelity to the constitution. Some of them may differ from the 
mass, as to the rightfulness or the wisdom of this or the other j)rovision 
that is found in the federal compact, they may bo divided in sentiment as to 
the policy of a particular statute, or of some provision in a statute ; but it is 
their honest purpose to stand by the engagements, all the engagements, 
which bind them to their brethren of the other States. They have but one 
country ; they recognize no law of higher social obligation than its constitu- 
tion and the laws made in pursuance of it; they recognize no higher appeal 
than to the tribunals it has appointed ; they cherish no patriotism that looks 
beyond the union of the States. That there are men here, as elsewhere, 
whom a misguided zeal impels to violations of law; that there are others 
who are controlled by false sympathies, and some who yield too readily and 
too fully to sympathies not always false, or if false, yet pardonable, and 
become criminal by yielding, that we have, not only in our jails and alms- 
houses, but segregated here and there in detached i)ortions of the State, 
ignorant men, many of them without political rights, degraded in social 
position, and instinctive of revolt, all this is true. It is proved by the 
daily record of our i)olice courts, and by the ineffective labors of those good 
luen among us, who seek to detach want from temptation, passion from vio- 
lence, and ignorance from crime. 

But it should not be supposed that any of these represent the sentiment 
of Pennsylvania, and it would be to wrong our people sorely, to include 
thcin in the same category of personal, social, or political morals. It is 



THE LA W OF TREASON. 301 

declared in the article of the constitution, which I have already citct|, that 
'no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testitnony of two 
witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.' This and 
the corresponding language in the act of Congress of the 30th of April, 
1790, seem to refer to the proofs on the trial, and not to the preliminary 
hearino- before the committing magistrate, or the proceeding before the grand 
inquest. There can be no conviction until after arraignment on bill found. 
The previous action in the Case is not a trial, and cannot convict, whatever 
be the evidence or the number of witnesses. I understand this to have been 
the opinion entertained by Chief Justice Marshall, 1 Burr's Trial, 195, and 
though it differs from that expressed by Judge Iredell on the indictment of 
Fries, (1 Whart. Am. St. Tr. 480), I feel authorized to recommend it to 
you, as within the terms of the Constitution, and involving no injustice to 
the accused. I have only to add that treason against the United States, 
may be committed by any one resident or sojourning within its territory, and 
under tlic protection of its laws, whether he be a citizen or an alien. (Fost. 
C. L. 183, 5.— 1 Hale 59, 60, 62. 1 Hawk. ch. 17, § 5, Kel. 38). 

Besides the crime of treason, which I have thus noticed, there are offences 
of minor grades, against the Constitution and the State, some or other of 
which may be apparently established by the evidence that will come before 
you. These are "embraced in the act of Congress, on the 80th of Sept., 1790, 
Ch. 9, Sec. 22, on the su!)jeet of obstructing or resisting the service of legal 
process, — the act of the 2d of March, 1831, Chap. 99, Sec. 2, wliich secures 
the jurors, witnesses, and officers of our Courts in the fearless, free, and 
impartial administration of their respective functions, — and the act of the 
18th of September, 1850, Ch. 60, which relates more particularly to the 
rescue, or attempted rescue of a fugitive from labor. Tiiese Acts were made 
the subject of a charge to the Grand Jury of this Court in November last, 
of which I shall direct a co})y to be laid before you ; and I do not deem it 
necessary to repeat their provisions at this time. 

Gentlemen of the Grand Jury : You are about to enter upon a most grave 
and momentous duty. You will be careful in performing it, not to permit 
your indignation against crime, or your just appreciation of its perilous con- 
sequences, to influence your judgment of the guilt of those who may be 
charged before you with its commission. But you will be careful, also, that 
no misguided charity shall persuade you to withhold the guilty from the retri- 
butions of justice. You will inquire whether an offence has been committed, 
what was its legal character, and who were the offenders, — and this done, and 
this only, you will make your presentments according to the evidence and 
the law. Your inquiries will not be restricted to the conduct of the people 
belonging to our own State. If in the progress of them, you shall find, that 
men have been among us, who, under whatever mask of conscience or of 
peace, have labored to incite others to treasonable violence, and who, after 



362 I'l^E UNDEEGROUXD RAIL BO AD. 

arranging the elements of the mischief, have withdrawn themselves to await 
the explosion they liad contrived, you will feel yourselves bound to present 
the fact to the Court, — and however distant may be the place in which the 
offenders may have sought refuge, we give you the pledge of the law, that 
its far-reaching energies shall be exerted to bring them up for trial, — if 
guilty, to punishment. The offence of treason is not triable in this Court; 
but by an act of Congress, passed ou the 8th of August, 1845, Chap. 98, it is 
made lawful for the Grand Jury, empanelled and sworn in the District Court, 
to take cognizance of all the indictments for crimes against the United States 
within the jurisdiction of either of the Federal Courts of the District. 
There being no Grand Jury in attendance at this time in the Circuit Court, 
to pass upon the accusations I have referred to in the first instance, it has 
fallen to my lot to assume the responsible office of expounding to you the 
law in regard to them. I have the satisfaction of knowing, that if the views 
I have expressed are in any respect erroneous, they must undergo the revi- 
sion of my learned brother of the Supreme Court, who presides in this Cir- 
cuit, before they can operate to the serious prejudice of any one ; and that 
if they are doubtful even, provision exists for their re-examination in the 
highest tribunal of the country." 

On the strength of Judge Kane's carefully-drawn up charge the Grand 
Jury found true bills of indictment against forty of the Christiana offenders, 
charged with treason. James Jackson, an aged member of the Society of 
Friends (a Quaker), and a well-known non-resistant abolitionist, was of this 
number. With his name the blanks were filled up ; the same form (Avith 
regard to these bills) was employed in the case of each one of the accused. 
The following is a 

copy OF THE INDICTMENT. 

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, ss. : 

The Grand Inquest of the United States of America, inquiring for tlie 
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, on their oaths and affirmations, respect- 
fully do present, that James Jackson, yeoman of the District aforesaid, owing 
allegiance to the United States of America, wickedly devising and intending 
the peace and tranquility of said United States, to disturb, and prevent the 
execution of the laws thereof within the same, to wit, a Jaw of the United 
States, entitled "An act raspecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping 
from the service of their masters," approved February twelfth, one thou- 
sand seven hundred and ninety-three, and also a law of the United States, 
entitled " An act to amend, and supplementary to, the act entitled, An act 
respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of 
their masters, approved February the twelfth, one thousand seven hundred 



THE LA W OF TREASON. 363 

and niuety-three," which latter supplementary act was approved September 
eio-liteenth, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, on the eleventh day of 
September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty- 
one, in the county of Lancaster, in the State of Pennsylvania and District 
aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, wickedly and traitor- 
ously did intend to levy war against the United States within the same. 
And to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the 
said James Jackson, he, the said James Jackson afterward, to wit, on the day 
and year aforesaid, in the State, District and County aforesaid, and within 
the jurisdiction of this Court, with a great multitude of persons, whose 
names, to this Inquest are as yet unknown, to a great number, to Avit, to the 
number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a war- 
like manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, 
as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully and traitor- 
ously assembled, did traitorously assemble and combine against the said 
United States, and then and there, with force and arms, wickedly and trai- 
torously, and with the wicked and traitorous intention to oppose and prevent, 
by means of intimidation and violence, the execution of the said laws of the 
United States within the same, did array and dispose themselves in a war- 
like and hostile manner against the said United States, and then and there, 
with force and arms, in pursuance of such their traitorous intention, he, the 
said James Jackson, with the said persons so as aforesaid, wickedly and trai- 
torously did levy war against the United States. 

And further, to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of 
him, the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said 
wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said 
laws of the United States from being carried into execution, he, the said 
James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the 
State, District and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, 
M'ith the said persons whose names to this Inquest are as yet unknown, did, 
M'ickedly and traitorously assemble against the said United States, with the 
avowed intention by force of arms and intimidation to prevent the execu- 
tion of tiie said laws of the United States within the same ; and in pursu- 
ance and execution of such their wicked and traitorous combination, he, the 
said James Jackson, then and there with force and arms, with the said per- 
sons to a great number, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and 
upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, 
swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being 
then and tliere, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did wickedly, know- 
ingly, and traitorously resist and oppose one Henry H. Kline, an officer, 
duly appointed by Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., a commissioner, duly 
appointed by the Circuit Court of the United States, for the said district, in 
i the execution of the duty of the office of the said Kline, he, the said Kline, 



364 THE UNDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

beiug appouited by the said Edward Ingniliam, Esq., by writing under his 
hand, to execute warrants and other process issued by him, the said 
In<n-ahaiu, in the performance of his duties as Commissioner, under tlie said 
laws of the United States, and then and there, with force and anus, with 
the said great multitude of persons, so as, aforesaid, unlawfully and traitor- 
ously assembled, and armed and arrayed in manner as aforesaid, he, the said, 
James Jackson, wickedly and traitorously did oppose and resist, and pre- 
vent the said Kline, from executing the lawful i)rocess to him directed and 
delivered by the said commissioner against sundry persons, then residents of 
said county, who had been legally charged before the said commissioner as 
being persons held to service or labor in the State of Maryland, and owing 
such service or labor to a certain Edward Gorsuch, under the laws of the 
said State of Maryland, had escaped therefrom, into the said Eastern district 
of Pennsylvania; which process, duly issued by the said commissioner, the 
said Kline then and there had in his possession, and was then and there pro- 
ceeding to execute, as by law he was bound to do; and so the grand inquest, 
upon their respective oaths and affirmations aforesaid, do say, that the said 
James Jackson, in manner aforesaid, as much as in him lay, wickedly and 
traitorously did prevent, by means of force and intimidation, the execution 
of the said laws of the United States, in the said State and District. And 
further, to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of him, the 
said James Jackson, and in further pursuance, and in the execution of the 
said wicked and traitorous combination to expose, resist, and prevent the 
execution of the said laws of the said United States, in the State and Dis- 
trict aforesaid, he, the said James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day 
and year first aforesaid, in the State, county, and district aforesaid, and 
within the jurisdiction of this court, with the said persons whose names to 
the grand inquest aforesaid, are as yet unknown, did, wickedly and traitor- 
ously assemble against the said United States with the avowed intention, by 
means of force and intimidation, to prevent the execution of the said laws 
of the United States in the State and district aforesaid, and in pursuance 
and execution of such, their wicked and traitorous combination and inten- 
tion, then and there to the State, district, and county aforesaid, and within 
the jurisdiction of this court, with force and arms, with a great multitude of 
persons, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and 
arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other 
warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there un- 
lawfully and traitorously assembled, he, the said James Jackson, did, know- 
ingly, and unlawfully assault the said Henry II. Kline, he, the said Kline, 
being an officer appointed by writing, under the hand of the said Edward 
D. Ingraham, Esq., a commissioner under said laws, to execute warrants 
and other process, issued by the said commissioner in the performance of his 
duties as such; and he, the said James Jackson, did, then and there, 



( 



THE LA W OF TREASON. 365 

traitorously, with force and arms, against the will of the said Kline, libe- 
rate and take out of his custody, persons by him before that time arrested, 
and in his lawful custody, then and there being, by virtue of lawful process 
against them issued by the said commissioner, they being legally charged 
with being persons held to service or labor in the State of Maryland, and 
owin'^'' such service or labor to a certain Edward Gorsueh, under the laws of 
the said State of Maryland, who had escaped therefrom into the said district; 
and so the grand inquest aforesaid, upon their oaths and affirmations, afore- 
said, do say, that he, the said James Jackson, as much as in him lay, did, 
then and there, in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked a?id 
traitorous combination and intention, wickedly and traitorously, by mean.s 
of f)rce and intimidation, prevent the execution of the said laws of the 
United States, in the said State and district. 

And further to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of 
him, the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said 
wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said 
laws of the United States from being carried into execution, he, the said 
James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, and 
on divers other days, both before and afterwards in the State and district 
aforesaid, and within the j urisdiction of this court, with the said persons to 
this in(iuest as yet unknown, maliciously and traitorously did meet, conspire, 
consult, and agree among themselves, further to oppose, resist, and prevent, 
by means of force and intimidation, the execution of the said laws herein 
before specified. 

And further to fulfill, perfect, and bring to effect the said traitorous inten- 
tion of him the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and execution of the 
said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose and resist the said laws of 
the United States from being carried into execution, in the State and district 
aforesaid, he, the said James Jackson, together with the other persons whose 
names are to this inquest as yet unknown, on the day and year first afore- 
said, and on divers other days and times, as well before and after, at the 
district aforesaid, within the jurisdiction of said court, with force and arms, 
maliciously and traitorously did prepare and compose, and did then and 
there maliciously and traitorously cause and procure to be prepared and 
composed, divers books, pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, 
addresses, papers and writings, and did then and there maliciously and trait- 
orously publish and disperse and cause to be published and dispersed, divers 
other books and pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, 
l)apers and writings ; the said books, pamj)hlets, letters, declarations, resohi- 
tions, addresses, papers and writings, so respectively prepared, composed, 
published and dispersed, as last aforesaid, containino- therein, amoncjst other 
thmgs, mcitements, encouragements, and exhortations, to move, induce and 
persuade persons held to service in any of the United States, by the laws 



366 THE UXDERGROUXD BAIL ROAD. 

thereof, who had escaped into the said district, as well as other jiersons, 
citizens of said district, to resist, oppose, and prevent, by violence and intimi- 
dation, the execution of the said laws, and also containing therein, instruc- 
tions and directions how and upon what occasion, the traitorous purposes 
last aforesaid, should and might be carried into effect, contrary to the form 
of the act of Congress in such case made and provided, and against the 
peace and dignity of the United States. 

John W. Ashmead, 
Attorney of the U. S. for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 

The abolitionists were leaving no stone unturned in order to triumphantly 
meet the case in Court. During the interim many tokens of kindness and 
marks of Christian benevolence were extended to the prisoners by their 
friends and sympathizers ; among these none deserve more honorable mention 
than the noble act of Thomas L. Kane (son' of Judge Kane, and now Gen- 
eral), in tendering all the prisoners a sumptuous Thanksgiving dinner, con- 
sisting of turkey, etc., pound cake, etc., etc. The dinner for the white 
prisoners, Messrs. Hanaway, Davis, and Scarlett, was served in approj)riate 
style in the room of Mr. Morrison, one of the keepers. The U. S. ]Marshal, 
A. E. Roberts, Esq., several of the keepers, and Mr. Hanes, one of the 
prison officers, dined with the prisoners as their guests. Mayor Charles 
Gil])in M'as also present and accepted an invitation to test the quality of 
the luxuries, thus significantly indicating that he was not the enemy of 
Freedom. 

Mrs. Martha Hanaway, the wife of the " traitor " of that name, and who 
had spent most of her time with her husband since his incarceration, served 
each of the twenty-seven colored " traitors " with a plate of the delicacies, 
and the supply being greater than the demand, the balance was served to 
outsiders in other cells on the same corridor. 

The pro-slavery party were very indignant over the matter, and the Hon. 
INIr. Brent thought it incumbent upon him to bring this high handed proce- 
dure to the notice of the Court, where he received a few crumbs of sym})atliy, 
from the pro-slavery side, of course. But the dinner had been so handsomely 
arranged, and coming from the source that it did, it had a very telling effect. 
Long bclVjre this, however, Mr. T. L. Kane had given abundant evidence 
that he approved of the Underground Rail Road, and was a decided oppo- 
nent of tlie Fugitive Slave Law; in short, that he believed in freedom for 
all men, irrespective of race or color. 

Castnor Hanaway was first to be tried ; over him, therefore, the great 
contest was to be made. For the defence of this particular case, the aboli- 
tionists selected J. M. Read, Thaddeus Stevens, Joseph S. Lewis and Theo- 
dore Cuyler, Esqs. On the side of the Fugitive Slave Law, and against the 
"traitors," were U. S. District Attorney, John W. Ashmead, Hon. James 



THE LA W OF TREASON. 367 

Cooper, James R. Ludlow, Esq., and Robert G. Brent, Attorney General of 
Maryland. Mr. Brent was allowed to act as "overseer" in conducting 
matters on the side of tlje Fugitive Slave Law. On this infamous enact- 
ment, combined with a corrupted popular sentiment, the pro- slavery side 
depended for success. The abolitionists viewed matters in the light of free- 
dom and humanity, and hopefully relied upon the justice of their cause and 
the power of truth to overcome and swallow up all the Pharaoh's rods of 
serpents as fast as they might be thrown down. 

The prisoners having lain in their cells nearly three months, the time for 
their trial arrived. Monday morning, November 24th, the contest began. 
The first three days were occupied in procuring jurors. The pro-slavery 
side desired none but such as believed in the Fugitive Slave Law and in 
"Treason" as expounded in the Judge's charge and the finding of the Grand 
Jury. 

The counsel for the " Traitors " carefully weighed the jurors, and when 
found wanting challenged them; in so doing, they managed to get rid 
of most all of that special class upon whom the prosecution depended 
for a conviction. The jury having been sworn in, the battle commenced in 
good earnest, and continued unabated for nearly two weeks. It is needless 
to say, that the examinations and arguments would fill volumes, and were 
of the most deeply interesting nature. 

No attempt can here be made to recite the particulars of the trial other 
than by a mere reference. It was, doubtless, the most important trial 
that ever took place in this country relative to the Underground Rail 
Road passengers, and in its results more good was brought out of evil than 
can easily be estimated. The pro-slavery theories of treason were utterly 
demolished, and not a particle of room was left the advocates of the ])ccu- 
liar institution to hope, that slave-hunters in future, in quest of fugitives, 
would be any more safe than Gorsuch. The tide of public sentiment 
changed — Hanaway, and the other " traitors," began to be looked upon as 
having been greatly injured, and justly entitled to public sympathy and 
honor, while confusion of face, disappointment and chagrin were plainly 
visible throughout the demoralized ranks of the enemy. Hanaway was vic- 
torious. 

An effort was next made to convict Thompson, one of the colored "trai- 
tors." To defend the colored prisoners, the old Abolition Society had 
retained Thaddeus Stevens, David Paul Brown, William S. Pierce, and Ro- 
bert P. Kane, Esqs., (son of Judge Kane). Stevens, Brown and Pierce 
were well-known veterans, defenders of the slave wherever and whenever 
called upon so to do. In the present case, they were prepared for a gallant 
stiuid and a long siege against opposing forces. Likewise, R. P. Kane, 
Esq., although a young volunteer in the anti-slavery war, brought to the 
work great zeal, high attainments, large sympathy and true pluck, while, in 



3G8 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

view of all the circumstances, the committee of arrangements felt very much 
gratified to Imve him in their ranks. 

By this time, however, the sandy foundations of " overseer " Brent and 
Co., (on the part of slavery), had been so com[)letcly swept away by the 
Hon. J. M. Read and Co., on the side of freedom, that there was but little 
chance left to deal heavy blows upon the defeated advocates of the Fugitive 
Slave Law. Thompson was pronounced " not guilty." The other prison- 
ers, of course, shared the same good luck. The victory was then complete, 
equally as much so as at Christiana. Underground Rail Road stock arose 
rapidly, and a feeling of universal rejoicing pervaded the friends of freedom 
from one end of the country to the other. 

Especially were slave-holders taught the wholesome lesson, that the Fugi- 
tive Slave Law was no guarantee against " red hot shot," nor the charges of 
U. S. Judges and the findings of Grand Juries, together with the superior 
learning of counsel from slave-holding Maryland, any guarantee that " trai- 
tors " would be hung. In every respect, the Underground Rail Road made 
capital by the treason. Slave-holders from INIaryland especially were far 
less disposed to hunt their runaway property than they had hitherto been. 
The Deputy Marshal likewise considered the business of catching slaves 
very unsafe. 



WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 

FEMALE SLAVE IN' MALE ATTIRE, FLEEIXO AS A PLANTER, WITH HER HUSBAND AS 

HER BODY SERVANT. 

A quarter of a century ago, William and Ellen Craft were slaves in the 
State of Georgia. With them, as with thousands of othci"s, the desire to 
be free was very strong. For this jewel they were willing to make any 
sacrifice, or to endure any amount of suffering. In this state of mind tlicy 
commenced planning. After thinking of various ways that might be tried, 
it occurred to William and Ellen, that one might act the part of master and 
the other the part of servant. 

Ellon being fair enough to pass for white, of necessity would have to be 
transformed into a young planter for the time being. All that was needed, 
however, to make this important change was that she should be dressed 
elegantly in a fashionable suit of male attire, and have her hair cut in the 
style usually worn by young planters. Her profusion of dark hair offered 
a fine opportunity for the change. So far this plan looked very tcmjiting. 
But it occurretl to them that Ellen was beardless. After some mature reflec- 
tion, they came to the conclusion that this difficulty could be very readily 
obviated by having the face mullled up as though the young planter was 
suffering badly with the face or toothache; thus they got rid of this trouble. 
Straightway, upon fiuiher reflection, several other very serious difficulties 




AVILLIAM C It A FT. 




ELLEN CRAFT. 



WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 3(39 

stared them in the face. For instance, in traveling, they knew that they 
would bo under the necessity of stopping repeatedly at hotels, and that the 
custom of registering would have to be conformed to, unless some very good 
excuse could be given for not doing so. 

Here they again thought much over matters, and wisely concluded that 
the young man had better assume the attitude of a gentleman very nnich 
indisposed. He must have his right arm placed carefully in a sling ; that 
would be a sufficient excuse for not registering, etc. Then he must l)e a 
little lame, with a nice cane in the left hand ; he must have large green spec- 
tacles over his eyes, and withal he must be very hard of hearing and depen- 
dent on his faithful servant (as was no uncommon thing with slave-holders), 
to look after all his wants. 

William was just the man to act this part. To begin with, he was very 
" likely-looking ;" smart, active and exceedingly attentive to his young mas- 
ter — indeed he was almost eyes, ears, hands and feet for him. William 
knew that this would please the slave holders. The young planter would 
have nothing to do but hold himself subject to his ailments and put 
on a bold air of superiority ; he was not to deign to notice anybody. If, 
wiiile traveling, gentlemen, either politely or rudely, should venture to 
scrape acquaintance with the young planter, in his deafness he was to remain 
mute ; the servant was to explain. In every instance when this occurred, as 
it actually did, the servant was fully equal to the emergency — none dreaming 
of the disguises in which the Underground Rail Road passengers were 
traveling. 

They stopped at a first-class hotel in Charleston, where the young planter 
and his body servant were treated, as the house was wont to treat the chi- 
valry. They stopped also at a similar hotel in Richmond, and with like 
results. 

They knew that they must pass through Baltimore, but they did not know 
the obstacles that they would have to surmount in the Monumental City. 
They proceeded to the depot in the usual manner, and the servant 
asked for tickets for his master and self. Of course the master could have 
a ticket, but "bonds will have to be entered before you can get a ticket," 
said the ticket master. " It is the rule of this office to require bonds for all 
negroes applying for tickets to go North, and none but gentlemen of well- 
known responsibility will be taken," further explained the ticket master. 

The servant replied, that he knew " nothing about that " — that he was 
"simply traveling with his young master to take care of him — he being in a 
very delicate state of health, so much so, that fears were entertained that he 
might not be able to hold out to reach Philadelphia, where he was hastening 
for medical treatment," and ended his reply by saying, "my master can't be 
detained." Without further parley, the ticket master very obligingly waived 
the old " rule," and furnished the requisite tickets. The mountain being 
24 



g-Q THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

tluis removed, the young planter and his faithful servant were safely in the 

cars for the city of Brotlierly Love. ,- a ^ a 

Scarcely had they arrived on free soil when the rheumatism departed 
-the ri-ht arm was unslung-the toothache was gone-the beai-dless 
face was unmuffled-the deaf heard and spoke-the blind saw-and the 
lame leaped as an hart, and in the presence of a few astonished friends of 
the slave, the flicts of this unparalleled Underground Rail Road feat were 
fully established by the most unquestionable evidence. , , . , , 

The constant strain and pressure on Ellen's nerves, however had tried her 
severely, so much so, that for days afterwards, she was physically very much 
prostrated, although joy and gladness beamed from her eyes, which bespoke 

inexpressible delight within. ,' , „ • • i v,,«„ 

Never can the writer forget the imprassion made by their arrival. Even 
now, after a lapse of nearly a quarter of a century, it is easy to picture them 
in a private room, surrounded by a few friends-Ellen in her fine sui of 
black, with her cloak and high-heeled boots, looking, in every respect, like a 
young gentleman; in an hour after having dropped her male attire, and 
assuined the habiliments of her sex the feminine only was visible in every 
line and feature of her structure. . i j 

Her husband, William, was thoroughly colored, but was a man of marked 
natural abilities, of good manners, and full of pluck, and possessed of per- 
ceptive faculties very large. , , i , i 

It was necessary, however, in those days, that they should seek a perma- 
nent residence, where their freedom would be more secure than in Philadel- 
phia- therefore they were advised to go to headquarters, directly to Boston. 
Ther'a ijiey would be safe, it was supposed, as it had then b^en about a gene- 
ration since a fugitive had been taken back from the old Bay State, and 
through the incessant labors of William Lloyd Garrison, the great pioneer, and 
his fakhful coadjutors, it was conceded that another fugitive slave case could 
nlver be tolerated on ihe free soil of Massachusetts. So to Boston they went. 
On arriving, the warm hearts of abolitionists welcomed them heartily, and 
greeted and cheered them without let or hindrance. They did not pretend to 
keep their coming a secret, or hide it under a bushel ; the story of their escape 
was heralded broadcast over the country-North and South, and indeed over 
the civilized world. For two years or more, not the slightest fear was enter- 
tained that they were not just as safe in Boston as if they had gone to 
Canada. But the day the Fugitive Bill passed, even the bravest abohtionist 
began to fear that a fugitive slave was no longer safe ^^V;^]]''' ^''''''' '^ 
stars and stripes, North or South, and that William and Ellen Craft ..r 
liable to be captured at any moment by Georgia slave hunters. Many 
abolitionist, counselled resistance to the death at all hazards. Instead ot 
running to Canada, fugitives generally armed themselves and thus saia, 
" Give me liberty or give me death." 



WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 371 

William and Ellen Craft believed that it was their duty, as citizens of 
Massachusetts, to observe a more legal and civilized mode of conformino- to 
the marriage rite than had been permitted them in slavery, and as 
Theodore Parker had shown himself a very warm friend of their's, they 
agreed to have their wedding over again according to the laws of a free 
State. After performing the ceremony, the renowned and fearless advocate 
of equal rights (Theodore Parker), presented William with a revolver and 
a dirk-knife, counselling him to use them manfully in defence of his wife 
and himself, if ever an attempt should be made by his owners or anybody 
else to re-enslave them. 

But, notwithstanding all the published declarations made by abolitionists 
and fugitives, to the effect, that slave-holders and slave-catchers in visiting 
Massachusetts in pursuit of their runaway property, would be met by just 
such weapons as Theodore Parker presented William with, to the surprise 
of all Boston, the owners of William and Ellen actually had the eifrontery 
to attempt their recapture under the Fugitive Slave Law. How it was done, 
and the results, taken from the Old Liberator, (William Lloyd Garrison's 
organ), we copy as follows : 

From the "Liberator," Nov. 1, 1850. 
SLAVE-HUNTERS IN BOSTON. 

Our city, for a week past, has been thrown into a state of intense excite- 
ment by the appearance of two prowling villains, named Hughes and 
Knight, from Macon, Georgia, for the purpose of seizing William and Ellen 
Ci'aft, under the infernal Fugitive Slave Bill, and carrying them back to 
the hell of Slavery. Since the day of '76, there has not been such q^ popular 
demonstration on the side of human freedom in this region. The humane 
and patriotic contagion has infected all classes. Scarcely any other subject 
has been talked about in the streets, or in the social circle. On Thursday, of 
last week, warrants for the arrest of William and Ellen were issued by 
Judge Levi Woodbury, but no officer has yet been found ready or bold 
enough to serve them. In the meantime, the Vigilance Committee, 
appointed at the Faneuil Hall meeting, has not been idle. Their number 
has been increased to upwards of a hundred " good men and true," including 
some thirty or forty members of the bar; and they have been in constant 
session, devising every legal method to baffle the pursuing bloodhounds, and 
relieve the city of their hateful presence. On Saturday placjirds were posted 
up in all directions, announcing the arrival of these slave-hunters, and 
describing their persons. On the same day, Hughes and Knight were 
arrested on the charge of slander against William Craft. The Chronotype 
says, the damages being laid at $10,000 ; bail was demanded in the same 
sum, and was promptly furnished. By whom? is the question. An immense 
crowd was assembled in front of the Sheriff's office, while the bail matter 



372 TUE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

Avas being arranged. The reporters were not admitted. It was only known 
that AVattion Freeman, Esq., who once declared his readiness to hang any 
number of negroes remarkably cheap, came in, saying that the arrest was a 
shame, all a humbug, the trick of the damned abolitionists, and proclaimed 
his readiness to stand bail. John H. Pearson \vas also sent for, and came — 
the same John H. Pearson, merchant and Southern packet agent, who immor- 
talized himself by sending back, on the 10th of September, 1846, in the 
bark Niagara, a poor fugitive slave, who came secreted in the brig Ottoman, 
from Xew Orleans — being himself judge, jury and executioner, to consign a 
fellow-being to a life of bondage — in obedience to the law of a slave State, 
and in violation of the law of his own. This same John H. Pearson, not 
contented with his previous infamy, was on hand. There is a story that the 
slave-hunters have been his table-guests also, and whether he bailed them or 
not, we don't know. What we know is, that soon after Pearson came out 
from the back room, where he and Knight and the Sheriff had been closeted, 
the Sheriff said that Knight was bailed — he would not say by whom. 
Knight being looked after, was not to be found. He had slipped out 
through a back door, and thus cheated the crowd of the pleasure of greeting 
him — possibly with that rough and ready affection which Barclay's brewers 
bestowed upon Haynau. The esca})e was very fortunate every way. 
Hughes and Knight have since been twice arrested and put under bonds of 
$10,000 (making $30,000 in all), charged with a conspiracy to kidnap and 
abduct William Craft, a peaceable citizen of Massachusetts, etc. Bail was 
entered by Hamilton Willis, of Willis & Co., 25 State street, and Patrick 
Kiley, U. S. Deputy Marshal. 

The following (says the Chronotype), is a verbatim et literatim copy of the 
letter sent by Knight to Craft, to entice him to the U. S. Hotel, in order to 
kidnap him. It shows, that the school-master owes Knight more " service 
and labor " than it is possible for Crafl to : 

Boston, Oct. 22, 1850, 11 Oclk P. M, 
Wm. Craft — Sir — I have to leave so Eirley in the moring that I cold not call according 
to promis, so if you want me to carry a letter home with me, you must bring it to the 
United States Hotel to morrow and leave it in box 44, or come your self to morro eaven- 
ing after tea and bring it. let me no if you come your self by sending a note to box 44 
U. S. Hotel 80 that I may know whether to wate after tea or not by the Bearer. If your 
wife wants to see me you cold bring her with you if you come your self. 

John Knight. 
P. S. I shall leave for home eirley a Thursday moring. J. K. 

At a meeting of colored people, held in Belknap Street Church, on Friday 
evening, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That God willed us free ; man willed us slaves. We will as 
God wills ; God's will be done. 

Resolved, That our oft repeated determination to resist oppression is the 



WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 373 

same now as ever, and we pledge ourselves, at all hazards, to resist unto 
death any attempt upon our liberties. 

Resolved, That as South Carolina seizes and imprisons colored seamen 
from the North, under the plea that it is to prevent insurrection and rebel- 
lion among her colored population, the authorities of this State, and city in 
particular, be requested to lay hold of, and put in prison, immediately, any 
and all fugitive slave-hunters who may be found among us, upon the same 
ground, and for similar reasons. 

Spirited addresses, of a most emphatic type, were made by Messrs. Rcmond, 
of Salem, Roberts, Nell, and Allen, of Boston, and Davis, of Plymouth. 
Individuals and highly respectable committees of gentlemen have repeatedly 
waited upon these Georgia miscreants, to persuade them to make a speedy 
departure from the city. After promising to do so, and repeatedly falsifying 
their word, it is said that they left on Wednesday afternoon, in the express 
train for New York, and thus (says the Chronotype), they have " gone oif 
with their ears full of fleas, to fire the solemn word for the dissolution of 
the Union !" 

Telegraphic intelligence is received, that President Fillmore has announced 
his determination to sustain the Fugitive Slave Bill, at all hazards. Let 
him try! The fugitives, as well as the colored people generally, seem deter- 
mined to carry out the spirit of the resolutions to their fullest extent. 

Ellen first received information that the slave-hunters from Georgia 
were after her through Mrs. Geo. S. Illlliard, of Boston, who had been a 
good friend to her from the day of her arrival from slavery. How Mrs. 
Hllliard obtained the information, the impression it made on Ellen, and 
where she was secreted, the following extract of a letter written by INIrs. 
Hllliard, touching the memorable event, will be found deeply interesting: 

" In regard to William and Ellen Craft, it is true that we received her at our house 
■when the first warrant under the act of eighteen hundred and fifty was issued. 

Dr. Bowditch called upon us to say, that the warrant must be for William and Ellen, as 
they were the only fugitives here known to have come from Georgia, and the Dr. asked 
what we could do. I went to the house of the Rev. F. T. Gray, on Mt. Vernon street, 
where Ellen was working with Miss Dean, an upholsteress, a friend of ours, who had told 
us she would teach Ellen her trade. I proposed to Ellen to come and do some work for 
me, intending not to alarm her. My manner, which I supposed to be indifferent and 
calm, betrayed me, and she threw herself into my arms, sobbing and weeping. She, how- 
ever, recovered her composure as soon as we reached the street, and was very firm ever 
after. 

My husband wished her, by all means, to be brought to our house, and to remain under 
his protection, saying: 'I am perfectly willing to meet the penalty, should she be found 
here, but will never give her up.' The penalty, you remember, was six months' imprison- 
ment and a thousand dollars fine. William Craft went, after a time, to Lewis Hayden. 
He was at first, as Dr. Bowditch told us, ' barricaded in his shop on Cambridge street.' I 
! saw him there, and he said, ' Ellen must not be left at your house.' 'Why? William,' 
said I, ' do you think we would give her up ?' ' Never,' said he, ' but Mr. Billiard is not 



374 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

only our friend but he is a U. S. Commissioner, and should Ellen be found in his house, 
he must resign his office, as well as incur the penalty of the law, and I will not subject- a 
friend to such a punishment for the sake of our safety.' Was not this noble, when you 
think how small was the penalty that any one could receive for aiding slaves to escape, 
compared to the fate which threatened them in case they were captured ? William C. made 
the same objection to having his wife taken to Mr. Ellis Gray Loring s, he also being a 
friend and a Commissioner." 

This deed of humanity and Christian charity is wortliy to be commemo- 
rated and classed with the act of the good Samaritan, as the same spirit 
is shown in both cases. Often was Mrs. Hilliard's house an asylum for 

fugitive slaves. o -^ ^ 

\fter the hunters had left the city in dismay, and the storm of excitement 
had partially subsided, the friends of William and Ellen concluded that 
thev had better seek a country where they would not be in daily fear of 
slaie-catchers, backed by the Government of the United States. They 
were therefore, advised to go to Great Britain. Outfits were liberally pro- 
vided for them, passages procured, and they took their departure for a habi- 
tation in a foreign land. ^ , -^i /. 

Much might be told concerning the warm reception they met with trom 
the friends of humanity on every hand, during a stay in England of nearly 
a score of years, but we feel obliged to make the following extract suffice : 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM WM. FARMER, ESQ., OF LONDON, TO WM. 
LLOYD GARRISON, JUNE 26, 1851-" FUGITIVE SLAVES AT THE GRE.^T 



EXHIBITION." 



Fortunately, we have, at the present moment, in the British Metropolis, 
some specimens of what were once American " chattels personal," in the 
persons of William and Ellen Craft, and William W. Brown, and their 
friends resolved that they should be exhibited under the world's huge glass 
case in order that the world might form its opinion of the alleged mental 
inferiority of the African race, and their fitness or unfitness for freedom. 
A small party of anti-slavery friends was accordingly formed to accompany 
the fucritives through the Exhibition. Mr. and ISIrs. Estlin, of Bristol, and 
a lady friend, Mr. and ISIrs. Richard Webb, of Dublin, and a son and 
daucrhter, Mr. McDonnell, (a most influential member of the Executive 
Committee of the National Reform Association— one of our unostcntatio>is, 
but highly efficient workers for reform in this country, and whose pubhc 
and private acts, if you were acquainted with, you would feel the same 
esteem and affiiction for him as is felt towards him by Mr. Thompson, myselt 
and many others)— these ladies and gentlemen, together with myself, met 
at Mr. Thompson's hou.-o, and, in company with ISIrs. Thompson, and Miss 
Amelia Thompson, the Crafts and Brown, proceeded from thence to tlie 
Exhibition. Saturday was selected, as a day upon which the largest number 
of the aristocracy and wealthy classes attend the Crystal Palace, and the 



WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 375 

company was, on this occasion, the most distinguished that had been gatli- 
ered together within its walls since its opening day. Some fifteen thousand, 
mostly of the upper classes, were there congregated, including the Queen, 
Prince Albert, and the royal children, the anti-slavery Duchess of Suther- 
land, (by whom the fugitives were evidently favorably regarded), the Duke 
of Wellington, the Bishops of Winchester and St. Asaph, a large number of 
peers, peeresses, members of Parliament, merchants and bankers, and distin- 
guished men from almost all parts of the world, surpassing, in variety of 
tongue, character and costume, the description of the population of Jerusa- 
lem on the day of Pentecost — a season of which it is hoped the Great Exhi- 
bition will prove a type, in the copious outpouring of the holy spirit of 
brotlierly union, and the consequent diffusion, throughout the world, of the 
anti-slavery gospel of good will to all men. 

In addition to the American exhibitors, it so happened that the American 
visitors were particularly numerous, among whom the experienced eyes of 
Brown and the Crafts enabled them to detect slave-holders by dozens. Mr. 
McDonnell escorted Mrs. Craft, and Mrs. Thompson ; Miss Thompson, at 
her own request, took the arm of Wm. Wells Brown, whose companion she 
elected to be for the day; Wm. Craft walked with INIiss Amelia Thompson 
and myself. This arrangement was purposely made in order that there 
might be no appearance of patronizing the fugitives, but that it miglit be 
shown that we regarded them as our equals, and honored them for their 
heroic escape from Slavery. Quite contrary to the feeling of ordinary visi- 
tors, the American department was our chief attraction. Upon arriving at 
Powers' Greek Slave, our glorious anti-slavery friend, Punch's 'Virginia 
Slave ' was produced. I hope you have seen this production of our great 
humorous moralist. It is an admirably-drawn figure of a female slave in 
chains, with the inscription beneath, 'The Virginia Slave, a companion for 
Powers' Greek Slave.' The comparison of the two soon drew a small crowd, 
including several Americans, around and near us. Although they refrained 
from any audible expression of feeling, the object of the comparison was 
evidently understood and keenly felt. It would not have been prudent in 
us to have challenged, in words, an anti-slavery discussion in the World's 
Convention; but everything that we could with propriety do was done to 
induce them to break silence upon the subject. We had no intention, ver- 
bally, of taking the initiative in such a discussion; M^e confined ourselves to 
speaking at them, in order that they might be led to speak to us; but our 
efforts were of no avail. The gauntlet, which was unmistakably thrown 
down by our party, the Americans were too wary to take up. AVe spoke 
among each other of the wrongs of Slavery; it was in vain. We discoursed 
freely upon the iniquity of a professedly Christian Eepublic holding three 
millions of its population in cruel and degrading bondage; you might as 
well have preached to the winds. Wm. Wells Brown took ' Punch's Vir- 



376 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ginia Slave ' and deposited it within tlie enclosure by the ' Greek Slave,' 
saying audibly, 'As an American fugitive slave, I place this 'Virginia 
Slave ' by the side of the ' Greek Slave,' as its most fitting companion.' Not 
a word, or reply, or remonstrance from Yankee or Southerner. We had 
not, however, proceeded many steps from the place before the ' Virginia 
Slave' was removed. We returned to the statue, and stood near the Ame- 
rican by whom it had been taken up, to give him an opportunity of making 
any remarks he chose upon the matter. Whatever were his feelings, his 
policy was to keep his lips closed. If he had felt that the act was wrongful, 
would he not have appealed to the sense of justice of the British bystanders, 
who are always ready to resist an insult offered to a foreigner in this country? 
If it was an insult, why not resent it, as became high-spirited Americans? 
But no; the chivalry of the South tamely allowed itself to be plucked by 
the beard ; the garrulity of the North permitted itself to be silenced by three 

fugitive slaves We promenaded the Exhibition between six 

and seven hoars, and visited nearly every portion of the vast edifice. Among 
the thousands whom we met in our perambulations, who dreamed of any 
impropriety in a gentleman of character and standing, like Mr. McDonnell, 
walking arm-in-arm with a colored woman ; or an elegant and accomplished 
voung lady, like Miss Thompson, (daughter of the Hon. George Thompson, 
M. C), becoming the promenading companion of a colored man ? Did the 
English peers or peeresses ? Not the most aristocratic among them. Did 
the representatives of any other country have their notions of propriety 
shocked by the matter ? None but Americans. To see the arm of a beau- 
tiful English young lady passed through that of *a nigger,' taking ices and 
other refreshments with him, upon terms of the most perfect equality, cer- 
tainly was enough to 'rile,' and evidently did 'rile' the slave-holders who 
beheld it; but there was no help for it. Even the New York Broadway 
bullies would not have dared to utter a word of insult, much less lift a 
finger against Wm. Wells Brown, when walking with his fair companion in 
the World's Exhibition. It Avas a circumstance not to be forgotten by th"se 
Southern Bloodhounds. Probably, for the first time in their lives, they felt 
themselves thoroughly muzzled ; they dared not even to bark, much less 
bite. Like the meanest curs, they had to sneak through the Crystal Palace, 
unnoticed and uncared for ; while the victims who had been rescued from 

their jaws, were warmly greeted by visitors from all parts of the country. 
* ** ***** 

Brown and the Crafts have paid several other visits to the Great Exhi- 
bition, in one of which, Wm. Craft succeeded in getting some Southerners 
" out" upon the Fugitive Slave Bill, respecting which a discussion was held 
between them in the American department. Finding themselves worsted at 
every point, they were compelled to have recourse to lying, and unblusliingly 
denied that the bill contained the provisions which Craft alleged it did. 



ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. 377 

Craft took care to inform them who and what he was. He told thera that 
there had been too much information upon that measure diffused in Enghmd 
for lying to conceal them. He has subsequently met the same parties, who, 
with contemptible hypocrisy, treated "the nigger" with great respect. 

In England the Crafts were highly respected. While under her British 
Majesty's protection, Ellen became the mother of several children, (having had 
none under the stai'S and stripes). These they spared no pains in educating 
for usefulness in the world. Some two years since William and Elleu 
returned with two of their children to the United States, and after visiting 
Boston and other places, William concluded to visit Georgia, his old 
home, with a view of seeing what inducement war had opened up to enter- 
prise, as he had felt a desire to remove his family thither, if encouraged. 
Indeed he was prepared to purchase a plantation, if he found matters satis- 
factory. This visit evidently furnished the needed encouragement, judging 
from the fact that he did purchase a plantation somewhere in the neighbor- 
hood of Savannah, and is at present living there with his family. 

The portraits of William and Ellen represent them at the present stage 
of life, (as citizens of the U. S.) — of course they have greatly clianged in 
appearance from what they were when they first fled from Georgia. Obvi- 
ously the Fugitive Slave Law in its crusade against William and Ellen Craft, 
reaped no advantages, but on the contrary, liberty was greatly the gainer. 



ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. 

LEWIS COBB AND NANCY BRISTER. 

No one Southern city furnished a larger number of brave, wide-awake and 
likely-looking Underground Rail Road passengers than the city of Rich- 
mond. Lewis and Nancy were fair specimens of the class of travelers coming 
from that city. Lewis was described as a light yellow man, medium size, 
good-looking, and intelligent. In referring to bondage, he spoke with 
great earnestness, and in language very easily understood ; especially when 
speaking of Samuel Myers, from whom he escaped, he did not hesitate to 
give him tlie character of being a very hard man, who was never satisfied, 
no matter how hard the slaves might try to please him. 

Myers was engaged in the commission and forwarding business, and was 
a man of some standing in Richmond. From him Lewis had received very 
severe floggings, the remembrance of which he would not only carry with 
him to Canada, but to the grave. It was owing to abuse of this kind that 
he was awakened to look for a residence under the protection of the British 



378 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Lion. For eight months he longed to get away, and had no rest until he 
found himself on the Underground Rail Road. 

His muster Mas a member of the Century Methodist Church, as was also 
liLS wife and family,; but Lewis thought that they were strangers to })ractical 
Christianity, judging from the manner that the slaves were treated by both 
master and mistress. Lewis was a Baptist, and belonged to the second 
church. Twelve hundred dollars had becji offered for him. He left his 
father (Judville), and his brother, John Harris, both slaves. In view of his 
prospects in Canada, Lewis' soul overflowed with pleasing anticipations of 
freedom, and the Committee felt great satisfaction in assisting him. 

Nancy was also from Richmond, and came in the same boat with Lewis. 
She represented the most "likely-looking female bond servants." Indeed 
her appearance recommended her at once. She was neat, modest, and well- 
behaved — with a good figure and the picture of health, with a countenance 
beaming with joy and gladness, notwithstanding the late struggles and 
sufferings through which she had passed. Young as she was, she had seen 
much of slavery, and had, doubtless, profited by the lessons thereof. At all 
events, it was through cruel treatment, having been frequently beaten after 
she had passed her eighteenth year, that she was prompted to seek free- 
dom. It was so common for her mistress to give way to unbridled passions 
that Nancy never felt safe. Under the severest infliction of punishment she 
was not allowed to complain. Neither from mistress nor master had she any 
reason to expect mercy or leniency — indeed she saw no way of escape but 
by the Underground Rail Road. 

It was true that the master, Mr. William Bears, was a Yankee from Con- 
necticut, and his wife a member of the Episcopal Church, but Nancy's yoke 
seemed none the lighter for all that. Fully persuaded that she would never 
find her lot any better while remaining in their hands, she accepted the 
advice and aid of a young man to whom she was engaged; he was shrewd 
enough to find an agent in Richmond, with whom he entered into a cove- 
nant to have Nancy brought away. With a cheerful heart the journey was 
undertaken in the manner aforesaid, and she safely reached the Committee. 
Her mother, one brother and a sister she had to leave in Richmond. One 
thousand dollars were lost in the departure of Nancy. 

Having been accommodated and aided by the Committee, they were for- 
warded to C/anada. Lewis wrot« back repeatedly and expressed himself very 
gratefully for favors received, as will be seen by the appended letters from 
him: 

Toronto, April 25, 1857. 

To Mb, Wm. Still— Dear Sir: — I take this opportunity of addressing these few lines 
to inform you that I am well and hope that they may find you and your family enjoying 
the same good health. Please to give my love to you and your family. I had a very 
pleasant trip from your house that morning. Dear sir, you would oblige me much, if you 



PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 379 

have not sent that box to Mr. Robinson, to open it and take out the little yellow box that 
I tied up in the large one and send it on by express to me in Toronto. Lift up a few of 
the things and you will find it near the top. All the clothes that I have are in that box 
and I stand in need of them. You would oblige me much by so doing. I stopped at Mr. 
Jones' in Elmira, and was very well treated by him while there. I am now in Toronto 
and doing very well at present. I am very thankful to you and your family for the atten- 
tion you paid to me while at your house. I wish you would see Mr. Ormsted and ask 
him if he has not some things for Mr. Anthony Loney, and if he has, please send them on 
with my things, as we are both living together at this time. Give my love to Mr. An- 
thony, also to Mr. Ormsted and family. Dear sir, we both would be very glad for you to 
attend to this, as we both do stand very much in need of them at this time. Dear sir, you 
will oblige me by giving my love to Miss Frances Watkms, and as she said she hoped to 
be out in the summer, I should like to see her. I have met with a gentleman here by the 
name of Mr. Truehart, and he sends his best love to you and your family. Mr. Truehart 
desires to know whether you received the letter he sent to you, and if so, answer it as soon 
as possible. Please answer this letter as soon as possible. I must now come to a close 
by saying that I remain your beloved friend, Lewis Cobb. 

The young man who was there that morning, Mr. Robinson, got married to that young 
lady. 

Toronto, June 2d, 1857. 

To Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir : — I received yours dated May 6th, and was extremely 
happy to hear from you. You may be surprised that I have not answered you before this, 
but it was on account of not knowing anything concerning the letter being in the post- 
office until I was told so by a friend. The box, of which I had been inquiring, I have re- 
ceived, and am infinitely obliged to you for sending it. Mr. and Mrs. Renson are living in 
Hamilton, C. W. They send their best love to you and your family. I am at present 
residing in Toronto, C. W. Mr. Anthony Loney has gone on to Boston, and is desirous 
of my coming on to him ; and as I have many acquaintances there, I should like to know 
from you whether it would be advisable or not. Give, if you please, my best love to your 
family and accept the same for yourself, and also to Mr. James Ormsted and family. Tell 
James Ormsted I would be glad if he would send" me a pair of thick, heavy boots, for it 
rains and hails as often out here in the summer, as it does there in the winter. Tell him 
to send No. 9, and anything he thinks will do me good in this cold country. Please to 
give to Mr. James Ormsted to give to Mr. Robert Seldon, and tell him to give it to my 
father. Mr. and Mrs. Truehart send their love to you and your family. If the gentleman, 
Mr. R. S., is not running on the boat now, you can give directions to Ludwill Cobb, in 
care of Mr. R. Seldon, Richmond, Va. Tell Mr. Ormsted not to forget my boots and 
send them by express. No more at present, but remain yours very truly, 

Please write soon. Lewis Cobb. 



PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 

[by schooner.] 
major latham, william wilson, henry gorham, wiley maddison, and andrew 

shepherd. 

The above named passengers were delivered into the hands of Thomas 
Garrett by the Captain who brought them, and were aided and forwarded to 
the Committee in Philadelphia, as indicated by the subjoined letter : 



380 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Wilmington, 11th mo., 6th, 1856, 
Respecteb Friend : — William Still : — Thine of yesterday, came to hand this morn- 
ing, advising me to forward those four men to thee, which I propose to send from here in 
the steam boat, at two o'clock, P. M. to day to thy care ; one of them thinks he has a 
brother and cousin in New Bedford, and is anxious to get to them, the others thee can do 
what thee thinks best with, after consulting with them, we have rigged them up pretty 
comfortably with clothes, and I have paid for their passage to Philadelphia, and also for the 
passage of their pilot there and back ; he proposed to ask thee for three dollars, for the 
three days time he lost with them, but that we will raise here for him, as one of them 
expects to have some money brought from Carolina soon, that belongs to him, and wants 
thee when they are fixed, to let me know so that I may forward it to them. I will give 
each of them a card of our firm. Hopmg they may get along safe, I remain as ever, thy 
sincere friend, Thos. Garrett. 

The passengers by this arrival were above the ordinarj'- plantation or 
farm hand slave, as will appear from a glance at their condition under the 
yoke. 

Major Latham was forty-four years of age, mulatto, very resolute, 
with ccood natural abilities, and a decided hater of slavery. John Latham 
was the man whom he addressed as " master," which was a very bitter pill 
for him to swallow. He had been married twice, and at the time of his 
escape he was the husband of two wives. The first one, with their three 
children, in consequence of changes incident to slave life, was sold a long 
distance from her old home and husband, thereby ending the privilege of 
living together ; he could think of them, but that was all ; he was compelled 
to give them up altogether. After a time he took to himself another 
M'ife, with whom he lived several years. Three more children owned him as 
father — the result of this marriage. During his entire manhood Major 
had been brutally treated by his master, which caused him a great deal of 
anguish and trouble of mind. 

Only a few weeks before he escaped, his master, in one of his fits of passion, 
flogged him most cruelly. From that time the resolution was permanently 
grounded in his mind to find the way to freedom, if possible, before many 
more weeks had passed. Day and night he studied, worked and planned, 
with freedom uppermo.st in his mind. The hour of hope arrived and with 
it Captain F. 

Wii.iJAM, a fellow-passenger with Major, was forty-two years of age, just 
in the prime of life, and represented the mechanics in chains, being a black- 
smith by trade. Dr. Thomas Warren, who followed i'arming in the neigh- 
borhood of Eatontown, was the owner of William. In speaking of his 
slave life William .said: "I was sold four times; twice I was separated from 
my wives. I -was separated from one of my wives when living in Ports- 
mouth, Virginia," ete. 

In liis simple manner of describing the trials he had been called upon to 
endure, it was not to be wondered at tliat he was willing to forsake all and 



PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 381 

run fearful risks in order to rid himself not only of the "load on his back," 
but the load on his heart. By the very j)ositive character of William's testi- 
mony against slavery, the Committee felt more than ever justified in encour- 
aging the Underground Rail Road. 

Hexry Gorham was thirty-four years of age, a " prime," heavy, dark, 
smart, " article," and a good carpenter. He admitted that he had never 
felt the lash on his back, but, nevertheless, he had felt deeply on the 
subject of slavery. For years the chief concern with hira was as to how he 
could safely reach a free State. Slavery he hated with a perfect hatred. To 
die in the woods, live in a cave, or sacrifice himself in some way, he was 
bound to do, rather than remain a slave. The more he reflected over his 
condition the more determined he grew to seek his freedom. Accordingly 
he left and went to the woods; there he prepared himself a cave and re- 
solved to live and die in it rather than return to bondage. Before he 
found his way out of the prison-house eleven months elapsed. His strong 
impulse for freedom, and intense aversion to slavery, sustained him until 
he found an opportunity to escape by the Underground Rail Road. 

One of the tried Agents of the Underground Rail Road was alone cogni- 
zant of his dwelling in the cave, and regarding him as a tolerably safe pas- 
senger (having been so long secreted), secured him a passage on the schooner, 
and thus he was fortunately relieved from his eleven months' residence in 
his den. No rhetoric or fine scholarship was needed in his case to make his 
story interesting. None but hearts of stone could have listened without 
emotion. 

Andrew, another fellow-passenger, was twenty-six years of ago, and a 
decidedly inviting-looking specimen of the peculiar institution. He filled 
the situation of an engineer. He, with his wife and one child, belonged to 
a small orphan girl, wdio lived at South End, Camden county, N. C. His 
wife and child had to be left behind. While it seemed very hard for a 
husband thus to leave his wife, every one that did so weakened slavery and 
sncou raged and strengthened anti-slavery. 

Numbered with these four North Carolina passengers is found the name 
Df Wiley Maddison, a young man nineteen years of age, who escaped from 
Petersburg on the cars as a white man. He was of promising appearance, 
md found no difficulty whatever on the road. With the rest, however, he 
concluded himself hardly safe this side of Canada, and it afforded the Com- 
nittee special pleasure to help them all. 



382 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET. 

• PASSED OVER THE U. G. R. R., IN THE FALL OF 1856. 

Thomas escaped from Baltimore. He described the man from whom he 
fled as a " rum drinker" of some note, by the name of Benjamin Walmsly, 
and he testified that under him he was neither " half fed nor clothed," in 
consequence of which he was dissatisfied, and fled to better his condition. 
Luckily Thomas succeeded in making his escape when about twenty-one years 
of age. His appearance and smartness indicated resolution and gave promise 
of future success. He was well made and of a chestnut color. 

Sauney Pry came from Loudon Co., Ya. He had been one of the 
" well-cared for," on the farm of Nathan Clapton, who owned some sixty or 
seventy slaves. Upon inquiry as to the treatment and character of his 
master, Sauney unhesitatingly described him as a " very mean, swearing, 
blustering man, as hard as any that could be started." It was on this 
account that he was prompted to turn his face against Yirginia and to 
venture on the Underground Rail Road. Sauney was twenty-seven years 
of age, chestnut color, medium size, and in intellect was at least up to the 
average. 

Benjamin Ducket came from Bell Mountain, Prince George's Co., 
Maryland. He stated to the Committee that he escaped from one Sicke 
Perry, a farmer. Of his particular master he spoke thus: "He was one of 
the baddest men about Prince George ; he would both fight and kill up." 

These characteristics of the master developed in Ben very strong desires 
to get beyond his reach. In fact, his master's conduct was the sole cause of 
his seeking the Underground Rail Road. At the time that he came to 
Philadelphia, he was recorded as twenty-three years of age, chestnut color, 
medium size, and wide awake. He left his father, mother, two brothers, 
and three sisters, owned by Marcus Devoe. 

About the same time that the passengers just described received succor, 
Elizabeth IjAMBERT, with three children, reached the Committee. The 
names of the children were, Mary, Horace, and William Henry, quite 
marketable-looking articles. 

Tiicy fled from Middlctown, Delaware, where they had been owned by 
Andrew Peterson. The poor mother's excuse for leaving her "comfortable 
home, free board, and kind-hearted master and mistress," was simply because 
she was tired of such " kindness," and was, therefore, willing to suffer in 
order to get away from it. 

HiET. Jones, a lad of eighteen, accompanied Elizabeth with her children 
from Middlctown. He had seen enough of Slavery to satisfy him that he 
could never relish it. His owner -vvas known by the name of John Cochran, 
and followed farming. He was of a chestnut color, and well-grown. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 333 

ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856. 

CHARLES HALL, JAMES JOHNSON, CHARLES CARTER, GEORGE, AND JOHN LOGAN, JAMES 

HENRY WATSON, ZEBULON GREEN, LEWIS, AND PETER BURRELL, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 

AND HIS WIFE— HARRIET TUBMAN, WITH FOUR PASSENGERS. 

Charles Hall. This individual was from Maryland, Baltimore Co. 
where " black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," 
according to the decision of the late Chief Justice Taney of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 

Charles was owned by Atwood A. Blunt, a farmer, much of whose time 
was devoted to card playing, rum-drinking and fox-hunting, so Charles 
stated. Charles gave him the credit of being as mild a specimen of a slave- 
holder as that region of country could claim when in a sober mood, but 
when drunk every thing went wrong with him, nothing could satisfy him. 

Charles testified, however, that the despotism of his mistress was much 
worse than that of his master, for she was all the time hard on the slaves. 
Latterly he had heard much talk about selling, and, believing tliat matters 
would soon have to come to that, he concluded to seek a place where colored 
men had rights, in Canada. 

James Johnson. James fled from Deer Creek, Harford Co., lU., where 
he was owned by William Rautty. " Jim's " hour had come. Within one 
day of the time fixed for his sale, he was handcuffed, and it was evidently 
supposed that he was secure. Trembling at his impending doom he resolved 
to escape if possible. He could not rid himself of the handcuffs. Could 
he have done so, he was persuaded that he might manage to make his 
way along safely. He resolved to make an effort Avith the handcuffs on. 

With resolution his freedom was secured. What Master Rautty said 
wlien he found his property gone with the handcuffs, we know not. 

The next day after Jim arrived, Charles Carter, George and John 
Logan came to hand. 

Charles had been under the yoke in the city of Richmond, held to 
service by Daniel Delaplain, a flour inspector. Charles was hired out by 
the flour inspector for as much as he could command for him, for being 
a devoted lover of money, ordinary wages hardly ever satisfied him. In 
other respects Charles spoke of his master rather favorably in comparison 
with slaveholders generally. 

A thirty years' apprenticeship as a slave had not, however, won him over 
to the love of the system ; he had long since been convinced that it was non- 
sense to suppose that such a thing as happiness could be found even under 
the best of masters. He claimed to have a wife and four little children 
living in Alexandria Ya. ; the name of the wife was Lucinda. In the 
estimation of slave-holders, the fact of Charles having a family might have 



334 TUB UyDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

offered no cause for imhappiness, but Charles felt differently in relation to 
the matter. Again, for reasons best known to the owner, he talked of 
selling Charles. ''on this point Charles also felt quite nervous, so he began to 
think^that he had better make an attempt to get beyond the raich of buyers 
and sellers. He knew that many others similarly situated had got out of 
bondage simply by hard struggling, and he felt that he could do likewise. 
Wlien he had thus determined the object was half accomplished. True, 
every step that he should take was liable to bring trouble upon himself, yet 
with the hope of freedom buoying him up he resolved to run the risk. 
Charles was about thirty years of age, likely-looking, well made, intelligent, 

and a mulatto. 

Geoege was twenty-three years of age, quite dark, medium size, and 
bore the marks of a man of considerable pluck. He was the slave of Mrs. 
Jane Coultson. No special complaint of her is recorded on the book. She 
mio-ht have been a very good mistress, but George was not a very happy 
and contented piece of property, as was proved by his course in escaping. 
The cold North had many more charms for him than the sunny South. 

John has been already described in the person of his brother George. 
He was not, however, the property of Mrs. Coultson, but was owned by 
Miss Cox, near Little Georgetown, Berkeley Co., Va. These three individ- 
uals were held as slaves by that class of slave-holders, known in the South 
as the most kind-hearted and indulgent, yet they seemed just as much de. 
lighted with the prospects of freedom as any other passengers. 

The next day following the arrival of the party just noticed James Henry 
AVatson reached the Committee. He was in good condition, the spring 
weather having been favorable, and the journey made without any serious 

difficulty. 

He was from Snowhill, Worcester county, ISId., and had escaped from 
James Purnell, a farmer of whom he did not speak very favorably. Yet 
James admitted that his master was not as hard on his slaves as some others. 

For the benefit of James' kinsfolk, who may still perchance be making 
searches for him, not having yet learned whither he went or what became 
of him, we copy the following paragraph as entered on our book April 

11th, 1856: 

James Henry is twenty years of age, dark, well-made, modest, and 
seems fearful of apprehension ; was moved to escape in order to obtain his 
freedom. He had heard of others who had run away and thus secured their 
freedom ; lie tliought he could do the same. He left his father, mother, 
three brothers and five sisters owned by Purnell. His father's name was 
Ephraim, his mother's name Mahala. The names of his sisters and 
brothers were as follows: Hetty, Betsy, Dinah, Catharine and Harriet; 
Homer, William and James. 



SUXDE Y ARRIVALS. 33- 

Zebulon Greex was tlie next traveler. He arrived from Duck Creek, 
Md. John Appleton, a former, was chargeable with having deprived Zeb 
of his rights. But, as Zeb was only about eighteen years of age when he 

; made his exit, Mr. Appleton did not get much the start of him "in answer 
to the question as to the cause of his escape, he replied " bad usao-e." He 
was smart, and quite dark. In traveling, he changed his name to Samuel 
Hill. The Committee endeavored to impress him thoroughly, with the idea 
that he could do much good in the world for himself and fellow-men, by 
using his best endeavors to acquire education, etc., and forwarded him on to 

1 Canada. 

Lewis Burrell and his brother Peter arrived safely from Alexandria, 
Virginia, April 21, 1856. Lewis had been owned by Edward M. Clark,' 
Peter by Benjamin Johnson Hall. These passengers seemed to bo well 
posted in regard to Slavery, and understood full well their responsibilities 
in fleeing from "kind-hearted" masters. All they feared was that they 
might not reach Canada safely, although they were pretty hopeful and quite 
resolute. Lewis left a wife, Winna Ann, and two children, Joseph and 

' Mary, who were owned by Pembroke Thomas, at Culpepper, Va., nearly 
a hundred miles distant from him. Once or twice in the year, was the 

: privilege allowed him to visit his wife and little ones at this long distance. 

' This separation constituted his daily grief and was the cause of his escape. 
Lewis and Peter left their father and mother in bondage, also one brother 
(Reuben), and three sisters, two of Mdiom had been sold far South. 

After a sojourn in freedom of nearly three years, Lewis wrote on behalf 
of his wife as follows : 

^r „. „ Toronto, C. W., Feb. 2, 1859. 

Mr. \\i m. Still : 

Dear Sir :— It have bin two years since I war at your house, at that time I war on 
my way to cannadia, and I tould you that I had a wife and had to leave her -behind, and 
; you promiest me that you would healp me to gait hir if I ever heaird from hir, and I 
! think my dear frend, that the time is come for me to strick the blow, will you healp me 
according to your promis. I recived a letter from a frend in Washington last night and 
,he says that my wife is in the city of Baltimore, and she will come away if she can find a 
frend to healp hir, so I thought I would writ to you as you are acquanted with foulks 
theare to howm you can trust with such matthas. 1 could write to Mr Noah davis in 
Baltimore, who is well acquanted with my wife, but I do not think that he i*a trew 
I frend, and I could writ to Mr Samual Maden in the same city, but I am afread that a 
letter coming from cannada might be dedteced, but if you will writ to soume one that 
you know, and gait them to see Mr Samual Maden he will give all the information that 
you want, as he is acquanted with my wife, he is a preacher and belongs to the Baptis 
church. My wifes name is Winne Ann Berrell, and she is oned by one Dr. Tama who is 
'on a viset to Baltimore, now Mr Still will you attend to this thing for me, fourthwith, if 
lyou will I will pay you four your truble, if we can dow any thing it must be don now. as 
;8he will leave theare in the spring, and if you will take the matter in hand, you mous 
writ me on to reseption of this letter, whether you will or not. Yours truly, 

■NT <rv TT- , • o,. „, Lewis Burrell. 

No. 49 Victoria St., Toronto, C W. 

25 



g THE UXDEROROUND BAIL ROAD. 

" As in tU. case of many otl.ers, the way was so conipletdy blocM that 
no h n"c uld be dono foAhc wife's deliverance. Untd tbe day wh n tl. 
mttas of fctte,. were broken, nothing gave so mnch pan. to husbands and 
wives as these heart-breaking separations. Tl>ev e-imp 

William Williams and his wife were the next who arrive^. They came 
f THn onAIanor Md Thoy had been owned by John Peak, by whom, 
IrrS "o tlSrirt, theyLd been badly treated, and the Comnnttce 
hid no reason to doubt their testimony. • i . 

The « ° arrival nnmlx.red fonr passengers, and eame nnder the guKlance 
of ' A otes" (Harriet Tnbman), from Maryland. They were adults, 
looki,; as though thcv could take eare of thenrselves very easdy although 
thev M the m°arks 'of Slavery on them. It was no easy matter for men 
a,^ won>en who had been ground down all their lives, to appear as though 
thev d been enjoying freedom. Indee<l, the only wonder was that so 
mSyCaredtol'good advantage as they did, after having been crushed 

''°The"p!rcly of the narratives in the month of April, is quite noticeable 
Whv fuller reports were not written out, cannot now be aceounte.1 for 
probaUy the feeling existed that it was useless to wnte out narratives, 
except in cases of very special interest. 



FIVE FROM GEORGETOAVN CROSS ROADS. 

IIOTHER AND CHILD FROM NORFOLK, VA., ETC. 

Abe Fi-^eek, S.vm Davis, Hesey SAU>.-r>Er.s, Wm. IIenuy Tiiomp- 
sofand ThomIs PA.KE. arrived safely from the above named place. 
Upon inquiry, the following information was gleaned from then, 

Abe 4oke with feelings of some bitterness of a farmer known bj the 
name of George Spencer, who had deprived him of the hard -rmngs^f h.s 
hands. Furthermore, he had worked him hard, stmted h™/"^ J""^^^"; 
clothing and had been in the habit of flogging h.m whenever he felt l.ke it 
In addftion to the above charges, Abe did not hesitate to say that , s m^t^^ 
meddled ,00 much with the bottle, in eonseqnenee of -^'cJ., he was often n 
a "ton-heavy " state. Abe said, however, that he was nch and stood preny 
^igh in tl neighborhood-stinting, flogging and drinking were no great 
dis^advantagcs to a man in Georgetown, Maryland. 

Abe was twenty.three years of age, pure black, ordinary si.e, » ' •'P ^^ «^; 
a thorough convert to the doctrine that all men arc born fr««. """l ^''3 
1,0 had been held in bondage up to the hour of his escape, he gave much 
reason for believing that he would not be an easy subject to manage under 
the yoke, if ever captured and carried back. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 



387 



Sam was about thirty years of age, genuine black, common size, and a 
hater of slavery; he was prepared to show, by the scars he bore about his 
person, why he talked as he did. Forever will he remember James Hurst, 
his so-called master, who was a very blustering man oft-times, and in the 
habit of abusing his slaves. Sam was led to seek the Underground liail 
Eoad, in order to get rid of his master and, at the same time, to do better 
for himself than he could possibly do in Slavery. He had to leave his wife, 
Phil] is, and one child. 

William Henry was about twenty-four years of age, and of a chestnut 
color. He too talked of slave-holders, and his master in particular, jii.st as 
any man would talk who had been shamefully robbed and wronged all his life. 

Tom, likewise, told the same story, and although they used the eoni-field 
vernacular, they were in earnest and possessed an abundance of mother-wit, 
so that their testimony was not to be made light of. 

The following letter from Thomas Garrett speaks for itself: 

Wilmington, 5 mo. 11th, 1856. 
Esteemed Friends— McKim and Still :— I purpose sending to-morrow morning hy the 
steamboat a woman and child, whose husband, I thmk, went some nine months previous 
to New Bedford. She was furnished with a free passage by the same line her husband 
came in. She has been away from the person claiming to be her master some five months; 
we, therefore, think there cannot be much risk at present. Those four I wrote thee about 
arrived safe up in the neighborhood of Longwood, and Harriet Tubman followed after in 
t^he stage yesterday. I shall expect five more from the same neighborhood next trip. 
Captain Lambdin is desirous of having sent him a book, or books, with the strongest 
arguments of the noted men of the South against the institution of slavery, as he wiSies 
to prepare to defend himself, as he has little confidence in his attorney. Cannot you send 
to me something that will be of benefit to him, or send it direct to him ? Would not W. 
Goodell's book be of use ? His friends here think there is no chance for him but to go to 
the penitentiary. They now refuse to let any one but his attorney see him. 

As ever your friend, Thos. Garrett. 

The woman and child alluded to were received and noted on the record 
book as follows: 

Winnie Patty, and her daughter, Elizabeth, arrived safely from Nor- 
folk, Va. The mother is about twenty-two years of age, good-looking and 
of chestnut color, smart and brave. From the latter part of October, 
1855, to the latter part of March, 1856, this young slave mother, with her 
clnld, was secreted under the floor of a house. The house was occupied bv 
a slave family, friends of Winnie. During the cold winter weather she 
suffered severely from wet and cold, getting considerably frosted, but her faith 
faded not, even in the hour of greatest extremity. She chose rather to 
suffer thus than endure slavery any longer, especially as slie was aware that 
the auction-block awaited her. She had already been sold three times; she 
knew therefore what it was to be sold. 



38g THE UNDERGEOUyD RAIL ROAD. 

Jacob Sinister M'as the name of the man whom she spoke of as her tor- 
mentor and master, and from whom she fled. He had been engaged in 
the farming business, and had owned quite a large number of slaves, but 
from time to time he had been selling off, until he had • reduced his stock 
considerably. 

Captain Lambdin, spoken of in Thomas Grarrett^s letter, had, in the kind- 
ness of his heart, brought away in his schooner some Underground Rail Road 
passengers, but unfortunately he was arrested and thrust into prison in 
Norfolk, Va., to await trial. Having no confidence in his attorney there he 
found that he would have to defend himself as best he could, consequently he 
wanted books, etc. He was in the attitude of a drowning man catching at 
a straw. The Committee was powei'less to aid him, except with some money; 
as the books that he desired had but little effect in the lions' den, in which 
he was. He had his trial, and was sent to the penitentiary, of course. 

One Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, 

living in Rockville, Montgomery county, Md., on Saturday, olst of May last, 

NEGRO MAN, ALFRED, 
about twenty-two years of age ; five feet seven inches high ; dark copper color, 
and rather good looking. 

He had on when he left a dark blue and green plaid frock coat, of cloth, and 
lighter colored plaid pantaloons, 
I will give the above reward if taken out of the county, and in any of the States, or 
fifty dollara if taken in the county or the District of Columbia, and secured so that I get 
him again. John W. Anderson. 

j6-lwW2. 

A man calling himself Alfred Homer, answering to the above description, 
came to the Vigilance Committee in June, 1856. As a memorial we trans- 
ferred the advertisement of John W. Anderson to our record book, and con- 
cluded to let that suffice. Alfred, however, gave a full description of his 
master's character, and the motives which impelled him to seek his freedom. 
He was listened to attentively, but his story was not entered on the book. 




PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 

WILLIAM IIEXKY MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, ETC. 

AViLLiAM was about twenty years of age, black, usual size, and a lover 
of liberty. He had heard of Canada, had formed a very favorable opinion 
of the country and was very desirous of seeing it. The man who had 
habitually robbed him of his hire, was a "stout-built, ill-natured man," 
a farmer, by the name of William Hyson. 

To meet the expenses of an extensive building enterprise which he had 
undertaken, it was apparent that Hyson would have to sell some of his pro- 



PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 389 

perty. William and some six others of the servants got wind of tlie fact 
that they would stand a chance of being in the market soon. Not rclishinc 
the idea of going further South they unanimously resolved to emigrate to 
Canada. Accordingly they borrowed a horse from Dr. Wise, and another 
from H. K. Tice, and a carriage from F. J. Posey, and Joseph P. IMong's 
buggy (so it was stated in the Baltimore Sun, of May 27th), and off they 
started for the promised land. The horses and carriages were all captured 
at Chambersburg, a day or two after they set out, but the rest of the property 
hurried on to the Committee. How Mr. Hyson raised the money to carry 
out his enterprise, William and his " ungrateful " fellow-servants seemed not 
to be concerned. 

Belinda Bivans. Belinda was. a large woman, thirty years of age, 
wholly black, and fled from Mr. Hyson, in company with William, and those 
above referred to, with the idea of reaching Canada, whither her father liad 
fled eight years before. 

She was evidently pleased with the idea of getting away from her ill- 
natured mistress, from poor fare and hard work without pay. She had 
experienced much hardship, and had become weary of her trial in bondage. 
She had been married, but her husband had died, leaving her with two little 
girls to care for, both of wdiom she succeeded in bringing away with her. 

In reference to the church relations of her master and mistress, she 
represented the former as a backslider, and added that money was his 
church ; of the latter she said, " she would go and take the sacrament, come 
back and the old boy would be in her as big as a horse." Belinda could see 
but little difference between her master and mistress. 

Joseph Winston. In the Richmond Dispatch, of June 9th, the follow- 
ing advertisement was found : 

RUNAWAY— S200 Reward will be given if taken in the state, and $300 if 
taken out of the state. 

Run away, my negro boy Joe, sometimes called Joe Winston ; about 23 years 
old, a little over 5 feet high, rather stout-built, dark guiger-bread color, small 
moustache, stammers badly when confused or spoken to ; took along two or 
three suits of clothes, one a blue dress coat with brass buttons, black pants, and 
patent leather shoes, white hat, silver watch with gold chain ; was last seen in 
this city on Tuesday last, had a pass to Hanover county, and supposed to be making his 
way towards York River, for the purpose of getting ou board some coasting vessel. 

Samuel Ellis. 

The passenger above described reached the Underground Bail Road sta- 
tion, June 6th, 1857. 

" Why did you leave your master ? " said a member of the Committee to 
Joe. ''I left because there was no enjoyment in slavery for colored people." 
After stating how the slaves were treated he added, "I was working all 
the time for master and he was receiving all my money for my daily labor. 
"What business did your master follow?" incpiired the Committee. "He 




390 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

was a carpenter by trade." ""What kind of a looking man was he?" again 
inquired the Committee. " He was a large, stout man, don't swear, but lies 
and cheats." Joe admitted that he had been treated very well all his life 
with the exception of being deprived of his freedom. For eight years prior 
to his escape he had been hired out, a part of the time as porter in a grocerv 
store, the remainder as bar-tender in a saloon. At the time of his escape he 
was worth twenty-two dollars per month to his master. Joe had to do over- 
work and thus procure clothing for himself. 

When a small boy he resolved, that he never would work all his days as 
a slave for the white people. As he advanced in years his desire for free- 
dom increased. An offer of fifteen hundred dollars was made for Joe, so he 
M'as informed a short time before he escaped; this caused him to move 
promptly in the matter of carrying out his designs touching liberty. 

His parents and three brothers, slaves, were to be left; but when the 
decisive hour came he was equal to the emergency. In company with 
William Naylor secreted in a vessel, he was brought away and delivered to 
the Committee for aid and counsel, which he received, and thus ended his 
bondage. The reward offered by his master, Samuel Ellis, proved of no 
avail. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

William Scott. William was about twenty-four years of age, well 
made, though not very heavy — stammered considerably when speaking — 
wide awake and sensible nevertheless. For two years the fear of being 
sold had not been out of his mind. To meet a security agreement, which had 
been contracted by his mistress — about which a law-suit had been pending 
for two years — was what he feared ho should be sold for. About the first 
of ]May he found himself in the hands of the sheriff. On being taken to 
Stafford Court-House Jail, however, the sheriff permitted him to walk a 
"little ways." It occurred to Williani that then was his only chance to 
strike for freedom and Canada, at all hazards. He soon decided the matter, 
and the sheriff saw no more of him. 

Susan Fox was the name of the person he was compelled to call mistress. 
She was described as a "large, portly woman, very gross, with a tolerably 
severe tcmi)er, at times." William's mother and one of his brothers had 
been sold by this woman — an outrage to be forever remembered. His 
grandmother, one sister, Avith two children, and a cousin with five children, 
all attached by the sheriff, for sale, were left in the hands of his mistress. He 
was married the previous Christmas, but in the trying hour could do nothing 
for his wifi', Imt leave her to the mercy of slave-holders. The name of the 
sheriff that he outgeneralled was Walter Cox. William was valued at $1,000. 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, &c. 391 

Perhaps, after all, but few appreciated the sorrow that must have filled the 
hearts of most of those who escaped. Though they succeeded in gainiinT 
their own liberty — they were not insensible to the oppression of their 
friends and relatives left in bondage. On reaching Canada and tasting the 
sweets of freedom, the thought of dear friends in bondage must have been 
acutely painful. 

William had many perils to encounter. On one occasion he was hotly 
chased, but proved too fleet-footed for his pursuers. At another time, when 
straitened, he attempted to swim a river, but failed. Plis faith remained 
strong, nevertheless, and he succeeded in reaching the Committee. 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, etc., 1857. 

GEORGE CARROLL, RANDOLPH BRANSON, JOHN CLAGART, AND WILLIAM EOYAN. 

These four journeyed from "Egypt" together — but did not leave i\iQ 
same " kind protector." 

George was a full black, ordinary size, twenty-four years of age, and a 
convert to the doctrine that he had a right to himself. For years the idea 
of escape had been daily cherished. Five times he had proposed to buy 
himself, but failed to get the consent of his " master," who was a merchant, 
C. C. Hirara, a man about sixty years of age, and a member of the Metho- 
dist Church. His property in slaves consisted of two men, two women, 
two girls and a boy. 

Three of George's brothers escaped to Canada many years prior to his 
leaving — there he hoped on his arrival to find them in the possession of good 
farms. $1,300 walked off in the person of George. 

Randolph, physically, was a superior man. He was thirty-one years of 
age and of a dark chestnut color. Weary with bondage he came to the con- 
clusion that he had served a master long enough " without privileges." 
Against his master, Richard Reed, he had no hard things to say, however. 
He was not a " crabbed, cross man" — had but "little to say," but "didn't 
believe in freedom." 

Three of his brothers had been sold South. Left his father, two sisters 
and one brother. Randolph was worth probably $1,700. 

John was a well-made yellow man, twenty-two years of age, who had 
counted the cost of slavery thoroughly, besides having experienced the 
effects of it. Accordingly he resolved to " be free or die," " to kill or be 
killed, in trying to reach free land somewhere !" 

Having " always been hired out amongst very hard white people," he was 
" unhappy." His owner, George Coleman, lived near Fairfax, Va., and 
was a member of the Methodist Church, but in his ways was " very sly," 



392 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and "deadly against anything like freedom." He held fifteen of his fellow- 
men in chains. 

For Jolm's hire he received one hundred and fifty dollars a year. He 
was, therefore, ranked with first-class "stock," valued at $1,500. 

William was about tliirty-five years of age, neat, and pleasing in his 
manners. He would be the first selected in a crowd by a gentleman or a 
lady, who might want a very neat-looking man to attend to household affairs. 
Though he considered Captain Cunningham, his master, a " tolerable fair 
man," he was not content to be robbed of his liberty and earnings. As he 
felt that he " could take care of himself," he decided to let the Captain 
have the same chance — and so he steered his course straight for Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM UNIONYILLE, 1857. 

ISRAEL TODD, AND BAZIL ALDRIDGE. 

Israel Avas twenty-three years of age, yellow, tall, well made and intelli- 
gent. He fled from Frederick county, Md. Through the sweat of his brow, 
Dr. Greenberrv Sappington and his family had been living at ease. The 
doctor was a Catholic, owning only one other, and was said to be a man of 
" right disposition." His wife, however, was " so mean that nobody could 
stay with her." Israel was prom]ited to escape to save liis wife, (had lately 
been married) and her brother from being sold south. His detestation of 
slavery in every shape was very decided. He was a valuable man, worth to 
a trader fifteen hundred dollars, perhaps. 

Bazil was only seventeen years of age. About as near a kin to the 
" white folks" as to the colored i)cople, and about as strong an opponent of 
slavery as any " Saxon " going of his age. He was a broth er-in-la\v of 
Israel, and accompanied him on the Underground Rail Road. Bazil was 
held to service or labor by Thornton Pool, a store-keeper, and also farmer, 
and at the same time an ardent lover of the "cretur," so much so that "he 
kept about half-drunk all the time." So Bazil affirmed. The good spirit 
moved two of Bazil's brothers to escape the spring before. A few months 
afterwards a brother and sister were sold south. To manage the matter 
smoothly, previous to selling them, the master pretended that he was " only 
going to hire them out a short distance from home." But instead of doing 
so he sold them south. Bazil might be put down at nine hundred dollars. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 393 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 

ORDEE LEE, AND RICHARD J. BOOCE. * 

Both of these passengers came from Maryland. Okdee was about thirty- 
five years of age, gingerbread color, well made, and intelligent. Being 
allowed no chances to make anything for himself, was the excuse offered 
for his escape. Though, as will appear presently, other causes also helped 
to make him hate his oppression. 

The man who had daily robbed him, and compelled him to call him 
master, was a notorious " gambler," by the name of Elijah Thompson, resid- 
ing' in Maryland. '' By his bad habits he had run through with his property, 
though in society he stood pretty tolerably high amongst some people ; then 
again some didn't like him, he was a mean man, all for himself. He was a 
man that didn't care anything about his servants, except to get work out of 
them. When he came where the servants were working, he would snap and 
bite at them and if he said anything at all, it was to hurry the work on." 

" He never gave me," said Ordee, " a half a dollar in his life. Didn't 
more than half feed, said that meat and fish was too high to eat. As for 
clothing, he never gave me a new hat for every day, nor a Sunday rag in his 
life." Of his mistress, he said, " She was stingy and close, — made him (his 
master) worse than what he would have been." Two of his brothers were 
sold to Georgia, and his uncle was cheated out of his freedom. Left three 
brothers and two sisters in chains. Elijah Thompson had at least fifteen 
hundred dollars less to sport upon by this bold step on the part of Ordee. 

Richard was about twenty-two years of age, well grown, and a very 
likely-looking article, of a chestnut color, with more than common intelli- 
gence for a slave. 

His complaints wave that he had been treated " bad," allowed "no privileges" 
to make anything, allowed "no Sunday clothing," &c. So he left the portly- 
looking Dr. Hughes, with no feeling of indebtedness or regret. And as to 
his " cross and ill-natured " mistress, with her four children, they might 
'whistle for his services and support. His master had, however, some eigh- 
teen or twenty others to rob for the support of himself and family, so they 
were in no great danger of starving. 

" Would your owner be apt to pursue you ?" said a member of the Com- 
mittee. " I don't think he will. Ho was after two uncles of mine, one 
time, saw them, and talked with them, but was made to run." 

Richard left behind his mother, step-fither, two sisters, and one brother. 
As a slave, he would have been considered cheap at sixteen hundred 
dollars. He was a fine specimen. 



394 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857. 

Silas Long and Solomon Light. Silas and Solomon both left together 
from Cambridge, INId. 

Silas was quite black, spare-built and about twenty-seven years of age. 
He was owned by Sherift' Robert Bell, a man about "sixty years of age, and 
had his name up to be the hardest man in the county." " The Sheriff's 
wife was about pretty much such a woman as he was a man— there was not 
a pin's point of difference between them." The fear of having to be sold 
caused this Silas to seek the Underground Rail Road. Leaving his mother, 
one brother and one cousin, and providing himself with a Bowie-knife and 
a few dollars in money, he resolved to reach Canada, "or die on the way." 
Of course, when slaves reached this desperate point, the way to Canada was 

generally found. 

Solomon was about twenty-three years of age, a good-natured-looking 
"article," who also left Cambridge, and the protection of a certain Willis 
Branick' described as an "unaccountable mean man." "He never gave me 
any money in his life," said Sol., " but spent it pretty freely for liquor." " He 
would not allow enough to eat, or clothing sufficient." And he sold Sol. s 
brother the vear before he fled, " because he could not whip him." The 
fear of being sold prompted Sol. to flee. The very day he escaped he had 
a serious combat with two of his master's sons. The thumb of one of them 
being "badly bit," and the other used roughly— the ire of the master and 
sons was raised to a very high degree— and the verdict went forth that "Sol. 
should be sold to-morrow." Unhesitatingly, he started for the Underground 
Rail Road and Canada — and his efforts were not in vain. Damages, 
§1,500. 



"THE MOTHER OF TWELVE CHILDREN." 

OLD JANE DAVIS— FLED TO ESCArE THE AUCTION-BLOCK. 

The appended letter, from Thomas Garrett, will serve to introduce one of 
the most remarkable cases that it was our privilege to report or assist: 

Wilmington, 6 mo., 9th, 1857. 

Esteemed Friend-William Still :-We have here in this place, at Comegys Mun- 
son's an ol.l colored woman, the mother of twelve children, one half of which has been 
sold South. She has been so ill u.ed, that she was compelled to leave husband and cbii- 
dren behind, and is desirous of getting to a brother who lives at Buffalo. She was nearly 
naked. She called at my house on 7th day night, but being from home, did not see 
her till last evening. I have procured her two under garments, one new ; two skirts, one 



BENJAMIN BOSS, AND HIS WIFE HABBIET. 395 

new ; a good frock with cape ; one of my wife's bonnets and stockings, and gave her five 
dollars in gold, which, if properly used, will put her pretty well on the way. I also gave 
her a letter to thee. Since I gave them to her she has concluded to stay where she is till 
7th day night, when Comegys Munson says he can leave his work and will go with her to 
thy house. I write this so that thee may be prepared for them ; they ought to arrive be- 
tween 11 and 12 o'clock. Perhaps thee- may find some fugitive that will be willin"' to 
accompany her. With desire for thy welfare and the cause of the oppressed, I remain thy 
friend, Thos. Gareett. 

Jane did not know how old slie was. She was probably sixty or seventy. 
She fled to keep from being sold. She had been " whipt right smart," 
poorly fed and poorly clothed, by a certain Roger McZant, of the New IVIar- 
ket District, Eastern Shore of Maryland. His wife was a " bad woman 
too." Just before escaping, Jane got a whisper that her " master " was about 
to sell her; on asking him if the rumor was true, he was silent. He had 
been asking " one hundred dollars " for her. 

Remembering that four of her children had been snatched away from her 
and sold South, and she herself was threatened with the same fate, she was 
willing to suffer hunger, sleep in the woods for nights and days, wandering 
towards Canada, rather than trust herself any longer under the protection of 
her " kind " owner. Before reaching a place of repose she was three weeks 
in the woods, almost wholly without nourishment. 

Jane, doubtless, represented thousands of old slave mothers, who, after 
having been worn out under the yoke, were frequently either offered for 
sale for a trifle, turned off* to die, or compelled to eke out their existence on 
the most stinted allowance. 



BENJAMIN ROSS, AND HIS WIFE HARRIET. 

FLED FROM CAROLINE COUNTY, EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND, JUNE, 1857. 

This party stated that Dr. Anthony Thompson had claimed them as his 
property. They gave the Committee a pretty full report of how they had 
jeen treated in slavery, especially under the doctor. A few of the interesting 
)oints were noted as follows : The doctor owned about twenty head of slaves 
•vhen they left; formerly he had owned a much larger number, but circum- 
itauces had led him to make frequent sales during the few years previous to 
-heir escape, by which the stock had been reduced. As well as having been 
argely interested in slaves, he had at the same time been largely interested 
u real estate, to the extent of a dozen forms at least. But in consequence 
)f having reached out too far, several of his farms had slipped out of his 
lands. 

Upon the whole, Benjamin pronounced him a rough man towards his 
laves, and declared, tliat he had not given him a dollar since the death of 



396 THE UNDERQROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

his (the master's) father, which had been at least twenty years prior to Ben- 
jamin's ost-apc. But Ben. did not stop here, he went on to speak ofthe reH- 
gious character of his master, and also to describe him physically ; he was a 
Methodist preacher, and had been " pretending to preach for twenty years." 
Then the fact that a portion of their children had been sold to Georgia by 
this master was referred to with much feeling by Ben and his wife ; likewise 
the fact that he had stinted them for food and clothing, and led them a 
rough life generally, which left them no room to believe that he was any- 
thing else than " a wolf in sheep's clothing." They described him as a 
'' sparc'built man, bald head, wearing a wig." 

These two travelers had nearly reached their three score years and ten 
under the yoke. Nevertheless they seemed delighted at the idea of going 
to a fi-ee country to enjoy freedom, if only for a short time. Moreover some 
of their children had escaped in days past, and these they hoped to find. 
Xot many of those thus advanced in years ever succeeded in getting to 
Canada. 



AERIYAL FROM YIRGIXIA, 1857. 

WILLIAM JACKSON. 

William was about fifty years of age, of usual size, of good address, and 
intelligent, lie was born the property of a slaveholder, by the name of 
Daniel Miune, residing in Alexandria in Virginia. His master was about 
eighty-four years of age, and was regarded as kind, though he had sold 
some of his slaves and was in favor of slavery. He had two sons, Robert 
and Albert, " both dissipated, would lay about the tippling taverns, and keep 
low company, so much so that they were not calculated to do any business for 
their father." William had to be a kind of a right hand man to his master. 
The sons seeing that the " property " was trusted instead of themselves, very 
naturally hated it, so the young men resolved that at the death of their 
father, William should be sent as far south as possible. Knowing that 
the old man could not stand it much longer, William saw that it was his 
policy to get away as tast as he could. He was the husband of a free wife, 
who had come on in advancv of him. 

For thirty years William had been foreman on his old masters plantation, 
and but for the apprehension caustxl bv the ill-will of his prospective 
young masters, he would doubtless have remaintH.1 in servitude at least until 
the death of the old man. But when William reflecte<.l, and saw what he 
had been deprived of all his life bv being held in bondage, and when he 
began to breathe free air, with the prospect of ending his days on free land, 
he rejoiced that his eyes had been openai to see his danger, and that he 
had been moved to make a start for liberty. 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857. 397 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857. 

JOHN WRIGHT AND WIFE, ELIZABETH ANN, AND CHARLES CONNOR. 

This party arrived from Sussex county. John was about thirty years of 
age, ordinary size, full blaciv and clear-headed. In physical appearance he 
would have readily passed for a superior laborer. The keenness of his eyes 
and quickness of his perception, however, would doubtless have rendered 
him an object of suspicion in some parts of the South. The truth was that 
the love of liberty was clearly indicated in his expressive countenance. 
William S. Phillips, a farmer, had been " sucking " John's blood, and keep- 
ing him poor and ignorant for the last eight years at least; before that, 
Phillips' fiither had defrauded him of his hire. 

Under the father and son John had found plenty of hard work and bad 
usage, severe and repeated floggings not excepted. Old master and mistress 
and young master and mistress, including the entire family, belonged to 
what was known as the " Farmer church," at Portsville. Outwardly they 
were good Christians. " Occasionally," John said, " the old man would 
have family prayers," and to use John's own words, " in company he would 
try to moralize, but out of company was as great a rowdy as ever was." In 
further describing his old master, he said that he was a large man, with a 
red face and blunt nose, and was very quick and fiery in his temper; would 
drink and swear — and even his wife, with all hands, would have to run 
when he was " raised." 

Of his young master he said: "He was quite along-bodied, thin-faced 
man, weighing over one hundred and fifty pounds. In temper just like 
his father, though he did not drink — that is all the good quality that I 
can recommend in him." John said also that his master, on one occasion, 
in a most terribly angry mood, threatened that he would " M'ade up to his 
knees in his (John's) blood." It so happened that John's blood was up 
pretty high just at that time; he gave his master to understand that he 
would rather go South (be sold) than submit to the scourging which was 
imminent. John's pluck probably had the effect of allaying the master's 
fire ; at any rate the storm subsided after awhile, and until the day that he 
took the Underground Rail Road car the servant managed to put up with 
his master. As John's wife was on the eve of being sold he was prompted 
to leave some time sooner than he otherwise would have done. 



398 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

THE wife's statement. 

She was thirty-two years of age, of good physical proportions, and a 
promising-looking person, above the ordinary class of slaves belonging to 
Delaware. She was owned by Jane Cooper, who lived near Laurel, in Sussex 
county. She had been more accustomed to field labor than housc-M'ork ; 
plougliing, fencing, driving team, grubbing, cutting wood, etc., were well 
understood by her. During " feeding times " she had to assist in the house. 
In this respect, she had harder times than the men. Her mistress was 
also in the habit of hiring Elizabeth out by the day to wash. On these 
occasions she was required to rise early enough to milk the cows, get break- 
fast, and feed the hogs before sunrise, so that she might be at her day's 
washing in good time. 

It iS^lainly to be seen, that Elizabeth had not met with the " ease " and 
kindness- which many claimed for the slave. Elizabeth was sensible of the 
wrongs inflicted by her Delaware mistress, and painted her in very vivid 
colors. Her mistress was a widow, "quite old," but "very frisky," and 
" wore a wig to hide her gray hairs." At the death of her husband, the 
slaves believed, from what they had heard their master say, that they would 
be freed, each at the age of thirty. But no will was found, which caused 
Elizabeth, asAvell as the rest of the slaves, to distrust the mistress more than 
ever, as they suspected that she knew something of its disappearance. 

Her mistress belonged to the Presbyterian Church, but would have "family 
prayers only when the minister would stop ;" Elizabeth thought that she 
took greater pains to please the minister than her Maker. Elizabeth had 
no faith in such religion. 

Both Elizabeth and her husband were members of the Methodist Church. 
Neither had ever been permitted to learn to read or write, but they were 
naturally very smart. John left his mother and one sister in bondau^e. One 
of his brothers fled to Canada fifteen years before their escape. His name 
v.'as Abraham. 

Charles Connor, the third person in the party, was twenty-seven 
years of age — fast color, and a tough-looking " article," who would have 
brought twelve hundred dollars or more in the hands of a Baltimore 
trader. The man from whom Charles fled was known by the name of John 
Chipman, and was described as "a fleshy man, with rank beard and quick 
temper, very hard — commonly kept full of liquor, though he would not get 
so drunk that he could not go about." For a long time Charles had been 
the main dependence on his master's place, as he only owned two other '] 
slaves. Charles particularly remarked, that no weather was too bad for 
them to be kept at work in the field. Charles was a fair specimen of the 
" corn-field hand," but thought that he could take care of himself in Canada. 



I 




ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, 1857. 399 

AERIVAL FHOM ALEXANDRIA, 1857. 

OSCAR D. BALL, AND MONTGOMERY GRAHAM. 

Four Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the owner in 

Alexandria, Va., on the night of the 13th inst., two young negro men, from 

twenty to twenty-five years of age. Montgomery is a very bright mulatto, 

aboutfive feet, six inches in height, of polite maimers, and smiles much when 

speaking or spoken to. Oscar is of a tawny complexion, about six feet high, 

_ sluggish in his appearance and movements, and of awkward manners. 

ThieTuiidred dollars each will be paid for the delivery of the above slaves if taken in a 

slave state, or two hundred dollars each if taken in a free state. One or more slaves 

belonging to other owners, it is supposed, went in their company. 

Address : John T. Gordon, 

Alexandria, Va, 

Although the name of John T. Gordon appears signed to the above adver- 
tisement, he was not the owner of Montgomery and Oscar, According to 
their own testimony they belonged to a maiden lady, by the name of Miss 
Elizabeth Gordon, who probably thought that the business of advertising 
for runaway negroes was rather beneath her. 

Wliile both these passengers manifested great satisflxction in leaving their 
mistress they did not give her a bad name. On the contrary they gave her 
just such a character as the lady might have been pleased with in the main, 
rhey described her thus : " Mistress was a spare woman, tolerably tall, and 
v^ery kind, except when sick, she would not pay much attention then. She 
^vas a member of the Southern JNIethodist Church, and was strict in her 
religion." 

Having a good degree of faith in his mistress, Oscar made bold one day 
;o ask her how much she would take for him. She afjreed to take eiofht 
lundred dollars. Oscar wishing to drive a pretty close bargain offered her 
ieven hundred dollars, hoping that she would view the matter in a religious 
ight, and would come down one hundred dollars. After reflection instead 
)f making a reduction, she raised the amount to one thousand dollars, 
ivhich Oscar concluded was too much for himself. It was not, however, 
IS much as he was worth according to his mistress' estimate, for she declared 
ihat she had often been offered fifteen hundred dollars for him. Miss Gor- 
lon raised Oscar from a child and had treated him as a pet. When he was 
little "shaver" seven or eight years of age, she made it a practice to have 
lim sleep with her, showing that she had no prejudice. 

Being rather of a rare type of slave-holders she is entitled to special credit. 
Montgomery the companion of Oscar could scarcely be distinguished from 
lie white folks. In speaking of his mistress, however, he did not express 
iraselfin terms quite so complimentary as Oscar. With regard to giving 
passes," he considered her narrow, to say the least. But he was in such 
erfectly good humor with everybody, owing to the flict that he had suc- 
3eded in getting his neck out of the yoke, that he evidently had no desire 
) say hard things about her. 



400 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

Judging from his story he had been for a long time desiring his fieedom 
and looking diligently for the Underground Kail Road, but he had had 
many things to conteud with when looking the matter of escape in the face. 
Arriving in Philadelphia, and finding himself breathing free air, receiving 
aid and encouragement in a manner that he had never known before, he 
was one of the happiest of creatures. 

Oscar left his wife and one child, one brother and two sisters. Mont- 
gomery left one sister, but no other near kin. 

Instead of going to Canada, Oscar and his comrade pitched their tents in 
Oswego, N. Y., where they changed their names, and instead of returning 
themselves to their kind mistress they were wicked enough to be i)lotting 
as to how some of their friends might get off on the Underground Rail 
Road, as may be seen from the appended letters from Oscar, who was 
thought to be sluggish, etc. 

Oswego, Oct 25th, 1S57. 

Dear Sir : — I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you that 
I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same (and your 'family you must 
excuse me for not writing to you before. I would have written to you before this but I 
put away the card you gave me and could not find it until a few days sins. I did not go 
to Canada for I got work in Oswego, but times are very dull here at present. I have been 
out of employ about five weeks I would like to go to Australia. Do you know of any 
gentleman that is going there or any other place, except south that wants a servant to go 
there with him to wait on him or do any other work, 1 have a brother that wants to come 
north. I received a letter from him a few days ago. Can you tell me of any plan that I 
can fix to get him give my respects to Mrs. Still and all you family. Please let me know 
if you hear of any berth of that kind. Nothing more at present I remain your obedient 
servant, Oscar D. Ball 

But my name is now John Delaney. Direct your letter to John Delaney Oswego N. Y. 
care of R, Oliphant. 

Oswego, Nov. 21st, 1857. 
Mr. AVilltam Still, Esq. Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 19t.h came duly to hand I 
am glad to hear that the Underground Rail Road is doing so well I know those three 
well that you said come from alex I broke the ice and it seems as if they are going to keep 
the track open, but I had to stand and beg of those two that started with me to come 
and even give one of them money and then he did not want to come. I had a letter from 
my brother a few days ago, and he says if he lives and nothing happens to him he will 
make a start for the north and there is many others there that would start now but they 
are afraid of getting frost bitten, there was two left alex about five or six weeks ago. ther 
names are as follows Lawrence Thornton and Townsend Derrit. have they been to Phila- 
delphia from what I can learn they will leave alex in mourning next spring in the last 
letter I got from my brother he named a good many that wanted to come when he did 
and the are all sound men and can be trusted, he reads and writes his own letters. 
William Triplet and Thomas Harper passed through hear last summer from my old home 
which way did those three that you spoke of go times are very dull here at present and I 
can get nothing to do. but thank God have a good boarding house and will be sheltered 
from the weather this winter give my respects to your family Montgomery sends his also 
Nothing more at presant Yours truly John Delaney. 





N. W. DEPEE. 



JACOB C. WHITE. 





CHARLES WISE, 

TREASURER. 



EDWIN H. COATES. 



MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE. 



^ 



> 



ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. 401 



ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. 

CAROLINE ALDKIDGE AND JOHN WOOD. 

Caroline was a stout, light-complexioned, healthy-looking young woman 
of twenty-three years of age. She fled from Thornton Poole, of Unionville, 
Md. She gave her master the character of being a " very mean man ; 
with a wife meaner still." " I consider them mean in every respect," said 
Caroline. No great while before she escaped, one of her brothers and a sister 
had been sent to the Southern market. Recently she had been apprized 
that herself and a younger brother would have to go the same dreadful 
road. She therefore consulted with the brother and a particular young 
friend, to whom she was " engaged," which resulted in the departure of all 
three of them. Though the ordinary steps relative to marriage, as far as 
slaves were allowed, had been complied with, nevertheless on the road to 
Canada, they availed themselves of the more perfect way of having the 
ceremony performed, and went on their way rejoicing. 

Since the sale of Caroline's brother and sister, just referred to, her mother 
and three children had made good their exit to Canada, having been 
evidently prompted by said sale. Long before that time, however, three 
other brothers fled on the Underground Rail Road. They were encouraged 
to hope to meet each other in Canada. 

John Wood. John was about twenty-eight years of age, of agreeable 
manners, intelligent, and gave evidence of a strong appreciation of liberty. 
Times with John had " not been very rough," until within the last year of 
his bondage. By the removal of his old master by death, a change for the 
worse followed. The executors of the estate — one of whom owed him an 
old grudge — made him acquainted with the fact, that amongst certain others, 
he would have to be sold. Judge Birch (one of the executors), "itching" 
to see him "broke in," "took particular pains" to speak to a notorious 
tyrant by the name of Boldin, to buy him. Accordingly on the day of sale, 
Boldin was on hand and the successful bidder for John. Being familiar with 
the customs of this terrible Boldin, — of the starving fare and cruel flogging 
usual on his farm, John mustered courage to declare at the sale, that he 
"would 7iot serve him." In the hearing of his new master, he said, "before 
I will serve Mm I will CUT my throat T The master smiled, and simply 
asked for a rope ; " had me tied and delivered into the hands of a con- 
stable," to be sent over to the farm. Before reaching his destination, John 
managed to untie his hands and feet and flee to the woods. For three days 
he remained secreted. Once or twice he secretly managed to get an interview 
with his mother and one of his sisters, by whom he was persuaded to 
return to his master. Taking their advice, he commenced service under 
circumstances, compared with which, the diet, labor and comforts of an 
26 



402 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ordinary penitentiary would have been luxurious. The chief food allowed 
the slaves on the plantation consisted of the pot liquor in which the pork was 
boiled, with Indian-meal bread. The merest glance at what he experienced 
during his brief stay on the plantation must suffice. In the field where John, 
with a number of others was working, stood a hill, up which they were 
repeatedly obliged to ascend, with loads on their backs, and the overseer at 
their heels, with lash in hand, occasionally slashing at first one and then 
another; to keep up, the utmost physical endurance was taxed. John, 
though a stout young nian, and having never known any other condition than 
that of servitude, nevertheless found himself quite unequal to the present 
occasion. " I was surprised," said he, " to see the expertness with which all 
flew up the hill." " One woman, quite lusty, unfit to be out of the house, 
on RUNNING UP THE HILL, fell; in a moment she was up again with her 
brush on her back, and an hour afterwards the overseer was whipping her." 
" My turn came." " What is the reason you can't get up the hill faster?" 
exclaimed the overseer, at the same time he struck me with a cowhide. 
"I told him I would not stand it." ''Old Uncle George Washington never 
failed to get a whipping every day." 

So after serving at this only a few days, John made his last solemn vow 
to be free or die ; and off he started for Canada. Though he had to con- 
tend with countless difficulties he at last made the desired haven. He 
hailed from one of the lower counties of Maryland. 

John was not contented to enjoy the boon alone, but like a true lover of 
freedom he remembered those in bonds as bound with them, and so was 
scheming to make a hazardous "adventure" South, on the express errand 
of delivering his " family," as the subjoined letter will show: 

Glandfoed, August 15th, 1858. 
Dear Sir : — I received your letter and was glad to hear that your wife and family was 
all well and I hope it will continue so. I am glad to inform you that this leaves me well. 
Also, Mr. Wm. Still, I want for you to send me your opinion respecting my circumstan- 
ces. I have made up my mind to make an adventure after my family and I want to get 
an answer from you and then I shall know how to act and then I will send to you all 
particulars respecting my starting to come to your house. Mr. Still I should be glad to 
know whare Abraham Harris is, as I should be as glad to see him as well as any of my 
own brothers. His wife and my wife's mother is sisters. My wife belongs to Elson Bur- 
del's estate. Abraham's wife belongs to Sam Adams. Mr. Still you must not think hard 
of me for writing you these few lines as I cannot rest until I release my dear family. I 
have not the least doubt but I can get through without the least trouble. 
So no more at present from your humble servant, 

John B. Woods. 



ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857. 403 



AERIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857. 

JAMES CONNER, SHOT IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY. 

James stated to the Committee that he was about forty-three years of 
age, that he was born a skive in Nelson county, Ky., and that he was 
first owned by a widow lady by the name of Ruth Head. "She (mistress) 
was like a mother to me," said Jim. " I was about sixteen years old when 
'she died; the estate was settled and I was sold South to a man named 
Vincent Turner, a planter, and about the worst man, I expect, that ever 
the sun shined on. His slaves he fairly murdered ; two hundred lashes were 
merely a promise for him. He owned al)out three hundred slaves. I lived 
with Turner until he died. After his death I still lived on the plautation 
with his widow, Mrs. Virginia Turner." About twelve years ago (prior to 
Jim's escape) slie was married to a Mr. Charles Parlange, ",a poor man, though 
a very smart man, bad-hearted, and very barbarous." 

Before her second marriage cotton had always been cultivated, but a few 
years later sugar had taken the place of cotton, and had become the principal 
thing raised in that part of the country. Under the change sugar was raised 
land the slaves were made to experience harder times than ever ; they were 
allowed to have only from three to three and a half pounds of pork a M'cek, 
with a pock of meal ; nothing else was allowed. They commenced work in 
the morning, just when they could barely see; they quit work in the even- 
ing when they could not see to work longer. 

Mistress was a large, portly woman, good-looking, and pretty well 
liked by her slaves. The place where the plantation was located was at 
Point Copee, on Falls River, about one hundred and fifty miles from New 
Orleans. She also owned property and about twenty slaves in the city of 
New Orleans. 

" I lived there and hired my time for awhile. I saw some hard times on 
the plantation. Many a time I have seen slaves whij^ped almost to death — 
well, I tell you I have seen them whipped to death. A slave named Sam 
was whipped to death tied to the ground. Joe, another slave, was whipped 
to death by the overseer: running away was the crime. 

"Four times I was shot. Once, before I would be taken, all hands, young 
and old on the plantation were on the chase after me. I was strongly armed 
with an axe, tomahawk, and butcher knife. I expected to be killed on the 
spot, but I got to the woods and stayed two days. At night I went back 
to the plantation and got something to eat. While going back to the woods 
I was shot in the thigh, legs, back and head, was badly wounded, my mind 
was to die rather than be taken. I ran a half mile after I was shot, but was 
taken. I have shot in me now. Feel here on my head, feel my back, feel 



404 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

buck shot in nij tliigli. I shall carry shot in me to ray grave. I have been 
shot four dilFerent times. I was shot twice by a fellow-servant; it was my 
master's ortlers. Another time by the overseer. Shooting was no uncom- 
mon thing in Louisiana. At one time I was allowed to raise hogs. I had 
twenty-five taken from me without being allowed the first copper. 

" My mistress promised me at another time forty dollars for gathering 
honey, but when I went to her, she said, by and by, but the by and by never 
came. In 1853 my freedom was promised; for five years before this time 
I had been overseer; during four years of this time a visit was made to 
France by my owners, but on their return my freedom was not given me. 
Lly mistress thought I had made enough money to buy myself. They asked 
eleven hundred and fifty dollars for me. I told them that I hadn't the 
money. Then they said if I would go with them to Virginia after a num- 
ber of slaves they wished to purchase, and would be a good boy, they would 
give me my freedom on the return of the trip. We started on the 8th of 
June, 1857. I made fair promises wishing to travel, and they placed all 
confidence in me. I was to carry the slaves back from Virginia. 

" They came as far as Baltimore, and they began to talk of coming farther 
North, to Philadelphia. They talked very good to me, and told me that if 
tiiey brought me with them to a free State that I must not leave them ; 
talked a good deal about giving me my f)-ccdom, as had been promised 
before starting, etc. I let on to them that I had no wish to go Xorth ; that 
Baltimore was as far North as I wished to see, and that I had rather be 
going home than going North. I told them that I was tired of this coun- 
try. In speaking of coming North, they made mention of the Alleghany 
mountains. I told them that I would like to see that, but nothing more. 
They hated the North, and I made believe that I did too. Mistress said, 
that if I behaved myself I could go with them to France, when they went 
again, after they returned home — as they intended to go again. 

"So they decided to take me with them to Piiiladclphia, for a short visit, 
before going into Virginia to buy up their drove of slaves for Louisiana. 
My heart leaped for joy when I found we were going to a free State ; but I 
did not let my owners know my findings. 

"We reached Philadelphia and went to the Girard Hotel, and there I 
made up my mind that they should go back without me. I saAV a colored 
man who talked witii me, and told me about the Committee. He brought 
me to the anti-slavery office," etc., etc., etc. 

The Conmiittee told Jim that he could go free immediately, without say- 
ing a word to anylxjdy, as the simple fact of his master's bringing him into 
the State was sufficient to establisli his freedom before the Courts. At the 
same time the Conmiittee assured him if he Avere willing to have his master 
arrested and brought before one of the Judges of the city to show cause why 
he held him a slave in Pennsylvania, contrary to the laws of the State, that 



i 



ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857. 405 

he should hick neither friends nor money to aid him iu tlie matter ; and, 
moreover, his freedom would be publicly proclaimed. 

Jim thought well of both ways, but preferred not to meet his " kind- 
hearted " master and mistress in Court, as he was not quite sure that he 
would have the courage to face them and stand by his charges. 

This was not strange. Indeed not only slaves cowed before the eye of 
slave-holders. Did not even Northern men, superior in education and wealth, 
fear to say their souls were their own in the same presence? 

Jim, therefore, concluded to throw himself upon the protection of the 
Committee and take an Underground Rail Road ticket, and thereby spare 
ihirnself and his master and mistress the disagreeableness of meeting under 
such strange circumstances. The Committee arranged matters for him to 
the satisfaction of all concerned, and gave him a passport for her British 
majesty's possession, Canada. 

The unvarnished facts, as they were then recorded substantially from the 
lips of Jim, and as they are here reproduced, comprise only a very meagre 
part of his sadly interesting story. At the time Jim left his master and 
mistress so unceremoniously in Philadelphia, some excitement existed at the 
attempt of his master to recover him through the Police of Philadelphia, 
under the charge that he (Jim) had been stealing, as may be seen from the 
following letter which appeared in the " National Anti-Slavery Standard :" 

ANOTHER SLAVE HUNT IN PHILADELPHIA. 

Philadelphia, Monday, July 27, 1857. 

Yesterday afternoon a rumor was afloat that a negro man named Jim, who 
had accompanied his master (Mr. Charles Parlange), from New Orleans to 
this city, had left his master for the purpose of tasting the sweets of freedom. 
It was alleged by Mr. Parlange that the said* " Jim " had taken with him 
two tin boxes, one of which contained money. Mr. Parlange went, on his 
way to New York, via the Camden and Amboy Railroad, and ujion his arri- 
val at the Walnut street wharf, with two ladies, " Jim " was missing. ]Mr. 
Parlange immediately made application to a Mr. Wallace, who is a Police 
officer stationed at the Walnut street depot. Mr. Wallace got into a carriage 
with Mr. Parlange and the two ladies, and, as Mr. Wallace stated, drove 
back to the Girard House, where " Jim " had not been heard of since he had 
left for the Walnut street wharf. 

A story was then set afloat to the effect, that a negro of certain, but very 
particular description (such as a Louisiana nigger-driver only can give), had 
stolen two boxes as stated above. A notice signed " Clarke," was received 
at the Police Telegraph Office by the operator (David Wunderly) containing 
a full description of Jim, also offxiring a reward of $100 for his capture. 
This notice was telegraphed to all the wards in every section. This morn- 
ing Mr. Wunderly found fault with the reporters using the information, and. 



406 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

in presence of some four or five persons, said the notice signed " Clarke," 
■«as a private paper, and no reporter had a right to look at it; at the same 
time asserting, that if he knew where the nigger was he would give him up, 
as ^100 did not come along every day. The policeman, Wallace, expressed 
the utmost fear lest the name of Mr. Parlange should transpire, and stated, 
that he was an inthnate friend of his. It does not seem that the matter was 
communicated to tlie wards by any official authority whatever, and who the 
"Ckirke" is, whose name was signed to the notice, has not yet transpired. 
Some of the papers noticed it briefly this morning, which has set several of 
the officers on their tips. There is little doubt, tliat " Jim " has merely 
exercised his own judgment about remaining with his master any longer, and 
took this opportunity to betake himself to freedom. It is assumed, that he 
was to precede his master to Walnut street wharf with the baggage ; but| j 
singular enough to say, no complaint has been made about the baggage being 
missed, simply the two tin boxes, and particularly the one containing money. 
This is, doubtless, a ruse to engage the services of the Philadelphia police in 
the interesting game of nigger hunting, Mr. Parlange, if he is sojourning 
in your city, will doubtless be glad to learn that the matter of his man 
" Jim" and the two tin boxes has received ample publicity. W. H. 

Kev. Hiram Wilson, the Underground Rail Road agent at St. Catharines, 
C. W., duly announced his safe arrival as follows: 

Buffalo, Aug. 12th, 1857. 
My Dear Fkiend — Wm. Still : — I take the liberty to inform you, that I had the 
pleasure of seeing a man of sable brand at my house in St. C. yesterday, by name of James 
Connor, lately from New Orleans, more recently from the city of Brotherly love, where he 
took French leave of his French master. He desired me to inform you of his safe arrival 
in the glorious land of Freedom, and to send his kind regards to you and to Mr. William-' 
son ; also to another person, (the name I have forgotten). Poor Malinda Smith, with 
her two little girls and joung babe is with us doing well. 

Affectionately yours, Hiram Wilson. 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 

HARRISON GARY. 

The passenger bearing this name who applied to the Committee for 
assistance, was a mulatto of medium size, with a prepossessing countenance, 
and a very smart talker. With only a moderate education he might have 
raised himself to the " toji round of the ladder," as a representative of the 
down-trodden slave. Seeking, as usual, to learn his history, the subjoined 
questions and answers were the result of the interview : 

Q. " How old are you ?" 

A. "Twenty-eight years of age this coming March." 



1 



ABRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 407 

Q. "To whom did you belong?" 

A. " Mrs. Jane E. Ashley." 
. Q. " What kind of a woman was she ?" 

A. " She was a very clever woman ; never said anything out of the way." 

Q. " How many servants had she ?" 

A. " She had no other servants." 

Q. " Did you live with her?" 

A. "No. I hired my time for twenty-two dollars a month." 

Q. "How could you make so much money?" 

A. " I was a bricklayer by trade, and ranked among the first in the city." 

As Harrison talked so intelligently, the member of the Committee who 
was examining him, was anxious to know how he came to be so knowing, 
the fact that he could read being very evident. 

Harrison proceeded to explain how he was led to acquire the art both 
of reading and writing: "Slaves caught out of an evening without passes 
from their master or mistress, were invariably arrested, and if they were 
unable to raise money to buy themselves off, they were taken and locked up 
in a place known as the ' cage/ and in the morning the owner was notified, 
and after paying the fine the unfortunate prisoner had to go to meet his fate 
at the hands of his owner." 

Often he or she found himself or herself sentenced to take thirty-nine or 
more laslies before atonement could be made for the violated law, and the 
fine sustained by the enraged owner. 

Harrison having strong aversion to both of the " wholesome regulations " 
of the peculiar institution above alluded to, saw that the only remedy that 
he could avail himself of was to learn to write his own passes. In possess- 
ing himself of this prize he knew that the law against slaves being taught, 
would have to be broken, nevertheless he was so anxious to succeed, that 
he was determined to run the risk. Consequently he grasped the boon with 
but very little difficulty or assistance. Valuing his prize highly, he 
improved more and more until he could write his own passes satisfactorily. 
The "cage" he denounced as a perfect "hog hole," and added, "it was more 
than I could bear." 

He also spoke with equal warmth on the pass custom, " the idea of work- 
ing hard all day and then being obliged to have a pass," etc., — his feelings 
sternly revolted against. Yet he uttered not a disrespectful word against 
the individual to whom he belonged. Once he had been sold, but for what 
was not noted on the record book. 

His mother had been sold several times. His brother, AYilliam Henry 
Gary, escaped from Washington, D. C, when quite a youth. What became 
of him it was not for Harrison to tell, but he supposed that he had made 
his way to a free State, or Canada, and he hoped to find him. He had no 
knowledge of any other relatives. 



408 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

In further conversation with him, relative to his being a single man 
he said, that he had resolved not to entangle himself with a family until 
he had obtained his freedom. 

He had found it pretty hard to meet his monthly hire, consequently he 
was on the look-out to better his condition as soon as a favorable opportu- 
nity might offer. Harrison's mistress had a son named John James Ashley, 
who was then a minor. On arriving at majority, according to the will of this 
lad's father, he was to have possession of Harrison as his portion. Harri- 
son had no idea of having to work for his support — he thought that, if 
John could not take care of himself when he grew up to be a man, there 
was a place for all such in the poor-house. 

Harrison was also moved by another consideration. His mistress' sister 
had been trying to influence the mistress to sell him ; thus considering him- 
self in danger, he made up his mind that the time had come for him to 
change his habitation, so he resolved to try his fortune on the Underground 
Rail Road. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857. 

JOE ELLIS. 

The subject of this sketch was one of two hundred slaves, owned by 
Boiling Ellis, who possessed large plantations at Cabin Point, Surrey Co., 
Va. Joe pictured his master, overseers, and general treatment of slaves in 
no favorable light. 

The practice of punishing slaves by putting them in the stocks and by 
flogging, was dwelt upon in a manner that left no room to doubt but that 
Joe had been a very great sufferer under his master's iron rule. As he 
described the brutal conduct of overseers in resorting to their habitual modes 
of torturing men, women, and children, it was too painful to listen to 
with composure, much more to write down. 

Joe was about twenty-three years of age, full black, slender, and of 
average intellect, considering the class which he represented. On four 
occasions previous to the final one he had made fruitless efforts to escape 
from his tormentors in consequence of brutal treatment. Although he at 
last succeeded, the severe trials through which he had to pass in escaping, 
came very near costing him his life. The effects he will always feel ; 
prostration and sickness had already taken hold upon him in a serious 
degree. 

During Joe's sojourn under the care of the Committee, time would not 
admit of the writinjr out of further details concerning: him. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 409 



A:&RiyAL FROM MARYLAND. 

CHRISTOPHER GREEN AND WIFE, ANN MARIA, AND SON NATHAN. 

Christopher had a heavy debt charged against Clayton Wright, a com- 
mission merchant, of Baltimore, who claimed him as his property, and 
was in the habit of hiring him out to farmers in the country, and of taking 
all his hire except a single dollar, which was allotted him every holiday. 

The last item in his charge against Wright, suggested certain questions : 
"How have you been used?" was the first query. "Sometimes right smart, 
and then again bad enough for it," said Christopher. Again he was asked, 
"What kind of a man was your master?" "He was only tolerable, I can't 
say much good for him. I got tired of working and they getting my labor 
and I getting nothing for my labor." At the time of his escape, he was 
employed in the service of a man by the name of Cook. Christopher 
described him as " a dissatisfied man, who couldn't be pleased at nothing 
and his wife was like him." 

This passenger was quite black, medium size, and in point of intellect, 
about on a par with ordinary field hands. His wife, Ann, in point of 
go-ahead-ativeness, seemed in advance of him. Indeed, she first prompted 
her husband to escape. 

Ann bore witness against one James Pipper, a farmer, whom she had 
served as a slave, and from whom she fled, saying that " he was as mean a 
man as ever walked — a dark-compleeted old mm, with gray hair." With 
great emphasis she thus continued her testimony : " He tried to work me to 
death, and treated me as mean as he could, without killing me; he done so 
much I couldn't tell to save my life. I wish I had as many dollars as he 
has whipped me with sticks and other things. His wife will do tolerable." 
" I left because he was going to sell me and my son to Georgia ; for years 
he had been threatening ; since the boys ran away, last spring, he was 
harder than ever. One was my brother. Perry, and the other was a young 
man by the name of Jim." " David, my master, drank all he could get, 
poured it down, and when drunk, would cuss, and tear, and rip, and beat. 
He lives near the nine bridges, in Queen Ann county." 

Ann was certainly a forcible narrator, and was in every way a wide- 
awake woman, about thirty-seven years of age. Among other questions 
they were asked if they could read, etc. "Read," said Ann. "I would like 
to see anybody (slave) that could read our way ; to see you with a book in 
your hand they would almost cut your throat." 

Ann had one child only, a son, twenty years of age, who came in com- 
pany with his parents. This son belonged to the said Pippor already 
described. When they started from the land of bondage they had large 



410 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

hopes, but not much knowleagc of the way ; however, they mauaged to get 
safely on the Underground Rail Road track, and ^by perseverance they 
reached the Committee and were aided in the usual manner. 



ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS, 1857. 

LEEDS WEIGHT AND ABBAM TILISOK. 

For three years Leeds had been thirsting for his liberty ; his heart was 
fixed on that one object. He got plenty to eat, drink, and wear, but was 
nevertheless dissatisfied. 

The name of his master was Rev. John Wesley Pearson, who was engaged 
in school teaching and preaching, and belonged to the more moderate class 
of slave-holders. Once when a boy Leeds had been sold, but being very 
young, he did not think much about the matter. 

Yov the last eight or ten years previous to his escape he had not seen his 
relatives, his fiithcr (George Wright) having fled to Canada, and the remain- 
der of the family lived some fifty miles distant, beyond the possibility of 
intercourse; therefore, as he had no strong ties to break, he could look 
to the time of leaving the land of bondage without regret. 

Abram, the companion of Leeds, had been less comfortably situated. 
His lot in Slavery had been cast under Samuel Jarman, by whom he had 

been badly treated. 

Abram described him as a "big, tall, old man, who drank and was a real 
wicked man; he followed farming; had thirteen children. His wife was 
different; she was a pretty fine woman, but the children were all bad; the 
youno- masters followed playing cards." No chance at all had been allosved 
them'to learn to read, although Abram and Leeds both coveted this know- 
ledge. As they felt that they would never be able to do anything for their 
improvement by remaining, they decided to follow the example of Abram s 
father and others and go to Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA. 

WILLIAM TRIPLETT AND THOMAS HARPER. 

Ran Away from the subscriber, on Saturday night, 22d instant, William 
TiuPLETT, a dark mulatto, with whiskers and ranstache, 23 ^^ ^^ Xf^J' ''' f^^^o 
lately had a burn on the instep of his right, foot, Vl^^P^j-'^.^f^jtlth summer 
wear a boot or shoe. He took with him very excellent cloth mg, ^^^^^ /^^"J^^ 
and winter, consisting of a brown suit J^.^^lft^ summer cat. 
cup, silk hat, &c. $50 reward will be paid if taken withm thuty rni cs ot Aitx 
=.^=^^-^ amlria or in the State of Virginia, and $150 and necessary expenses ^t take.i^out 
of the State and secured so that I get him again. He is the P™lf ^;iy ^'i^^^/,'-^^; iHends, 
fax, of Alexan.lria. and is likely to make his way to Cincmnati, where he h^^^'^,^,^ ' 
named Hamilton and Hopes, now living. xtuiDi.. . 




ARRIVAL FROM 3IARYLAND. 411 

William, answering to the above description, arrived safely in company 
with Thomas Harper, about six days after the date of their departure from 
the house of bondage. 

Mrs. A. B. Fairfax was the loser of this " article." William spoke rather 
flivorably of her. He said he did not leave because he was treated badly 
but simply because he wanted to own himself — to be free. He also said that 
he wanted to be able to take care of his family if he should see fit to marry. 

As to Slavery, he could see no justice in the system; he therefore made 
up his mind no longer to yield submission thereto. Being a smart " chattel " 
he reasoned well on the question of Slavery, and showed very conclusively 
that even under the kindest mistress it had no charms for him — that at best 
it was robbery and an outrage. 

Thomas Harper, his comrade, fled from John Cowling, who also lived 
near Alexandria. His great trouble was, that he had a wife and family, but 
could do nothing for them. He thought that it was hard to see them in want 
and abused when he was not at liberty to aid or protect them. He grew 
very unhappy, but could see no remedy except in flight. 

Cowling, his master, was an Englishman by birth, and followed black- 
smithing for a living. He was a man in humble circumstances, trying to 
increase his small fortune by slave-labor. 

He allowed Thomas to hire himself 'for one hundred dollars a year, which 
amount he was required to raise, sick or well. He did not complain, how- 
ever, of having received any personal abuse from his blacksmith master. It 
was the system which was daily grinding the life out of him, that caused him 
to suffer, and likewise escape. By trade Thomas was also a blacksmith. 
He left a wife and three children. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

HARRY WISE. 

^100 Reward. — Ran away, on the 11th inst., negro man, Harry Wise. 
He is about 24 years of age, and 5 feet 4 inches high ; muscular, with broad 
shoulders, and black or deep copper color; roundish, smooth face, and rather 
lively expression. He came from Harford county, and is acquainted about 
Belair market, Baltimore. I will pay $50 reward for him, if taken in thi§ or 
Prince George's county, or $100 if arrested elsewhere, 
on ...^ ELLIOTT BURWELL, 

a^J-eoof^ ^egt j^iyer, Anne Arundel county. 

Harry reached the station in Philadelphia, the latter part of August, 
1857. His excuse for leaving and seeking a habitation in Canada, was as 
follows : 

" I was treated monstrous bad ; my master was a very cross, crabbed man, 
and his M'ife was as cro.ss as he was. The day I left they had to tie me to 




412 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

beat me, what about I could not tell ; this is what made me leave. I escaped 
right out of his hands the day he had me ; he was going with me to the 
barn to tie me across a hogshead, but I broke loose from him and ran. He 
ran and got the gun to shoot me, but I soon got out of his reach, and I 
have not seen him since." 

Harry might never have found the Underground Rail Road, but for 
this deadly onslaught upon him by his master. His mind was Avrought up 
to a XQvy high state of earnestness, and he was deemed a very fitting subject 
for Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, YA. 

ABRAM WOODERS. 

Althouo-h slave-holders had spared no pains to keep Abram in the dark 
and to make him love his yoke, he proved by his actions, that he had no 
faith in their doctrines. Nor did he want for language in which to state 
the reasons for his actions. He was just in the jirime of life, thirty-five 
years of age, chestnut color, common size, with a scar over the left eye, and 
another on the upper lip. 

Like many others, he talked in a smple, earnest manner, and in answer to 
queries as to how he had fared, the following is his statement: 

"I was held as the property of the late Taylor Sewell, but wheu I 
escaped I was in the service of W. C. Williams, a commission merchant. 
My old master was a very severe man, but he Avas always very kind to me. 
He had a great many more colored folks, was very severe amongst them, 
would get mad and sell right away. He was a drinking man, dissipated 
and a gambler, a real sportsman. He lived on Newell Creek, about twelve 
miles from Norfolk. For the last eight years I was hired to W. C. 
Williams, for $150 a year — if I had all that money, it might do me some 
good. I left because I wanted to enjoy myself some. I felt if I staid and 
got old no one would care for me, I wouldn't be of no account to nobody." 

"But are not the old slaves well cared for by their masters?" a member 
of the Committee here remarked. " Take care of them ! no.!" Abram 
replied with much earnestness, and then went on to«explain how such 
property was left to perish. Said Abram, " There was an old man named 
Ike, who belonged to the same estate that I did, he was treated like a dog ; 
after they could get no more work out of him, they said, 'let him die, he is 
of no service; there is no use of getting a doctor for him.' Accordingly 
there could be no other fate for the old man but to suffer and die with 
creepers in his legs." 

It was sickening to hear him narrate instances of similar suffering in the 
case of old slaves. Abram left two sisters and one brother in bondage. 




ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 413 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 

GEORGE JOHNSON, TPIOMAS AND ADAM SMITH. 

$300 Reward. — Ran away from Kalorama, near Washington City, D. C, 
on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, negro man, George Johnson, aged 
about 25 years. Height about six feet ; of dark copper color; bushy hair ; erect 
m stature and polite in his address. 

I will give the above reward if taken in a free State; $100 if taken within 
the Disti-ict of Columbia, or $200 if taken in Maryland. In either case he must 
be secured ao that I get him. Miss Eleanor J. Conway, Baltimore, Md., 

or Oliver Dufour, Washington City, D. C. 
sl-eod 2w. 

"Polite iu his address" as George was, he left his mistress, Eleanor 
J. Conway, without bidding her good-bye, or asking for a pass. But he 
did not leave his young mistress in this way without good reasons for so 
doing. 

In his interview with the Committee about five days after his departure 
from his old home, he stated his grievances as follows: " I was born the slave 
of a Mr. Conway, of Washington, D. C." Under this personage George 
admitted that he had experienced slavery in rather a mild form until death 
took the old man off, which event occurred when George was quite young. 
He afterwards served the widow Conway until her death, and lastly he fell 
into the hands of Miss Eleanor J. Conway, who resided in Baltimore, and 
derived her support from the labor of slaves whom she kept hirccl out as was 
George. Of the dead, George did not utter very hard things, but he spoke 
of his young mistress as having a " very mean principle." Said George, 
" She has sold one of my brothers and one of my cousins since last April, and 
she was very much opposed to freedom." 

Judging from the company that she kept she might before a great Avhile 
change her relations iu life. George thought, however agreeable to her, it 
might not be to him. So he made up his mind that his chances for free- 
dom would not be likely to grow any better by remaining. In the neigh- 
borhood from which he fled he left his father, mother and two sisters, each 
having different owners. Two brothers had been sold South. Whether 
they ever heard what had become of the runaway George is not known. 

Thomas, the companion of George, was of a truly remarkable structure ; 
physically and mentally he belonged to the highest order of the bond class. 
His place of chains was in the city of Washington, and the name of the 
man for whom he had been compelled to do unrequited labor was William 
Rowe, a bricklayer, and a '• pretty clever fellow, — always used me well," said 
Thomas. " Why did you leave then ?" asked a member of the Committee. 
He replied, " I made a proposition to my master to buy myself for eight 
aundred dollars, but he refused, and wanted a thousand, Tlien I made up my 
aiind that I would make less do." Thomas had been hired out at the National 
Hotel for thirty dollars a month. 




414 THE UNDERGROimD RAIL ROAD. 

Adam was well described in the following advertisement taken from tlie 
Baltimore Sun: 

$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, near Beltsville, Prince 
George's county, Md., on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, Negro Man, 
Adam Smith, aged about 30. Height 5 feet 4 or 5 inches ; black bushy hair, 
and well dressed. He has a mother living at Mr. Hamilton's, on Capitol Hill, 
Washington, D. C. 

I will give the above reward if taken in a free State ; $50 if taken in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia or counties of Montgomery and Prince George's, or $100 if 
taken elsewhere and secured so that I get him. Isa.ac Scaggs. 

a27-6t* 

With his fellow-passengers, George and Thomas, he greatly enjoyed the 
hosijitalities of the Underground Rail Road in the city of Brotherly Love, 
and had a very high idea of Canada, as he anticipated becoming a Briti.'^h 
subject at an eai-ly day. The story which Adam related concerning his 
master and his reasons for escaping ran thus : 

" My master was a very easy man, l)ut would work you hard and never 
allow you any chance niglit or day ; he was a farmer, about fifty, stout, full 
face, a real country ruffian ; member of no church, a great drinker and 
gambler; will sell a slave as quick as any other slave-holder. Pie had a 
great deal of cash, but did not rank high in society. His wife was very 
severe ; hated a colored man to have any comfort in the world. They had 
eight adult and nine vouno; slaves." 

Adam left because he "didn't like the ^treatment." Twice he had been 
placed on the auction-block. He Avas a married man and left a wife and 
one child. 



FOUR ABLE-BODIED " ARTICLES " IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857. 

EDWARD, AND JOSEPH HAINES, THOMAS HARRIS, AND J.\MES SHELDON. 

" Tills certainly is a likely-looking party," are the first words which greet 
tlie eye, on turning to the record, under which their brief narratives were 
entered at the Philadelphia station, September 7th, 18o7. 

Edward was about forty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and hi 
point of natural ability he would rank among the most intelligent of the 
opjires-sed class. Without owing thanks to any body he could read and 
write pretty m'cII, having learned by his own exertions. 

Tabby and Eliza Fortlock, sisters, and single women, had been deriving 
years of leisure, comfort, and money from the sweat of Edward's l)roAV. 
The maiden ladies owned about eighteen head of this kind of property, far 
more than they understood how to treat justly or civilly. They bore the 
name of being very hard to .satisfy. They were proverbially "stingy.'"' 
They were members of the Christ Episcopal Church. 



FOUR ABLE-BODIED "ARTICLES'' IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857. 415 

Edward, however, remembered very sensibly tliat his own brother liad been 
sold South by these ladies ; and not only he, but others also, had been sent 
to the auction-block, and there made merchandise of. Edward, therefore, 
had no faith in these lambs of the flock, and left them because he thought 
there was reason in all things. "Yearly my task had been increased and 
made heavier and heavier, until I was pressed beyond what I could bear." 
Under this pressure no hope, present or future, could be discerned, except 
by escaping on the Underground Rail Koad. 

Joseph was also one of the chattels belonging to the Misses Portlock. 
A more active and wide-awake young man of twenty years of age, could not 
easily be found among the enslaved ; he seemed to comprehend Slavcrv in 
all its bearings. From a small boy he had been hired out, making money 
for the " pious ladies " who owned him. His experience under these pro- 
tectors had been similar to that of Edward given' above. Joseph was of a 
light brown color, (some of his friends may be able to decide by this simple 
fact whether he is a relative, etc.). 

ToxM, a full-fliced, good-natui'ed-looking young man, was also of this 
party. He was about twenty-seven years of age, and was said to be the 
slave of John Hattcn, Esq., Cashier of the Virginia Bank of Portsmouth. 
Tom admitted that he was treated very well by ]\Ir. Hatten and his family, 
except that he was not allowed his freedom ; besides he felt a little tired of 
having to pay twelve dollars a month for his hire, as he hired his time of 
his master. Of course he was not insensible to the fact also that he was 
liable to be sold any day. 

In pondering over these slight drawbacks, Tom concluded that Slavery 
was no place for a man who valued his freedom, it mattered not how kind 
masters or mistresses might be. Under these considenitions he made 
up his mind that he would have to let the cashier look out for himself, 
and he would do the same. In this state of mind he joined the party for 
Canada. 

Jaisies was another associate passengci', and the best-looking " article " in 
the party; few slaves showed a greater degree of intelligence and shrewdness. 
He had acquired the art of reading and writing very well, and was also a 
very ready talker. He was owned by Mrs. I\Iaria Hansford of New York. 
When he was quite small he remembered seeing his mistress, but not since. 
He was raised with her sister, who resided in Norfolk, the place of James' 
servitude. 

James confessed that he had been treated very kindly, and had been 
aught to read by rnembers of the family. This was an exceptional case, 
vorthy of especial note. 

Notwithstanding all the kindness that James had received, he hated 
slavery, and took a deep interest in the Underground Rail Road, and used 
us mtelligence and shrewdness to good purpose in acting as an Under- 



4jg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ground Rail Road agent for a time. James was a young man, about 
twenty-five yeai-s of age, well made, and of a yellow complexion. 

Althouoh none of this party experienced brutal treatment personally 
they had "seen the " elephant " quite to their satisfaction in Norfolk and 
vicinity. 



ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, Md. 1857. 

JOHN ALEXAKDEB BUTLEB, WILLIAM HENRY HIPKINS. JOHN HENBY MOOBE AND 

GEOBGE HILL. 

This party made, at first sight, a favorable impression; they represented 
the bone and sinew of theslave class of Arlington, and upon investigation 
the Committee felt assured that they would carry with them to Canada in- 
dustrv and determination such as would tell well for the race. 

JoHX Alexander Butler was about twenty-nine years of age, well 
made, dark color, and intelligent. He assured the Committee that he had 
been hampered by Slavery from his birth, and that in conscciuence thereof 
he had suffered serious hardships. He said that a man by the name of 
^\m. Ford, belonging to the Methodist Church at Arlington, had de- 
frauded him of his just rights, and had compelled him to work on his farm 
for nothing; also had deprived him of an education, and had kept him in 
poverty and ignorance all his life. 

In .oing over the manner in which he had been treated, he added that 
not only was his master a hard man, but that his wife and children partook 
of the same evil spirit ; " they were all hard." True, they had but three 
slaves to oppress, but these they spared not. 

John was a married man, and spoke affectionately of his wife and chil- 
dren, whom he had to leave behind at Cross-Roads. 

Willi VM Henry, who was heart and soul in earnest with regard to 
reaching Canada, and was one of this J)arty, was twenty-three years ot age, 
and was a stout, yellow man with a remarkably large head, and looked as 
if he was capable of enjoying Canada and caring for himself 

In speaking of the fettered condition from which he had escaped, t.o name 
of Ephraim Swart, "a gambler and spree'r" was mentioned as the indi- 
vidual who had wronged him of his liberty most grievously. 

A'-iinst Swart he expressed himself with much manly feeling, and judging 
from'his manner he appeared to be a dangerous customer for master Swart 
to encounter north of Mason and Dixon's line. . i i i 

William comi.lained that Swart " would come home late at n.gl.t drun., 
and if he did not find us awake he would not attempt to wake "s, but wonh 
bec^in cutting and slashing with a cowhide. He treated h.s wife very ba 



ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, MD., 1857. 417 

too ; sometimes when she would stand up for the servants he would knuck 
her down. Many times at michiiglit she would have to leave the house and 
go to her mother's for safety ; she was a very niee woman, but he was the 
very old Satan himself." 

AVhile William Henry was debarred from learning letters under his brutal 
overseer, he nevertheless learned how to plan ways and means by which to 
escape his bondage. He lei't his old motiier and two brothers wholly igno- 
rant of his movements. 

JoHX Henry Moore, another one of the Arlington party, was about 
twenty-four years of age, a dark, spare-built man. He named David 
Mitchell, of Havre-de-Grace, as the individual above all others M'ho had 
kept his foot on his neck. Without undertaking to give John Henry's 
description of Mitchell in full, suffice it to give the following facts: 
" Mitchell would go off and get drunk, aiid come home, and if the slaves 
had not as much work done as he had tasked them with, he would go to 
beating them with clubs or anything he could get in his hand. He was 
a tall, spare-built man, with sandy hair. He had a wife and flimily, but 
his wife was no better than he was." When charges or statements were made 
by fugitives against those from whom they escaped, ]>articular pains were 
taken to find out if such statements could be verified ; if the explanation 
appeared valid, the facts as giveii were entered on the books. 

John Henry could not read, but greatly desired to learn, and he looked 
as though he had a good head for so doing. Before he left there had been 
some talk of selling him South. This rumor had a marked effect upon 
John Henry's nervous system ; it also expanded his idea touching traveling, 
the Underground Rail Road, etc. As he had brothers and sisters who had 
been sold to Georgia he made up his mind that his master was not to be 
trusted for a single day; he was therefore one of the most willing-hearted 
passengers in the party. 

George Hill, also a fellow-passenger, was about twenty-four years of 

age, quite black, medium size, and of fair, natural mother wit. In looking 

back upon his days of bondage, his mind reverted to Dr. Savington, of Har- 

, ford county, as the pers(^n who owed him for years of hard and unrequited 

toil, and at the same time was his so called owner. 

The Doctor, it seemed, had failed to treat George well, for he declared that 
he had never received enough to eat the whole time that he was with him. 
"The clothes I have on I got by overwork of nights. When I started I 
hadn't a shoe on my foot, these Avere given to me. He was an old man, but 
a very wicked man, and drank very hard." 

George had been taught field Avork pretty thoroughly, but nothing in the 
way of reading and writing. 

George explained why he left as follows: "I left because I had got along 

with him as well as I could. Last Saturday a week he was in a m-eat ratre 

27 so 



418 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and drunk. Ho shot at nio. He never went away but what lie would come 
home drunk, and if any body made him angry out from home, he would 
come home and take his spite out of his people." 

He owned three grown men, two women and six children. Thus hating 
Slavery heartily, George was enthusiastically in favor of Canada. 



FIVE PxVSSEXGERS, 1857. 



ELIZA JA^^: JOHXSON, HAKKIET STKWART, and her daughter MARY ELIZA, 
WILLIAM COLE, AXD HANSON HALL. 

Eliza Jane was a tall, dark, young woman, about twenty-three years of 
age, and had been held to service by a widow woman, named Sally Sjnser, 
who was "anything but a good woman." The place of her habitation was 
in Delaware, between Concord and Georgetown. 

Eliza Jane's excuse for leaving was this : She charged lier mistress with 
trying to work her to death, and with unkind treatment generally. AYheu 
times became so hard that she could not stand her old mistress "Sally" any 
longer, she " took out." 

PlArviiiET did not come in company with Eliza Jane, but by accident 
they met at the station in Philadelphia. Harriet and daughter came from 
Washington, D. C. 

Harriet had treasured up a heavy account against a white man known by 
the name of William A. Linton, whom she described as a large, red-faced 
man, who had in former years largely invested in slave property, but latterly 
he had been in the habit of selling off, until only seven remained, and 
among them she and her child were numbered ; therefore, she regarded him 
as one who had robbed her of her rights, and daily threatened her with sale. 

Harriet M'as a very likely-looking woman, twenty-nine years of age, 
medium size, and of a brown color, and far from being a stupid person. 
Her daughter also was a smart, and interesting little girl of eight years of 
age, and seemed much pleased to be getting out of the reach of slave-holders. 
The mother and daughter, however, had not won their freedom thus far, 
without great suffering, from the long and fatiguing^ distance which they 
were obliged to walk. Sometimes the hardness of the road made them 
feel as though they would be compelled to give up the journey, whether 
or not ; but they added to their faith, patience, and thus finally succeeded. 

Heavy rewards were offered through advertisenients in the Baltimore 
Sun, but they availed naught. The Vigilance Committee received them 
safely, fully cared for them, and safely sent them through to the land of 
refuge. Harriet's daring undertaking obliged her to leave her husband, 






ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD CO., 3fB., 1857. 419 

John Stewart, behind ; ako one sister, a slave in Georgetown. One brother 
had been sold South. Her mother she had laid away in a slave's grave : 
but her lather she hoped to find in Canada, he having escajied thither when 
she was a small girl ; at least it was supposed that he had gone there. 




ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD CO., Md., 1857. 

BILL COLE AND HANSOK. 

$500 Reward. — Ran away on Saturday night, September 5th, Bill Cole, 
aged about 37 years, of copper complexion, stout built, ordinary height, walks 
very erect, earnest but squint look when spoken to. 

Also, Hanson, copper complexion, well made, sickly look, medium height, 
stoops when walking, quick when spoken to ; aged about 30 years. 

Three hundred dollars will be paid for the apprehension and delivery of Bill, 
if caught out of the State, and two hundred if in the State. Two hundred 
dollars for Hanson if out of the State, and one hundred dollars if in the State. 

W. Baker Dorset, 
Hammond Dorset, 
Savage P. 0., Howard county, Md. 

Such notoriety as was given them by the above advertisement, did not in 
the least damage Bill and Hanson in the estimation of the Committee. It 
was rather pleasing to know that they were of so much account as to call 
forth such a public expression from the Messrs. Dorsey. Besides it saved 
the Committee the necessity of writing out a description of them, the only 
fault found with the advertisement being in reference to their ages. Bill, 
for instance, was put down ten years younger than he claimed to be. Which 
was correct, Bill or his master? The Committee were inclined to believe Bill 
in preference to his master, for the simj)le reason that he seemed to account 
satisfactorily for his master's making him so young: he (the master) could 
sell him for nnich more at thirty-seven than at forty-seven. Unscrupulous 
horse-jockies and traders in their fellow-men were about on a par as to that 
kind of sharp practice. 

Hanson, instead of being only thirty, declared that he was thirty-seven 
the fifteenth of February. These errors are noticed and corrected because 
it is barely possible that Bill and Hanson may still be lost to their relatives, 
who may be inquiring and hunting in every direction for them, and as 
many others may tui-n to these records with hope, it is, therefore, doubly 
important that these descriptions shall be as far as possible, correct, especially 
as regards ages. 

Hanson laughed heartily over the idea that he looked "sickly." While 
3n the Underground Rail Road, he looked very far from sickly ; on the 
3ontrary, a more healthy, fat, and stout-looking piece of property no one 



420 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

need wish to behold, than was this same Hanson. He confessed, however, 
that for some time previous to his departure, he had feigned sickness, — told 
his master that he was " sick all over." '' Ten times a day Hanson said 
they would ask him how he was, but was not ^villing to make his task 
much lighter." The following description was given of his master, and his 
reason for leaving him : 

" My master was a red-faced farmer, severe temper, would curse, and 
swear, and drink, and sell his slaves whenever he felt like it. My mistress 
was a pretty cross, curious kind of a woman too, though she was a member 
of the Protestant Church. They were rich, and had big farms and a good 
many slaves. They didn't allow me any provisions hardly ; I had a wife, 
but they did not allow me to go see her, only once in a great while." 

Bill providentially escaped from a well-known cripple, whom he under- 
took to describe as a " very sneaking-looking man, medium size, smooth 
face ; a wealthy farmer, who owned eighteen or twenty head of slaves, and 
was Judge of the Orphans' Court." " He sells slaves occasionally." " My 
mistress was a very large, rough, Irish-looking woman, with a very bad dis- 
position ; it appeared like as if she hated to see a ' nigger,' and she was 
always wanting her husband to have some one whipped, and she was a 
member of the Methodist Church. My master was a trustee in the Episco- 
pal Church." 

In consequence of the tribulation Bill had experienced under his Chris- 
tian master and mistress, he had been led to disbelieve in the Protestant 
faith altogether, and declared that he felt persuaded that it was all a " pre- 
tense," and added that he "never went to Church; no place was provided in 
church for 'niggers ' except a little pen for the coachmen and waiters." 

Bill had been honored with the post of "head man on the place," but of 
this office he was not proud. 



ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, MD. 

"JIM BELLE." 

SlOO Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber on Saturday night, Negro 
Man JIM BELLE. Jim is about five feet ten inches high, black color, about 
2G years of age : has a down look ; speaks slow when spoken to ; he has large, 
thick lips, and a mustache. He was formerly owned by Edward Stansbury, 
late of Baltimore county, and purchased by Edward Worthington, near Reis- 
terstown, in Baltimore countv, at the late Stansbury's sale, who sold him to 
B. M. and W. L. Campbell, of' Baltimore city, of whom I purchased Jim on the 
L3th of June last. His wife lives with her mother, Ann Robertson, in Corn Alley, between 
Lee and Hill streets, Baltimore city, where he has other relations, and where he is making 
his way. I will give the above reward, no matter where taken, so he is brought home or 
secured in jail so I get him again. Zachariah Berry, of W., 

j28-6t. near Upper Marlboro', Prince George's county, Md. 




ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857. 421 

Mr. Zachariah Beny, who manifested so much interest in Jim, may be 
until this hour in ignorance of the cause of his running off witliout asking 
leave, etc. Jim stated, that he was once sold and flogged unmcrcifullj 
simply for calling his master " Mr.," instead of master, and he alleged that 
this was the secret of his eyes being opened and his mind nerved to take 
advantage of the Underground Rail Road. 

While it may not now do Zachariah Berry much good to learn this secret, 
it may, nevertheless, be of some interest to those who were of near kin to 
Jim to glean even so small a ray of light. 



ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857. 

PASCAL QUANTENCE. 

I Pascal fled from Virginia, and accused Bannon and Brady of doing 

\ violence to his liberty. He had, however, been in their clutches only a short 

l\ while before escaping, but that short while seemed almost an age, as he was 

treated so meanly by them compared with the treatment which he had 

experienced under his former master. 

According to Pascal's story, which was evidently true, his previous master 
was his own father (John Quantence), who had alwa3^s acknowledged Pascal 
' as his child, whom he did not scruple to tell people he .should set free; that 
he did not intend that he should serve anybody else. But, while out riding 
one day, he was thrown from his horse and instantly killed. Naturally 
enough, no will being found, his effects were all administered upon and 
Pascal was sold with the firm. Bannon and Brady were the purchasers, at 
least of Pascal. In their power, immediately the time of trouble began with 
Pascal, and so continued until he could no longer endure it. " Hoggish- 
ness," according to Pascal's phraseology, was the most predominant trait 
in the character of his new masters. In his mournful situation and grief 
he looked toward Canada and started with courage and hope, and thus suc- 
ceeded. Such deliverances always afforded very great joy to the Com- 
mittee. 



422 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 



ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857. 

HARRT GEIMES, GEORGE UPSUER, AND EDWARD LEWIS. 

FEET SLIT FOR RUNNING AWAY, FLOGGED, STABBED, STAYED IN THE HOLLOW OF 
A BIG POPLAR TREE, VISITED BY A SNAKE, ABODE IN A CAVE. 

The coming of the passengers here noticed was anuouiiced in the subjoined 
letter from Thomas Garrett : 

Wilmington, 11th Mo. 25tb, 1857. 
Eespected Friend, William Still : — I write to inform thee, that Captain Fountain 
has arrived this evening from the South with three men, one of which is nearly naked, 
and very lousy. He has been in the swamps of Carolina for eighteen months past. One 
of the others has been some time out. I would send them on to-night, but will have to 
provide two of them with some clothes before they can be sent by rail road. 1 have for- 
gotten the number of thy house. As most likely all are more or less lousy, having been 
compelled to sleep together, I thought best to write thee so that thee may get a suitable 
place to take them to, and meet them at Broad and Prime streets on the arrival of the 
cars, about 11 o'clock to-morrow evening. I have engaged one of our men to take them 
to his house, and go to Philadelphia with them to-morrow evening. Johnson who will 
accompany them is a man in whom we can confide. Please send me the number of thy 
house when thee writes. Thomas Garrett. 

Tills epistle from the old friend of the fugitive, Thomas Garrett, excited 
unusual interest. Preparation was innncdiately made to give the fugitives 
a kind reception, and at the same time to destroy their plagues, root and 
branch, without mercv. 

They arrived according to appointment. The cleansing process was 
carried into effect most thoroughly, and no vermin were left to tell the 
tale of suffering they had caused. Straightway the passengers Mere made 
comfortable in every way, and the spirit of freedom seemed to be burning 
like " fire shut up in the bones." The appearance alone of these men indi- 
cated their manhood, and wonderful natural ability. The examining Com- 
mittee were very desirous of hearing their story without a moment's delay. 

As Harry, from having suffered most, was the hero of this party, and 
withal was an intelligent man, he Avas first called upon to make his state- 
ment as to how times had been with him in the prison house, from his 
youth up. He was about fortv-six rears of age, according to his reckoning, 
full six feet high, and in muscular a])pearance was very rugged, and in his 
countenance were evident marks of firmness. lie said that he was born a 
slave in North Carolina, and had been sold three times. He was fir.st sold 
when a child three years of age, the second time when he was thirteen years 
old, and the third and last time he was sold to Jesse Moore, from Avhom he 
fled. Prior to his coming into the hands of Moore he had not experienced 



ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857. 



423 



any very hard usage, at least nothing more severe than fell to the common 
lot of slave-boys, therefore the period of his early youth was deemed of too 
little interest to record in detail. In fact time only could be afforded for 
noticing very briefly some of the more remarkable events of his bondage. 
The examining Committee confined their interrogations to his last task- 
master. 

"How did Moore come by you?" was one of the inquiries. " He bought 
me," said Harry, " of a man by the name of Taylor, nine or ten years ago ; 
he was as bad as he could be, couldn't be any worse to be alive. He was 
about fifty years of age, when I left him, a right red-looking man, big 
bellied old fellow, weighs about two hundred and forty pounds. He drinks 
hard, he is just like a rattlesnake, just as cross and crabbed when he speaks, 
seems like he could go through you. He flogged liiclimond for not plough- 
ing the corn good, that was what he pretended to whip him for. Kichmond 
ran away, was away four months, as nigh as I can guess, then they cotched 
him, then struck him a hundred lashes, and then they split both feet to the 
bone, and split both his insteps, and then master took his knife and stuck it 
into him in many places ; after he done him that way, he put him into the 
barn to shucking corn. For a long time he was not able to work; when he 
did partly I'ccover, he was set to work again." 

We ceased to record anything further concerning Richmond, although 
not a fourth part of what Harry narrated was put upon paper. The 
account was too sickenino; and the 

desire to hear Harry's account of -5^ ^i. % 

himself too great to admit of fur- 
ther delay ; so Harry confined him- 
self to the sufferings and adventures 
which had marked his own life. 
Briefly he gave the following facts : 
"I have been treated bad. One day 
we were grubbing and master said 
we didn't do work enough. ' How 
came there was no more work done 
that day ?' said master to me. I 
told him I did work. In a more 
stormy manner he 'peated the ques- 
tion. I then spoke up and said : 
'Massa, I don't know what to say.' 
At once raassa plunged his knife into 
my neck causing me to stagger. 
Massa was drunk. He then drove 
me down to the black folk's houses (cabins of the slaves). He then got 
his gun, called the overseer, and told him to get some ropes. While he 



>..v^ 






c 



'l^^'l^i^/ 




424 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



was gone I said, 'Massa, now you are going to tie me up and cut me 
all to pieces for nothing. I would just as leave you would take your 
gun and shoot me down as to tie mo u}) and cut me all to pieces for 
nothing.' In a great rage he said 'go.' I jumjied, and he put up his 
gun and snapped both barrels at me. lie tlien set his dogs on me, but as I 
had been in the habit of making much of them, feeding them, etc., 
they would not folh)w me, and I kept on straight to the woods. My 
master and the overseer cotched the horses and tried to run me down, but 
as the doufs would not follow me thev couldn't make nothing: of it. It was 
the last of August a year ago. The devil was into him, and he flogged and 
beat four of the slaves, one man and three of the women, and said if he 
could only get hold of me he wouldn't strike me, ' nary-a-lick/ but would 
tie me to a tree and empty both barrels into me. 

In the woods I lived on nothing, 



d4\ 



-C) you may say, and something too. I 

had bread, and roasting ears, and 
'taters. I stayed in the hollow of a big 
poplar tree for seven months ; the 
other part of the time I stayed in a 
cave. I suffered mighty bad with the 
cold and for something lo eat. Once I 
got rae some charcoal and made me 
a fire in my tree to warm me, and it 
liked to killed me, so I had to take 
the fire out. One time a snake come 
to the tree, poked its head in the hol- 
low and was coming in, and I took 
mv axe and chopped him in two. It 
was a poplar leaf moccasin, the j)oison- 
est kind of a snake we have. AVhilc 
in the woods all my thoughts was 
how to get away to a free country." 
Subsequently, in going back over his past history, ho referred to the fiict, 
that on an occasion long before the cave and tree existence, already noticed, 
when suffering under this brutal master, he sought protection in tiie woods 
and ai^ode twenty-seven months in a cave, before he surrendered himself, or 
was captured. His offence, in this instance, was simply because he desu-ed 
to see his wife, and "stole" away from his master's plantation and went a 
distance of five miles, to where she lived, to see her. For this grave crime 
his master threatened to give him a iiundred lashes, and to shoot h mi ; 
in order to avoid this ]nnii.shment, he escaped to the woods, etc. The lapse 
of a dozen years and recent struggles fi)r an existence, made him thmk 
lightly of his former troubles and he would, doubtless, have failed to recall 




ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857. 



425 



his earlier conflicts hut for the desire manifested by the Committee to get 
all the information out of him they could. 




He was next asked, " Had yon a wife and fiimily ?" " Yes, sir," 
he answered, " I had a wife and eight children, belonged to the ^vidow 
Slade." Harry gave the names of his wife and children as follows: Wife, 
Susan, and children, Oliver, Sabey, Washington, Daniel, Jonas, Harriet, 
Moses and Rosetta, the last named he had never seen. *' Between ray mis- 
tress and my master there was not much difference.'^ 

Of his comrades time admitted of writing out only very brief sketches, as 
follows : 



EDWARD LEWIS. 




$100 



Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on the 7th of November, 
negro slave, EDGAR. He is 36 years old, 6 feet high, of dark brown complex- 
ion, very high forehead, is a little bald, and is inclined to stoop in the shoulders. 
Edgar says he was raised in Norfolk county, has worked about Norfolk several 
years. I bought him at the Auction house of Messrs. Pulliam & Davis, the 
20th of July, 1856. The bill of sale was signed by W. Y. Miliner for Jas. A. 
Bilisoly, administrator of G. W. Chambers, dec'd. He told one of my negroes 
he was going to Norfolk to sell some plunder he had there, then go to Richmond, steal his 
wife, get on board a boat about Norfolk, and go to a free State. He can read and write 
well, and I have no doubt he has provided himself with papers of some kind. He may 
have purchased the papers of some free negro. I will give the above reward of One Hun- 
dred Dollars to any person who will arrest and confine him, so I can get him. 

C. H. Gay. 
My Post office is Laurel, N. C. no, 21. 

The above advertisement, which was cut from a Southern paper, brought 
light in regard to one of the passengers at least. It was not often that a 
slave was so fortunate as to get such a long sketch of himself in a news- 
paper. The description is so highly complimentary, that we simply endorse 



426 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

it as it stands. The sketch as taken for the record book is here transcribed 
as foHows : 

"Edward reported liiinself from Franklin county, N. C, wliere, accord- 
ing to statement, a common farmer by the name of Carter Gay owned him, 
under whose oppression his life was rendered most unhapjiy, who stinted 
him daily for food and barely allowed him clothing enough to cover 
his nakedness, who neither showed justice nor mercy to any under his 
control, the 'weaker vessels' not excepted; therefore Edward was con- 
vinced that it was in vain to hope for comfort under such a master. IMore- 
over, his appetite for liquor, combined with a high temper, rendered him a 
being hard to please, but easy to excite to a terrible degree. Scarcely had 
Edward lived two years with this man (Gay) Avhen he felt that he had lived 
wnth him long enough. Two years previous to his coming into the hands 
of Gay, he and his wife were both sold ; che wife one day and he 'the next. 
She brought eleven hundred and twenty-five dollars, and he eiglit hundred 
and thirty-five dollars ; thus they were sold and resold as a matter of specu- 
lation, and husband and wife were parted. 

After the fugitives had been well cared for by the Committee, they were 
forwarded on North ; but for some reason they were led to stop short of 
Canada, readily finding employment and going to work to take care of 
themselves. How they were received and in what way they were situated, 
the subjoined letter from Edward will explain : 

Skaneateles, Dec. 17, 1857. 

Dear Sir: — As I promised to let you hear from me as soon as I found a home, I will 
now fulfill my promise to you and say that I am alive and well and have found a stopping 
place for the winter. 

When we arrived at Syracuse we found Mr. Loguen ready to receive us, and as times 
are rather hard in Canada he thought best for us not to go there, so he sent us about twenty 
miles west of Syracuse to Skaneateles, where George Upshur and myself soon found work. 
Henry Grimes is at work in Garden about eight miles from this place. 

If you should chance to hear any of my friends inquiring for me, please direct them to 
Skaneateles, Onondaga county, N. Y. 

If you can inform me of the whereabouts of Miss Alice Jones I shall be very much 
obliged to you, until I can pay you better. I forgot to ask you about her when I was at 
your house. She escaped about two years ago. 

Please not to forget to inquire of my wife, Rachel Land, and if you should hear of her, 
let me know immediately. George Upshur and myself send our best respects to you and 
your family. Remember us to Mrs. Jackson and Miss Julia. I hope to meet you all 
again, if not on earth may we so live that we shall meet in that happy land where tears 
and partings are not known. 

Let me hear from you soon. This from your friend and well wisher, 

Edward Lewis, 
formerly, but now William Brady. 



ALFRED HOLLON, GEOBOE AND CHAS. N. RODGERS. 427 

George Upsher. — The third in this arrival was also a full man. 
Slavery had robbed him shamefully it is true; nevertheless he was a man 
of superior natural parts, }>hysieally and intellectually. Despite the efforts 
of slave-holders to keep him in the dark, he could read and write a little. 
His escape in the manner that he did, implied a direct protest against 
the conduct of Dr. Thomas W. Upsher, of Richmond, Va., whom, he 
alleged, deprived him of iiis hire, and threatened him with immediate sale. 
He had lived in North Carolina with the doctor about two years. As a 
slave, his general treatment had been favorable, except for a few months 
prior to his flight, which change on the part of his master led him to fear 
that a day of sale was nigh at hand. In fact the seventh of July had been 
atn-eed upon when he was to be in Richmond, to take his place with others 
in the market on sale day ; his hasty and resolute move for freedom originated 
from this circumstance. He was well-known in Norfolk, and had served 
almost all his days in that city. These ]xvssengers averaged about six feet, 
and were of uncommonly well-developed physical structure. 

The pleasure of aiding such men from the horrors of Carolina Slavery 
was great. 



ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS. 

The loss of this party likewise fills on I^Iaryland. With all the efforts 
exerted by slave-holders, they could not prevent the Underground Rail 
Road from bringing away passengers. 

Alfred was twenty-eight years of age, with sharp features, dark color, 
and of medium size. He charged one Elijah J. Johnson, a commissioner of 
Baltimore Co., with having deprived him of the fruits of his labor. He 
had looked fully into his mastei-'s treatment of him, and had come to the 
conclusion that it was wrong in every respect, for one man to make another 
work and then take all his wages from him ; thus decided, Alfred, desiring 
liberty, whereby he could do better for himself felt that he must "took out" 
and make his way to Canada. Nevertheless, he admitted that he had been 
''treated pretty well" compared with others. True, he had " not been fed 
very well ;" Elijah, his master, was an old man with a white head, tall and 
stout, and the owner of fifteen head of slaves. At the same time, a member 
of St. John's church. 

Alfred had treasured up the sad remembrance against him of the sale 
of his mother from him when a little boy, only three years old. While he 
was then too young to have retained her features in his memory, the fact 
had always been a painful one to reflect upon. 



428 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

George was twenty-six years of ago, stoat, long-faced, and of dark com- 
plexion. He looked as thongli he might have eagerly grasped education if 
the opportunity had been allowed him. He too belonged to Elijah J. John- 
son, against whom he entertained much more serious objections than Alfred. 
Indeed, George did not hesitate to say with emphasis, that he neither liked 
his old master, mistress, nor any of the family. Without recording his 
grievances in detail, a single instance will suffice of the kind of treatment 
to which he objected, and which afforde<l the pretext for his becoming a 
patron of the Underground Kail Road. 

It was this, said George: "I went into the corn-field and got some corn. 
This made my master and mistress very mad, and about it Dr. Franklin 
Rodgers, my young mistress' husband, struck me some pretty heavy blows, 
and knocked me with his fist, etc." Thus, George's blood was raised, and 
he at once felt that it was high time to be getting away from such patriarchs. 
It was only necessary to form a strong resolution and to start without delay. 

There were two others who, he believed, could be trusted, so he made 
known his intentions to them, and finding them sound on the question of 
freedom he was glad of their company. For an emergency, he provided 
himself with a pair of pistols and a formidable-looking knife, and started, 
bent on reaching Canada; determined at least, not to be taken back to bond- 
age alive. Charles was twenty-four years of age, a very dark-colored indi- 
vidual, and also belonged to said Johnson. 

Chart.es was well acquainted with his old master and mistress, and 
made very quick work of giving his experience. After hearing him, from 
the manner in which he expressed himself, no one could doubt his earnest- 
ness and veracity. His testimony ran substantially thus: 

" For the last three years I have been treated very hard. In the presence 
of the servants, old Johnson had me tied, stripped, and with his own hands, 
flogged me on the naked back shamefully. The old mistress was cross too." 
It was some time before the smarting ceased, but it was not long ere the 
suffering produced very decided aspirations to get over to John Bull's Do- 
minions, He resolved to go, at all hazards. In order that he might not be 
surprised on the Underground Rail Road without any weapons of defense, 
determined as he was to fight rather than be dragged back, he provided him- 
self with a heavy, leaden ball and a razor. They met, however, with no 
serious difficulty, save from hard walking and extreme hunger. In appear- 
ance, courage, and mother-wit, this party was of much promise. 



i, 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857. 429 



ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857. 

SAMUEL BENTON, JOHN ALEXANDER, JAMES HENRY, AND SAMUEL TURNER. 

These passengers journeyed together from the land of whips and 
chains. 

Sam Benton was about twenty-six years of age, medium size, pretty 
dark color, and possessed a fair share of intelligence. He understood very 
well how sadly Slavery had wronged him by keeping him in ignorance and 
poverty. 

He stated as the cause of his flight that William Campbell had oppressed 
him and kept him closely at hard labor without paying him, and at the same 
time "did not give him half enough to eat, and no clothing." 

John Alexander was about forty-four years of age, a man of ordinary 
size, quite black, and a good specimen of a regular corn-field hand. 

" Why did you leave, John ?" said a member of the Committee. He 
coolly replied that "Handy (his master was named George Handy) got hold 
of me twice, and I promised my Lord that he should never get hold of me 
another time." 

Of course it was the severity of these two visitations that matle John a 
thinker and an actor at the same time. The evil practices of the master 
produced the fruits of liberty in John's breast. 

James Henry, the third passenger, was about thirty-two years of age, 
and quite a spirited-looking "article." A few months before he fled he had 
been sold, at which time his age was given as " only twenty." He had suf- 
fered considerably from various abuses ; the hope of Canada however tended 
to make him joyful. 

The system of oppression from which these travelers fled had afforded 
them no privileges in the way of learning to read. All that they had ever 
known of civilization was what they perchance picked up in the ordinary 
routine of the field. 

Notice of the fourth passenger unfortunately is missing. 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857. 

ELIZABETH WILLIAMS. 

Elizabeth fled in company with her brother the winter previous to her 
arrival at the Philadelpliia station. Although she reached free land the 
severe struggle cost her the loss of all her toos. Four days and nights out 
in the bitter cold Aveather without the chance of a fire left them a prey to 



430 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the frost, which nitule sad havoc with their feet especially — particularly 
Elizabeth's. She was obliged to stop oil the way, and for seven mouths she 
was unable to walk. 

Elizabeth was about twenty years of age, chestnut color, and of con- 
siderable natural intellect. Although she suffered so severely as the result 
of her resolution to throw off the yoke, she had no regrets at leaving the 
prison-house; she seemed to appreciate freedom all the more in consequence 
of what it cost her to obtain the prize. 

In speaking of the life she had lived, she stated that her mistress was 
" good enough," but her " master was a very bad man." His name was 
Samuel Ward; he lived in Baltimore county, near Wrightstown. Elizabeth 
left her mother, four brothers and one sister under the yoke. 



MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857. 

Mary arrived from Delaware, Moses from Norfolk, Virginia, and hap- 
pened to meet at the station in Philadelphia. 

Mary was twenty years of age, of a chestnut color, usual size, and well 
disposed. She fled from Nathaniel Ilerne, an alderman. Mary did not 
find fault with the alderman, but she could not possibly get along with his 
wife ; this was the sole cause of her escape. 

Moses was twenty-four years of age, of a chestnut color, a bright-looking 
young man. He fled from Norfolk, Virginia, having been owned by the 
estate of John Halters. Nothing but the prevailing love of liberty in the 
breast of Moses moved him to seek his freedom. He did not make one 
complaint of bad treatment. 



ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D. C. 

JOHN JOHNSON AND LAWRENOE THORNTON. 

John escaped from near Washington. lie stated that he was owned by 
an engraver, known by the name of William Stone, and added tliat himself 
and seven others were kej)t working on the farm of said Stone for nothing. 
Jolin di<l not, however, complain of iiaving a hard master in this hard- 
named personage, (Stone) ; for, as a slave, he confessed that he had seen 
good times. Yet he was not satisfied ; lie felt that he had a right to his 
freedom, and that he could not jiossibly be contented while deprived of it, 
for this reason, therefore, he dissolved his relationship with his kind master. 



PROPERTIES OF HON. L. McLANE AND WM. KNIGHT, Esq. 431 

John was about twenty -seven years of age, smart, possessed good manners, 
and a mulatto. 

Lawrence was about twenty-three years of age, tall and slender, of dark 
complexion, but bright intellectually. With Lawrence times had been pretty 
rough. Dr. Isaac Winslow of Alexandria was accused of defrauding Law- 
rence of his hire. " He was anything else but a gentleman," said Law- 
rence. " He was not a fair man no way, and his wife was worse than he 
was, and she liad a daughter worse than herself." 

"Last Sunday a week my master collared me, for my insolence he said, 
and told me that he would sell me right off. I was tied and put up stairs 
for safe keeping. I was tied for about eight hours. I then untied myself, 
broke out of prison, and made for the Underground Rail Road immediately." 

Lawrence gave a most interesting account of his life of bondage, and of 
the doctor and his flimily. He was overjoyed at the manner in which he 
had defeated the doctor, and so was the Committee. 



HON. L. McLANE'S Property, soox after his peatii, travels via 
THE UNDERaROUXD Rail Road. — WILLIAM KNIGHT, Esq., loses 

A SUPERIOR " ARTICLE." 

I 
! i JIM SCOTT, TOM PENNINGTON, SAM SCOTT, BILL, SCOTT, ABE BACON, AND JACK WELLS. 

An unusual degree of pleasure was felt in welcoming this party of young 
men, not because they were any better than others, or because they had 
suffered more, but simply because they were found to possess certain know- 
ledge and experience of slave life, as it existed under the government of the 
chivalry ; such information could not always be obtained from those whose 
lot had been cast among ordinary slave-holders. Consequently the Com- 
mittee interviewed them closely, and in point of intellect found them to be 
above the average run of slaves. As they were then entered on the record, 
so in like manner are the notes made of them transferred to these pages. 

Jim was about nineteen years of age, well grown, black, and of pre- 
possessing appearance. The organ of hope seemed very strong in him. Jim 
had been numbered with the live stock of the late Hon. L. jNIcLane, wlio 
had been called to give an account of his stewardship about two months 
before Jim and his companions " took out." 

As to general usage, he made no particular charge against his distin- 
guished master ; he had, however, not been living under his immediate 
patriarchal government, but had been hired out to a farmer by the name of 
James Dodson, with whom he experienced life "sometimes hard and some- 



402 1'^i^ UXDERGBOUND HAIL ROAD. 

times stnouth," to use his own wonls. The reason of his leaguing with his 
fellow-servants to abandon the old prison-house, was traeeable to the rumor, 
that he and some others were to appear on the stage, or rather the uueiion- 
block, in Baltimore, the coming Spring. 

Tom, another member of the McLane institution, was about twenty-five 
years of age, of unmixed blood, and a fair specimen of a well-trained field- 
hand. He conceived that he had just ground to bring damages against the 
Hon. L. McLane for a number of years of hard service, and for being de- 
prived of education. He had been compelled to toil for the Honorable gen- 
tleman, not only on his own place, but on the farms of others. At the time 
that Tom escaped, he was hired for one hundred dollars per annum (and his 
clothes found him), which hire McLane had withheld from him contrary to 
all justice and fair dealing; but as Tom was satisfied, that he could get no 
justice through the Maryland courts, and knew that an old and intimate 
friend of his master had already proclaimed, that " negroes had no rights 
wiiich wliite men are bound to respect ;" also, as his experience tended to 
confirm him in the belief, that the idea was practically carried out in the 
courts of Maryland ; he thought, that it would be useless to i)ut in a plea 
for justice in Maryland. He was not, however, without a feeling of some 
satisfaction, that liis old master, in giving an account of his stewardship at 
the Bar of the Just One, would be made to understand the amount of his 
indebtedness to those whom he had oppressed. With this impression, and 
the prospects of equal rights and Canada, under her Britisli Majesty's ])os- 
sessions, he manifested as much delight as if he was traveling with a half 
million of dollars in his pocket. 

Sam, another likely-looking member of this party, was twenty-two years 
of age, and a very promising-looking young fugitive, having the appearance 
of being able to take education without difficulty. He had fully made up 
his mind, that slavery was never intended for man, and that he would never 
wear himself out working for the " white people for nothing." He wanted 
to work for himself and enjoy the benefits of education, etc. 

Bill Scott, another member of the McLane party, was twenty-one years 
of age, " fat and slick," and fully satisfied, that Canada would agree with 
him in every particular. Not a word did he utter in favor of Maryland, but 
said much against tlie manner in which slaves were treated, how he had felt 
about the matter, etc. 

Abe was also from the McLane estate. He possessed ap]>arently more 
general intdligenco than either of his comj^anions. He was quite bright- 
witted, a rcnuly talker, and with his ])rospects he was much satisfied. 
He was twenty-two years of age, blat^k, good-looking, and possessed ver}' 
good manners. He represented, tiiat his distinguished master died, leaving 
thirteen head of slaves. His (Abe's) father, Tom's mother and the mother 
of the Scotts were freed by McLane. Strong hopes were entertained that 



PROPERTIES OF HON. L. McLANE AND WM. KNIGHT, Esq. 433 

before the old man's death he would make provision in his will for the free- 
dom of all the other slaves ; when he died, the contrary was found to be the 
fact ; they were still left in chains. The immediate heirs consisted of six 
sons and five daughters, who moved in the first circle, were " very wealthy 
and aristocratic." Abe was conversant with the fact, that his master, the 
" Hon. L. McLane, was once Secretary under President Jackson /' that he 
had been " sent to England on a mission for the Government," and that he 
had " served two terms in Congress." Some of the servants, Abe said, were 
" treated pretty well, but some others could not say anything in the master's 
favor." Upon the whole, however, it was manifest that the ]\IcLanc 
slaves had not been among the number who had seen severe hardships. 
They came from his plantation in Cecil county, Maryland, where they had 
been reared. 

In order to defend themselves on the Underground Rail Road, they were 
strongly armed. Sam had a large horse pistol and a butcher knife ; Jack 
had a revolver ; Abe had a double-barrelled pistol and a large knife ; Jim 
had a single-barrelled pistol and counted on " blowing a man down if any 
one touched " him. Bill also had a single-barrelled pistol, and when he 
started resolved to ''come through or die." 

Although this party was of the class said to be well fed, well clothed, 
and not over-worked, yet to those who heard them declare their utter de- 
testation of slavery and their determination to use their instruments of 
death, even to the taking of life, rather than again be subjected to the 
yoke, it was evident that even the mildest form of slavery was abhorrent. 
They left neither old nor young masters, whom they desired to serve any 
longer or look up to for care and support. 

Jack, who was not of the McLane party, but who came with them, had 
been kept in ignorance with regard to his age. He was apparently middle- 
aged, medium size, dark color, and of average intelligence. He accused 
William Knight, a farmer, of having enslaved him contrary to his will or 
wishes, and averred that he fled from him because he used him badly 
and kept mean overseers. Jack said that his master owned six farms and 
kept three overseers to manage them. The slaves numbered twenty-one 
head. The names of the overseers were given in the following order : 
"Alfred King, Jimmy Allen, and Thomas Brockston." In speaking of their 
habits, Jack said, that they were " very smart when the master was about, 
but as soon as he was gone they would instantly drop back." "They were 
all mean, but the old boss was meaner than them all," and "the overseers 
were ' fraider ' of him than what I was," said Jack. 

His master (Mr. Knight), had a wife and seven children, and was a 
member of the Episcopal Church, in " good and regular standing." He 
was rich, and, with his family, moved in good society. " His wife was too 
28 



434 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

stingy to live, and if she was to die, she would die holding on to something," 
said Jack. Jack had once had a wife and three children, but as they belonged 
to a slave-holder ("Jim Price") Jack's rights were wholly ignored, and he 
lost them. 



ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD CO., 1857. 

JOHN MYERS. 

John fled from under the yoke of Dr. Joshua R. Nelson. Until within 
two years of " Jack's " fliglit, the doctor " had been a very fine man," with 
whom Jack found no fault. But suddenly his mode of treatment changed ; 
he became very severe. Nothing that Jack could do, met the approval of 
the doctor. Jack was constantly looked upon with suspicion. 

The very day that Jack fled, four men approached him (the doctor one of 
them), with line in hand ; that sign was well understood, and Jack resolved 
that they should not get within tying distance of him. " I dodged them," 
said Jack. Never afterwards was Jack seen in that part of the country, at 
least as long as a fetter remained. 

The day that he " dodged " he also took the Underground Rail Road, and 
although ignorant of letters, he battled his way out of Maryland, and suc- 
ceeded in reaching Pennsylvania and the Committee. He was obliged to 
leave four cliildren behind — John, Abraham, Jane and Ellen. 

Jack's wife had been freed and had come to Philadelphia two years in 
advance of him. His master evidently supposed that Jack would be mean 
enough to wish to see his wife, even in a free State, and that no slave, witli 
such an unnatural desire, could be tolerated or trusted, that the sooner such 
"articles" were turned into cash the better. This in substance, was the way 
Jack accounted for the sudden change which had come over his master. In 
defense of his course, Jack referred to the treatment which he had received 
while in servitude under his old master, in something like the following 
words: "I served under my young master's father, thirty-five years, and 
from him received kind treatment. I was his head man on the place, and 
had everything to l»ok after." 



ARRIVAL FROM ]\[ARYLAND, 1857. 

WILLIAM LEE, SUSAN JATTE BOILE AND AMARIAN HXRETIA RISTER, 

Although these three jiasscngers arrived in Philadelphia at the same time, 
they did not come from Maryland together. 



ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1857. 435 

William Lee found himself under the yoke on a farm in the possession 
of Zechariah Merica, who, Wm. said, was a "low ignorant man, not above a 
common wood-chopper, and owned no other slave property than William." 
Against him, however, William brought no accusation of any very severe 
treatment; on the contrary, his master talked sometimes "as though he 
wanted to be good and get religion, but said he could not while he was try- 
ing to be rich." Everything looked hopeless in William's eyes, so far as 
the master's riches and his own freedom were concerned. He concluded that 
he would leave him the " bag to hold alone." William therefore laid down 
"the shovel and the hoe," and, without saying a word to his master, he took 
his departure, under the privacy of the night, for Canada. William re[)re- 
sented the white and colored races about equally; he was about twenty-seven 
years of age, and looked well fitted for a full day's work on a farm. 

SusAX Jane came from New Market, near Georgetown Cross-Roads, 
where she had been held to unrequited labor by Hezekiah Masten, a farmer. 
Although he was a man of fair pretensions, and a member of the Methodist 
Church, he knew how to draw the cords very tightly, with regard to his 
slaves, keeping his feet on their necks, to their sore grievance. Susan 
endured his bad treatment as long as she could, then left, destitute and alone. 
I Her mother and father were at the time living in Elkton, Md. Whether 
they ever heard what became of their daughter is not known. 

Amarian was twenty-one years of age, a person of light color, medium 
size, with a prepossessing countenance and smart; she could read, write, and 
play on the piano. From a child, Amarian had been owned by Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Key Scott, who resided near Braceville, but at the time of her fliglit 
she was living at Westminster, in the family of a man named ■'^ Boile," said 
to be the clerk of the court. In reference to treatment, Amarian said : " I 
ihave always been used very well ; have had it good all my life, etc." This 
was a remarkable case, and, at first, somewhat staggered the fliith of the 
Committee, but they could not dispute her testimony, consequently they 
gave her the benefit of the doubt. She spoke of having a mother living 
in Hagerstown, by the name of Amarian Ballad, also three sisters who 
were slaves, and two who were free ; she also had a brother in chains in 
Mississippi. 



ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA. 1857. 

WILLIAM CARNEY AND ANDREW ALLEN. 

William was about fifty-one years of age, a man of unmixed blood. 
Physically he was a superior man, and his mental abilities were quite above ^ 
the average of his class. 

He belonged to the estate of the late Mrs. Sarah Twyne, who bore the 



436 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

reputation of being a lady of wealth, and owned one hundral and twelve 
slaves. INIost of her slave property was kept on her plantation not far from 
Old Point Comfort. According to William's testimony " of times Mrs. Twyne 
would meddle too freely with the cup, and when under its influence she was 
very desperate, and acted as though she wanted to kill some of the slaves." 

After the evil spirit left her and she had regained her wonted composure, 
she would pretend that she loved her " negroes," and would make a great 
fuss over them. Xot infrequently she would have very serious difficulty 
with her overseers. Having license to do as they pleased, they would of 
course carry their cruelties to the most extreme verge of punishment. If a 
slave was maimed or killed under their correction, it was no loss of theirs. 
" One of the overseers by the name of Bill Anderson once shot a young 
slave man called Luke and wounded him so seriously that he was not 
expected to live." " At another time one of the overseers beat and kicked 
a slave to death." This barbarity caused the mistress to be very much 
" stirred up," and she declared that she would not have any more white 
overseers; condemned them for everything, and decided to change her policy 
in future and to a])point her overseers from her own slaves, sotting the 
property to watch the property. This system was organized and times were 
somewhat better. 

William had been hired out almost his entire life. For the last twelve 
or fifteen years he had been accustomed to hire his time for one hundred and 
thirty dollars per annum. In order to meet this demand he commonly re- 
sorted to oystering. By the hardest toil he managed to maintain himself and 
family in a humble way. 

For the last twenty years (prior to his escape) the slaves had constantly 
been encouraged by their mistress' promises to believe that at her death all 
would be free, and transported to Liberia, where they would enjoy their 
liberty and be happy the reuiainder of their days. 

With full faith in her promises year by year the slaves awaited her demise 
with as much patience as possible, and often prayed that her time might be 
shortened for the general good of the oppressed. Fortunately, as the slaves 
thought, she had no children or near relatives to deprive them of their just 
and promised rights. 

In November, previous to William's escape, her long lookcd-for dissolu- 
tion took place. Every bondman who was old enough to realize the nature 
and Import of the change felt a great anxiety to learn what the will of their 
old mistress said, whether she had actually freed them or not. Alas ! when 
the secret was disclosed, it was ascertained that not a fetter was broken, not 
a bond nnloosod, and that no provision whatever had been made looking 
towards freedom. In this sad case, the slaves could imagine no other 
fate than soon to be torn asunder and scattered. The fact was soon made 
known that the Hiffh Sheriff had administered on the estate of the late mis- 



ARRIVAL FROM HOOPESVILLE. 437 

tress; it was therefore obvious enough to William and the more intelligent 
slaves that the auction block was near at hand. 

The trader, the slave-pen, the auction-block, the coffle gang, the rice swamp 
the cotton plantation, bloodhounds, and cruel overseers loomed up before 
him, as they had never done before. Without stopping to consider the 
danger, he immediately made up his mind that he would make a struggle, 
cost what it miglit. He knew of no other way of escape than the Under- 
ground Rail Road. He was shrewd enough to find an agent, who gave him 
private instructions, and to whom he indicated a desire to travel North on 
said road. On examination he was deemed reliable, and a mutual under- 
standing was entered into between William and one of the accommodating 
Captains running on the Richmond and Philadelphia Line, to the effect that 
he, William, should have a first class Underground Rail Road berth, so 
perfectly private that even the law-officers coidd not find him. 

The first ties to be severed were those which bound him to his wife and 
children, and next to the Baptist Church, to which he belonged. His 
family were slaves, and bore the following names : his wife, Nancy, and 
,children, Simon Henry, William, Sarah, Mary Ann, Elizabeth, Louis, and 
Cornelius. It was no light matter to bid them farewell forever. The sepa- 
ration from them was a trial such as rarely fidls to the lot of mortals; 
but he nerved himself for the undertaking, and when the hour arrived his 
strength was sufficient for the occasion. 

, Thus in company with Andrew they embarked for an unknown shore, 
their entire interests entrusted to a stranger who was to bring them through 
difficulties and dangers seen and unseen. 

Andrew was about twenty-four years of age, very tall, quite black, and 
bore himself manfully. He too was of the same estate that William be- 
longed to. He had served on the farm as a common fiirm laborer. He had 
had it "sometimes rough and sometimes smooth," to use his own lano-uaire. 
The fear of what awaited the slaves prompted Andrew to escape. He too 
was entangled with a wife and one child, with whom he parted only as a 
friend parts with a companion when death separates them. Catharine was 
the name of Andrew's wife ; and Anna Clarissa the name of his child left in 
chains. 



ARRIVAL FROM HOOPESVILLE, Mi>., 1857. 

JAMES CAIX, "general ANDREW JACKSON," AND AITNA PERRY. 

These passengers came from the field where as slaves very few privileges 
had been affi^rded them. 

Jim was about thirty-five years of age, a dark brown skin with average 



438 THE UNDERGROUND BAIL ROAD. 

intellect for one in his condition. He had toiled under John Burnhara, iu 
Dorchester county, from whom he had received hard treatment, but harder 
still from his mistress. He averred that she was the cause of matters being 
so hard with the slaves on the place. Jim contented himself under his 
lot as well as he could uutil within a short time of his escape when he 
learned that measures were on foot to sell him. The fear of this change 
brought him directly to meditate upon a trip to Canada. Being a married 
man he found it hard to leave his wife, Mary, but as she was also a slave, 
and kept in the employment of her owners at some distance from where he 
lived, he decided to say nothing to her of his plans, but to start when ready 
and do the best he could to save himself, as he saw no chance of saving her. 

"General Andrew Jackson." When the above " article " gave the 
Committee his name they were amused and thought that he was simply 
jesting, having done a smart thing in conquering his master by escaping; 
but on a fuller investigation they found that he really bore the name, and 
meant to retain it in Canada. It had been given him when a child, 
and in Slavery he had been familiarly called "Andy," but since he had 
achieved his freedom he felt bound to be called by his proi)er name. 

General Andrew was about twenty-seven years of age, a full black, and a 
man of extraordinary muscular powers, with coarse hard features, such as 
showed signs that it would not be safe for his master to meddle with him 
wdieu the General's blood was up. 

He spoke freely of the man who claimed him as a slave, saying that his 
name was Shepherd Houston, of Lewistown, Delaware, and that he owned 
seven head of " God's poor," whom he compelled to labor on his farm with- 
out a cent of pay, a day's schooling, or an hour's freedom ; furthermore, that 
he was a member of the Ebenezer Methodist Church, a class-loader, and an 
cxhorter, and in outward show passed for a good Christian. But in speakmg 
of his practical dealings with his slaves. General said that he worked them 
hard, stinted them shamefully for food, and kept them all the time digging. 

Also when testifying with regard to the " weaker vessel," under whose 
treatment he had suffered much, the General said that his master's wife had 
a meaner disposition than he had ; she preteuded to belong to church too, 
said General, but it was nothing but deceit. 

This severe critic could not read, but he had very clear views on the ethics 
of his master and mistress, agreeing with Scripture concerning whital 
sepulchres, etc. 

The question of Christian slave-holders, for a great while, seriously 
puzzled the wise and learned, but for the slave it wa.s one of the easiest of 
solution. All tlie slaves came to the same conclusion, notwithstanding 
the teaching of slave-holders on the one idea, that " servants should obey 
their masters," etc. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, \%b^. '439 

General had a brother in Baltimore, known by the name of Josephus, also 
two sisters Anna and Annie; his father was living at Cannon's Ferrv. 

Anna Perry was the intended of General. She was about nineteen 
years of age, of a dark brown color, and came from the same neig-liborhood. 
According to law Anna was entitled to her freedom, but up to the time of 
her escape she had not been permitted to enjoy the favor. She found that 
if she would be free she would have to run for it. 

John Smith. A better specimen of one who had been ill treated, and in 
every way uncared for, could not be easily found. In speecii, manners, 
and whole appearance he was extremely rude. He was about twenty 
years of age, and in color was of a very dark hue. 

That John had received only the poorest kind of " corn-field fare " was 
clearly evidenced both by body and mind. Master George H. Morgan was 
greatly blamed for John's deficiencies ; it was on his farms, under mean 
overseers that John had been crushed and kept under the harrov/. 

His mother, Mary Smith, he stated, his master had sold away to New 
Orleans, some two years before his escape. The sad effect that this cruel 
separation had upon him could only be appreciated by hearing him talk of 
it in his own untutored tongue. Being himself threatened with the auction- 
block, he was awakened to inquire how he could escape the danger, and 
very soon learned that by following the old methods which had been used 
by many before him, resolution and perseverance, he might gain the victory 
over master and overseers. As green as he seemed he had succeeded admi- 
rably in his undertaking. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858. 

GEORGE RUSSELL AND JAMES HENRY THOMPSON. 

James, for convenience' sake, was supplied with two other names (Milton 
Brown and John Johnson), not knowing exactly how many he would need 
in freedom or which would be the best adapted to keep his whereabouts the 
most completely veiled from his master. 

George reported that he fled from Henry Harris, who lived near Balti- 
more on the Peach Orchard Road, and that he had lived with said Harris 
all his life. He spoke of him as being a " blustering man, who never liked 
the slaves to make anything for themselves." George bore witness that the 
usage which he had received had been hard ; evidently his intellev;t had been 
seriously injured by what he had suffered under his task-master. George 
was of a very dark hue, but not quite up to medium size. 

James Henry Thompson did not accompany George, but met him at 
the station in Philadelphia. He contrasted favorably with George, being 



44d^ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

about twenty-eight years of age, with a countenance indicative of intelligence 
and spi*'"it. lie was of a chestnut color and of average size. He charged 
one Denuis Mannard, of Johnson ville;^ with being his personal enemy as an 
oppressor, \ and added that he could "say nothing good of him." He could 
say, howev^er, that Mannard was bitterly opposed to a slave's learning how 
to read, wo'ild not listen to the idea of giving them any privileges, and tried 
to impress ^,^hem with the idea that they needed to know notiiing but simply 
how to worV- hard for the benefit of their masters and mistresses ; in fulfill- 
ing these c^mditions faithfully the end for which they had been designed 
"would be ac<iiomplished according to his doctrine. 

Notwithsjanding so much pains had been resorted to throughout the 
South to impress these ideas upon the slaves, no converts were made. 

James thought that the doctrine was infamous, and that it was dangerous 
to live with such a man as his master; that freedom was as much his right 
as it was his master's ; and so he resolved to leave for Canada as soon as he 
could see an}- chance for escape. 



AERIYAL FROM QUEEN ANN COUNTY, 1858. 

CATHARINE JONES AND SON HENRY, ETNA ELIZABETH DAUPHUS, AND GEORGE 

NELSON WASHINGTON. 

These passengers, although interesting, and manifesting a strong desire 
to be free, had no remarkable talcs of personal suffering to relate; their 
lot had evidently been cast among the more humane class of slave-holders, 
who had acted towards their slaves with some moderation. 

Catiiaiiine was twenty-four years of age, of a dark chestnut color, pos- 
sessed a fair share of mother wit, and was fitted to make a favorable 
impression. In no degree whatever did she think well of slavery ; she had 
had, as she thought, sufficient experience under Joshua Duvall (who pro- 
fessed to own her) to judge as to the good or evil of the system. While he 
was by no means considered a hard man, he W'ould now and then buy and 
sell a slave. She had no fault to find with her mistress. 

Etna was about twenty years of age, of a " ginger-bread " color, modest 
in demeanor, and appeared to have a natural capacity for learning. She was 
also from under the Duvall yoke. In setting forth her reasons for escaping 
she asserted that she was tired of slavery and an unbeliever in the doctrine 
that God made colored people simply to be slaves for white people ; besides, 
she had a strong desire to "see her friends in Canada." 

George also escaped from Duvall ; happily he was only about nineteen 
years of age, not too old to acquire some education and do well by himself. 
He was greatly elated at the prospect of freedom in Canada. 



ARRIVAL FR OM D VNWO OD Y CO UNTY, 1 858. 441 

William Henry was a plump little fellow only two years of age. At 
the old price (five dollars per pound) lie was worth something, fat as he 
was. Being in the hands of his mother, the Committee considered him a 
lucky child. 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE. 

ELIJAH BISHOP AND WILLIAM WILLIAMSON. 

Elijah represented to the Committee that he had been held under the 
enthrallment of a common " gambler and drunkard," who called himself by 
the name of Campbell, and carried on his sporting operations in Baltimore. 

Under this gambler Elijah had been wronged up to the age of twenty-eight 
years, when he resolved to escape. Having had several opportunities of 
traveling through the United States and South America with his sporting 
master, he managed to pick up quite an amount of information. For the 
benefit of Elijah's relatives, if any should have occasion to look for par- 
ticulars concerning this lost individual, we add, that he was a spare-built 
man of a dark color. 

William Williamson fled from Mrs. Rebecca Davidge, of Pcrryman- 
ville. He declared that he had been used badly — had been worked hard 
and had been fed and clothed but poorly. Under such treatment he had 
reached his twenty-fourth year. Being of a resolute and determined mind, 
and feeling considerably galled by the burdens heaped upon him, he re- 

, solved that he would take his chances on tlio Underground Rail Road. 

' The only complaint that he had to make against his mistress was, that she 
hired him to a man named Smith, a farmer, and a slave-holder of the 
meanest type, in William's opinion. For many a day William will hold 

' her responsible for abuses he received from him. 



ARRIVAL FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858. 

DARIUS HARRIS. 

One of the most encouraffino; siirns connected with the travel via the Under- 
ground Rail Road was, that passengers traveling thereon were, as a general 
thing, young and of determined minds. Darius, the subject of this sketch, was 
only about twenty-one when he arrived. It could be seen in his looks that 
he could not be kept in the prison-house unless constantly behind bars. His 
'large head and its formation indicated a large brain. He stated that 
"Thomas H. Hamlin, a hard case, living near Dunwoody," had professed 



442 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

to own him. Darius alleged that this same Hamlin, who had thus stripped 
him of every cent of his earnings was doing the same thing by sixty others, 
whom he held in his grasp. 

"With regard to "feeding and clothing" Darius set Hamlin down as "very 
lioggish ;" he also stated that he would sell slaves whenever he could. He 
(Darius), had been hired out in Petersburg from the age of ten ; for the last 
three years previous to his escape he had been bringing one hundred and 
fifty dollars a year into the coffers of his owners. Darius had not been 
ignorant of the cruelties of the slave system up to the time of his escape, 
for the fetters had been galling his young limbs for several years ; especially 
liad the stringent slave laws given him the horrors. Loathing the system of 
slavery with his whole heart, he determined to peril his all in escaping there- 
from ; seeking diligently, he had found means by which he could carry his 
designs into execution. 

In the way of general treatment, however, Darius said that bodily he had 
escaped " abuses tolerably well." He left in slavery his father and mother, 
four brothers and one sister. He arrived by one of the Richmond boats. 



ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, Ya., 1857. 

TOWNSEND DEERIX. 

The above-named escaped from a "Dutchman" by the name of Gallipap- 
pick, who was in the confectionery business. For the credit of our German 
citizens, it may be said, that slave-holders within their ranks were very few. 
This was a rare case. The Committee were a little curious to knoM" how the 
German branch of civilization conducted when given unlimited control over 
human beintrs. 

In answering the requisite questions, and in making his statement, Towns- 
end gave entire satisfaction. His German master he spoke of as being a 
tolerably fair man, " considering his origin." At least he (Towusend), had 
not suU'ered much from him ; but he spoke of a woman, about sixty, who 
had been used very badly under this Dutchman. He not only worked her 
very hard, but, at the same time, he would beat her over the head, and 
that in the most savage manner. His mistress was also " Dutch," a "great 
swabby, fat woman," with a very ill disposition. Master and mistress were 
both members of the Episcopal Church. " Mistress drank, that was the 
reason she was so disagreeable." 

Townsend had been a married man for about seven months only. In liis 
effort to obtain his own freedom he sought diligently to deliver his young 
wife. They were united heart and hand in the one great purpose to reach 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858. 443 

free land, but unfortuntirely the pursuers were on their track ; the wife was 
captured and carried back, but the husband escaped. It was particularly 
with a view of saving his poor wife that Townseud was induced to peril his 
life, for she (the wife) was not owned by the same party who owned Towns- 
end, and was on the eve of being taken by her owners some fifty milcy 
distant into the country, where the chances for intercourse between husband 
and wife would no longer be favorable. Kather than submit to such an 
outrage, Townseud and his wife made the attempt aforementioned. 



ARRIVAL FROIVI MARYLAND, 1858. 

EDWAED CARROLL. 

Edward, a youthful passenger about twenty-one years of age, slow of 
speech, with a stammering utterance, and apparently crushed in spirits, 
claimed succor and aid of the Committee. At first the Committee felt a 
little puzzled to understand, how one, apparently so deficient, could succeed 
in surmounting the usual difficulties consequent upon traveling, via the 
Underground Rail Road ; but in conversing with him, they found him pos- 
sessed of more intelligence than they had supposed ; indeed, they perceived 
that he could read and write a little, and that what he lacked in aptness of 
speech, he supplied as a thinker, and although he was slow he was sure. 
He was owned by a man named John Lewis, who also owned about 
seventy head of slaves, whom he kept on farms near the mouth of the Sassa- 
fras River, in Sussex county. 

Lewis had not only held Edward in bondage, but had actually sold him, 
with two of his brothers, only the Saturday before his escape, to a Georgia 
trader, named Durant, who was to start south with them on the subsequent 
Monday. Moved almost to desperation at their master's course in thus sell- 
ing them, the three brothers, after reflection, determined to save themselves 
if possible, and without any definite knowledge of the journey, they turned 
their eyes towards the North Star, and under the cover of night they started 
for Pennsylvania, not knowing whether they would ever see the goodly land 
of freedom. After wandering for about two weeks, havino; been lost often 
and compelled to lie out in all weathers, a party of pursuers suddenly came 
upon them. Both parties were armed ; the fugitives therefore resolved to 
give their enemies battle, before surrendering. Edward felt certain that one 
of the pursuers received a cut from his knife, but the extent of the injury 
was unknown to him. For a time the struggle was of a very serious 
character ; by using his weapons skillfully, however, Edward managed to 
keep the hand-cuff off of himself, but was at this point separated from his 
two brothers. No further knowledge of them did he possess ; nevertheless, 



444 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

he trusted that they succeeded in fighting their way through to freedom. 
How any were successful in making their escape under such discouraging 
circumstances is a marvel. 

Edward took occasion to review his master's conduct, and said that he 
^ could not recommend him," as he would " drink and gamble," both of 
which, were enough to condemn him, in Edward's estimation, even though 
he were passable in other respects. But he held him doubly guilty for the 
M^ay that he acted in selling liim and his brothers. 

So privately hud his master transacted business with the trader, that they 
were within a hair's breadth of being hand-cuffed, ere they knew that they 
were sold. Probably no outrage will be remembered with feelings of 
greater bitterness, than this proceeding on the part of the master; yet, when 
he reflected that he was thereby prompted to strike for freedom, Edward 
was disposed to rejoice at the good which had come out of the evil. 



AERIYAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858. 

JAMES MASON. 

This passenger brought rare intelligence respecting the manner in which 
he had been treated in Slavery. He had been owned by a lady named Judith 
Burton, who resided in Petersburg, and was a member of the Baptist Church. 
She was the owner of five other slaves. James said that she had been " the 
same as a mother" to him; and on the score of how he came to escape, he 
said : " I left for no other cause than simply to get my liberty." This was 
an exceptional case, yet he had too much sense to continue in such a life 
in preference to freedom. When he fled he was only twenty-four years of 
age. Had he remained, therefore, he might have seen hard times before he 
reached old age; this fact he had well considered, as he was an intelligent 
young man. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

ROBERT CARR. 

$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on the 26th Decnmber, 
1857, Negro Man llOBERT CARR. He had on \vb<-n la.t seen on West River, 
a close-bodied blue cloth coat with brass buttons, drab pantaloons, and a low 
crown and very narrow brim beaver hat; he wore a small goatee, is pleasant 
when spoken to, and very polite ; about five feet ten inches high ; copper-colored. 
I will give $125 if taken in Anne Arundel, Prince George's. Calvert or Mont- 
gomery county, $150 if taken in the city of Baltimore; or $300 if taken out of 
the State and secured so that I get him again. 

THOS. J. RICflARDSON. 
J13-W& sSw West River, Anne Arundel county, Maryland. 




ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858. 445 

Robert was too shrewd to be entrapped by the above reward. He sat 
down and counted the cost before starting; then with his knowledge of skive- 
holders when traveling he was cautious enough not to expose himself by day 
or night where he was liable to danger. 

He had reached the age of thirty, and despite the opposition he had had 
to encounter, unaided he had learned to read, which with his good share of 
native intelligence, lie found of service. 

Whilst Robert did not publish his mistress, he gave a plain statement of 
where he was from, and why he was found in the city of Brotherly Love in 
the dead of Winter in a state of destitution. He charged the blame upon a 
woman, whose name was Richardson, who, he said, was quite a " fighter, 
and was never satisfied, except when quarreling and fighting with some of 
the slaves." He also spoke of a certain T. J. Richardson, a farmer and a 
"very driving man "who was in the habit of oppressing poor men and 
women by compelling them to work in his tobacco, corn, and wheat fields 
without requiting them for their labor. Robert felt if he could get justice 
out of said Richardson he would be the gainer to the amount of more than 
a thousand dollars in money besides heavy damages for having cheated hira 
out of his education. 

In this connection, he recalled the fact of Richardson's being a member 
of the church, and in a sarcastic manner added that his " religious preten- 
sions might pass among slavediolders, but that it would do him no good when 
nieeting the Judge above." Being satisfied that he would there meet his 
deserts Robert took a degree of comfort therefrom. 



ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858. 

P||YMOUTH CANNON, HOEATIO WILKINSON, LEMUEL MITCHELL, JOSIAH MITCHELL, 
GEORGE HENRY BALLARD, AND JOHN MITCHELL. 

Thomas Garrett announced the coming of this party in the subjoined 
letter : 

Wilmington, 2 mo. 5th, 1858. 

Esteemed Friend : — William Still : — I have information of 6 able-bodied men that 
are expected here to-morrow morning ; they may, to-morrow afternoon or evening, take 
: the cars at Chester, and most likely reach the city between 11 and 12 at night ; they will 
, be accompanied by a colored man that has lived in Philadelphia and is free ; they may 
think it safer to walk to the city than to go in the cars, but for fear of accident it may be 
best to have some one at the cars to look out for them. I have not seen them yet, and 
cannot certainly judge what will be best. I gave a man 3 dollars to bring those men 15 
miles to-night, and I have been two miles in the country this afternoon, and gave a 
colored man 2 dollars to get provisions to feed them. Hoping all will be right, I remain 
thy friend, Humanitas. 



446 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Arriving as usual in due time these fugitives were examined, and all 
found to be extra field hands. 

Plymouth was forty-two years of age, of a light chestnut color, with 
keen eyes, and a good countenance, and withal possessed of shrewdness 
enough to lead double the number that accompanied him. He had a 
strong desire to learn to read, but there was no possible way of his gaining 
the light ; this he felt to be a great drawback. 

The name of the man who had made merchandise of Plymouth was Xat 
Horsey, of Horsey's Cross Roads. The most striking characteristic in 
Horsey's character, according to Plymouth's idea was, that he was very 
" hard to please, did not know when a slave did enough, had no idea that 
they could get tired or that they needed any privileges." He was the owner 
of six slaves, was engaged in farming and mercantile pursuits, and the post- 
master of the borough in which he lived. 

When Plymouth parted with his wife with a " full heart,'' he bade her 
good-night, without intimating to her that he never expected to see her again 
in this world ; she evidently supposed that he was going home to his master's 
place as usual, but instead he was leaving his companion and three children 
to wear the yoke as hitherto. He sympathized with them deeply, but felt 
that he could render them no real good by remaining ; he could neither 
live with his wife nor could he have any command over one of his children. 
Slavery demanded all, but allowed nothing. 

Notwithstanding, Plymouth admitted that he had been treated even 
more favorably than most slaves. The family thus bound consisted of his 
wife Jane, and four children, as follows : Dorsey, William Francis, Mary 
Ellen, and baby. 

HoiiATio was a little in advance of Plymouth in years, being forty-four 
years of ago. His physical outlines gave hini a commanding appearance for 
one who had worn the yoke as he had for so many years. He was of a 
yellow corai)lexion, and very tall. 

As a slave laborer he had been swcatino; and toilincr to enrich a man hv 
the name of Thomas J. Hodgson, a farmer on a large scide, and owning 
about a dozen slaves. 

Horatio gave him the character of being ''a man of a hidden temper," 
and after the election of Buchanan he considered him a great deal worse 
than ever. Horatio told of a visit which his master made to Canada, and 
whicli, on his return, he had taken much pains to report to the slaves to the 
cffi.'ct tliat he had been there the previous summer, and saw the country for 
himself, adding in words somewhat as follows : " Canada is the meanest part 
of the globe that I ever found or heard of;" — did not see but one black 
or colored person in Canada, — inquired at the cu«tora-house to know 
what became of all the blacks from the South, and was told that they 
shipjKjd them off occasionally and sent them round Cape Horn and sold 



ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858. 447 

them." In addition to this report he said that "the suffering from deep 
snows and starvation was fearful," all of which Horatio believed "to be a 
lie." Of course he concealed this opinion from his master. Many such 
stories were sounded in the ears of slaves but without much effect. 

Lemuei,, John and Josiah were brothers. Lemuel was thirty-five, and 
might be called a jet-black. He was uncommonly stout, with a head indi- 
cative of determination of purpose, just suited to an Underground Rail 
Road passenger. He fled from James R. Lewis, " a tall, stout man, very 
wealthy and close." Lemuel said that he fed and clothed the slaves pretty 
well. He had invested to the extent of twelve head. No money or pri- 
vileges were allowed, and for a small offence the threat to sell was made. 
It was Lemuel's opinion that his master's wife made him worse than he 
otherwise would have been. 

John was twenty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and of a quiet 
demeanour. He belonged to Miss Catharine Cornwell, of Viana. John 
described her as " tolerable good-looking, but real bad." His sister and one 
other slave besides himself comprised her entire stock (of slaves). 

According to John's story, his mistress was in the habit of telling her 
slaves that she did not "intend that any of them should be free if she could 
help it;" this sentiment was uttered so "scornfully" that it "insulted" Jack 
very much. Indeed, it was this that put the idea of Canada into his mind. 
The more she kept the idea of perpetual Slavery before the slaves, the more 
Jack resolved to make her arrogance cost her one slave at least. 

Miss Cornwell was not only a warm advocate of Slavery, but M'as like- 
wise a member of the Methodist church, under the pastoral charge of the 
Rev. J. C. Gregg. On one occasion, when the minister was visiting Miss 
C, the subject of Slavery was introduced in John's hearing. The reverend 
gentleman took the ground that it was not right to hold slaves, — said there 
were none in Pennsylvania, etc. The young mistress showed little or no 
sign of thinking otherwise while he remained, " but, after he was gone, she 
raved and went on in a great Avay, and told her brother if he (the minister), 
ever married her, he would have to come out of his notions about freedom." 
It was John's opinion that the subject of matrimony was then under con- 
sideration between them. For himself, he was highly delighted witii the 
minister's " notions of freedom," as he had heard so many high notions of 
Slavery. 

In reference to the labor usage under the young mistress, John said that 
they had been "worked very hard, and especially last, and the present year." 
■'Last year," he stated, "they had hardly any meat, but were fed chiefly on 
berring. Seeing that it was going to be the same thing this year too, I 
thought that if I could make my escape to Canada, I would do it." He 
lad strong parental and kindred ties to break, but resolved to break them 
•ather than remain under Miss Cornwell. 



448 THE UXDERGROUXD RAILROAD 

JosiAH was tM'onty-three. A more promising-looking subject to represent 
tlie fugitives iu Canatla, was not readily to be found. His appearance 
indicated that he was a young man of extra physical powers, at least, one 
not likely to turn his face again towards Egypt. 

JosiAii's gain was the loss of Thomas J. Hodgson (above alluded to). 
For full three years this desire and determinatjoa to be free had been in 
Josiah's heart. The denial of his manhood nerved him to seek for refuge 
in a foreign clime. 

Geoiige, the last named in this party, gave his age as twenty-six. In 
appearance he was not behind any of his comrades. He fled from a farmer, 
(the late William Jackson), who owned, it was said, " sixteen head." He 
had recently died, leaving all his slaves in bondage. Seeing that the settle- 
ment of the estate might necessitate the sale of some of the slaves, George 
thought that he had better not wait for the division of the property or any- 
thing else, but push ahead with the first train for Canada. Slavery, as he 
viewed it, was nothing more nor less than downright robbery. . He left his 
mother, one sister, and other near kin. After George went to Canada, his 
heart yearned tenderly after his mother and sister, and, as the following 
letter will show, he was prepared to make commendable exertions in their 
behalf: 

St. Cathaeines, July 19Ui, 1858, 

Deak Sir : — With pleasure I now inform you that I am well, and hope this may find 
you and yours the same also. I hope kind sir you will please to see Mr. Paul Hammon, 
to know when he will try to get my Mother and Sister I wish him to send me word when 
he will go so I may meet him in Philadelphia. 

And I will Endevor to meet him there With some money to assist him in getting them. 
Let me know when you start for them so I may be able to meet you there, please after 
this letter passes from you sir, give it to John Camper tell him to give it to his Mother, 
80 that ray Mother can get it, be careful and not let no white man get hold of it. I am 
now living with my cousin Leven Parker, near Saint Catharines, $10 a month. No more 
at present, from your friend, George Ballard. 

The inquiry may arise, as to how such passengers managed to get through 
Maryland and Delaware. But it cannot be expected that the manner in 
which each arrival traveled should be particularly described. It might 
not be prudent even now, to give the names of persons still living in the 
South, who a.s.sistcd their fellow-men in the dark days of Slavery. In 
order, however, that some idea may be gathered as to the workings of one 
branch of the road in Delaware (with names suppressed) we insert the fol- 
lowing original letter for what it may be worth. 

Camden, June 13, 1858. 

Mr. Still :— I writ to inform you that we stand in need of help if ever we wonted 
help it ia in theas day, we have Bin trying to rais money to By a hors but there is so few 
here that we can trust our selves with for fear that they may serve us as tom otwell 
served them when he got them in dover Jail. But he is dun for ever, i wont to no if 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 449 

your friends can help us, we have a Road that more than 100 past over in 1857. it is 
one we made for them, 7 in march after the lions had them there is no better in the State, 
we are 7 miles from Delaware Bay. you may understand what i mean. I wrote last 
december to the anti Slavery Society for James Mot and others concerning of purchasing 
a horse for this Bisnes if your friends can help us the work must stil go on for ther is 
much frait pases over this Road, But ther has Ben but 3 conductors for sum time, you 
may no that there is bu*' few men, sum talks all dos nothing, there is horses owned by 
Collard peopel but not for this purpose. We wont one for to go when called for, one of 
our best men was nigh Cut By keeping of them too long, By not having means to convay 
them tha must Be convad if they pass over this Road safe tha go through in 2 nights to 
"Wilmington, for i went there with 28 in one gang last November, tha had to ride for when 
thea com to us we go 15 miles, it is hard Road to travel i had sum conversation with mr. 
Evens and wos down here on a visit, pleas try what you can do for us this is the place 
we need help, 12 mile i hve from mason and Dixson Line. I wod have come but cant 
have time, as yet there has been some fuss about a boy ho lived near Camden, he has 
gone away, he ses me and ray brother nose about it but he dont. 

There is but 4 slaves near us, never spoke to one of them but wonce she never gos out 
pleas to tri and help, you can do much if you will it will be the means of saving ourselves 
and others. Ancer this letter. 

Pleas to writ let me no if you can do anything for us. I still remain your friend. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 

EBENEZER ALLISON. 

"Eb"was a bright mulatto, handsome, well-made, and barely twenty- 
years of age. He reported that he fled from Mr. John Tilghman Fos- 
ter, a farmer, living in tlie vicinity of Richmond. His master, Ebene- 
zer unhesitatingly declared, was a first-rate man. " I had no right to leave 
him in the world, but I loved freedom better than Slavery." After 
fully setting forth the kind treatment he had been accustomed to receive 
under his master, a member of the Committee desired to know of him if 
he could read, to which he answered that he could, but he admitted that 
what knowledge he had obtained in this direction was the result of efforts 
made stealthily, not through any license afforded by his master. John 
Tilghman Foster held deeds for about one hundred and fifty head of slaves, 
and was a man of influence. 

Ebenezer had served his time in the barber's shop. On escaping he for- 
sook his parents, and eight brothers and sisters. As he was so intelligent, 
the Committee believed he would make his mark in life some time. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 

JOHN THOMPSON CARR, ANN MOUNTAIN AND CHILD, AND WILLIAM BOWLER. 

John was a sturdy-looking chattel, but possessed far less intelligence 
than the generality of passengers. He was not too old, however, to im- 
prove. The fact that he had spirit enough to resent the harsh treatment 
29 



450 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

of one Albert Lewis, a small farmer, who claimed to own liira, showed that 
he was by no means a hopeless case. With all his apparent stupidity he 
knew enough to give his master the name of a " free whiskey drmker," like- 
wise of " beating and fighting the slaves." It was on this account that Jtilm 
was compelled to escape. 

Ann Mountain arrived from Delaware with her child about the same 
time that John did, but not in company with him; they met at the station 
in Philadelphia. That Slavery had crippled her in every respect was very 
discernible; this poor woman had sutl'ered from cuffing, etc., until she 
could no longer endure her oppression. Taking her child in her arms, 
she sought refuge beyond the borders of slave territory. Ann was about 
twenty-two years of age, her child not quite a year old. They were consi- 
dered entitled to much pity. 

"William was Ibrty-one years of age, dark, ordinary size, and intelligent. 
He Hed from Richmond, where he had been held by Alexander Royster, the 
owner of fifteen slaves, and a tobacco merchant. William said that his mas- 
ter was a man of very savage temper, short, and crabbed. As to his social 
relationSjWilliam said that he was "a member of nothing now but a liquor 
barrel." 

Knowing that his master and mistress labored under the delusion that he 
Avas silly enough to look up to them as kind-hearted slave-holders, to whom 
he should feel himself indebted for everything, William thought that they 
would be sadly puzzled to conjecture what had become of him. He was sure 
that they \vonld bo slow to believe that he had gone to Canada. Until 
Avithin the last five years he had enjoyed many privileges as a slave, but he 
liad since found it not so easy to submit to the requirements of Slavery. 
He left his wife, Nancy, and two children. 



I 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858. 

ROBERTA TAYLOR. 

Tiio subject *of this sketch was a young mulatto woman, tAventy-thrce 
years of age, who fled from the City of Baltimore. Both before and after 
her escape Roberta ajijieared to appreciate her situation most fully. Her 
laniruasre conceniinir freedom had in it the rina; of common sense, as had her 
remarks touching her slave life. 

In making her gi'ievauces known to the Committee she cliargcd Mr. and 
Mrs. ]\r<'Coy with having done great violence to her freedom and degi'ading 
her womanhood by holding her in bonds contrary to her wishes. Of Mr. 
McCoy, however, she spoke less severely than she did of his " better half. 
Indeed she spoke of some kind traits in his character, but said that his wife 



ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, l%b%. 451 

was one of "the torn down, devilish dispositions, all the time quarreling 
and fighting, and would swear like an old sailor." It was in consequence 
of these evil propensities that her ladyship was intolerable to lioberta. 
Without being indebted to her owners for any privileges, she had managed 
to learn to read a little, which knowledge she valued highly and meant to 
improve in Canada. 

Roberta professed to be a Christian, and was a member of the Bethel 
Methodist Church. Her servitude, until within four years of her escape, 
had been passed in Virginia, under Mrs. McCoy's father, when to accom- 
modate the daughter she was transferred to Baltimore. Of her parentage or 
relatives no note was made on the book. It was sad to see such persons 
destitute and homeless, com])eIled to seek refuge among strangers, not daring 
to ask the slightest favor, sympathy or prayer to aid her. Christian as she 
was, from any Christian of Baltimore, wearing a fair skin. 



ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858. 

ROBEUT THOMPSON (A PREACHER). 

Slavery exempted from the yoke no man with a colored skin no matter 
what his faith, talent, genius, or worth might be. The person of Christ in 
a black skin would scarcely have caused it to relinquish its tyrannical 
grasp ; neither God nor man was regarded by men who dealt in the bodies 
and souls of their fellow-men. Robert stated to the Committee that he fled 
from " John R. Laten, a very harsh kind of a farmer, who drank right 
smart," that on the morning he " took out," while innocent of having com- 
mitted any crime, suddenly in a desperate fit of passion, his master took him 
" by the collar," at the same time calling loudly to " John " for " ropes." 
This alarming assault on the part of his master made the preacher feel as 
though his Satanic majesty had possession of him. In sucli a crisis he evi- 
dently felt that preaching would do no good ; he was, however, constrained 
to make an effort. To use his own words, he said : " I gave a sudden jerk 
and started off on a trot, leaving my master calling, ' stop ! stop !' but I 
kept on running, and was soon out of sight," 

The more he thought over the brutal conduct of his master the more de- 
cided he became never to serve him more, and straightway he resolved to try 
to reach Canada. Being in the prime of his life (thirty-nine years of age) 
and having the essential qualifications for traveling over the Underground 
Rail Road, he was just the man to endure the trials consequent upon such 
an undertaking. 

Said Robert : " I always thought slavery hard, a very dissipated life to 
live. I always thought we colored people ought to work for ourselves and 



452 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

wives and children like other people. The Committee saw that Robert's 
views were in every word sound doctrine, and for further light asked him 
some questions respecting the treatment he had received at the hands of his 
mistress, not knowing but that he had received kindness from the " weaker 
vessel," while enduring suffering under his master; but liobert assured them 
in answer to this inquiry that his mistress was a very "ill, dissipated 
woman," and " was not calculated to sympathize with a poor slave." liobert 
was next interviewed with regard to religious matters, when it was ascer- 
tained that he bore the name of being a " local preacher of the gospel of the 
Bethel Methodist denomination." Thus in leaving slavery he had to for- 
sake his wife and three children, kinfolks and church, which arduous task 
but for the brutal conduct of the master he might have labored in vain for 
strength to perform. 

As he looked calmly back upon the past, and saw how he and the 
rest of the slaves had been deprived of their just rights he could hardly 
realize how Providence could suffer slave-holders to do as they had been 
doing in trampling upon the poor and helpless slaves. Yet he had strong 
faith that the Almighty would punish slave-holders severely for their 
wickedness. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 

ALFRED 8, THORNTON. 

The subject of this sketch was a young man about twenty-two years of 
age, of dark color, but bright intellectually. Alfred found no fault with 
the ordinary treatment l-eceived at the hands of his master ; he had evi- 
dently been on unusually intimate terms with him. Nor was any fault found 
with his mistress, so far as her treatment of him was concerned ; thus, compa- 
ratively, he was " hai)py and contented," little dreaming of trader or a 
change of owners. One day, to his utter surprise, he saw a trader with a 
constable approaching him. As they drew nearer and nearer he began to 
grow nervous. What further took place will be given, as nearly as possible, 
in Alfred's own words as follows : 

" William Noland (a constable), and the trader was making rigiit up to me 
almost on my heels, and grab])ed at me, they were so near. I flew, I took 
off my liat and run, took off my jacket and run harder, took olf my vest 
and doubled my pace, the constable and the trader both on the chase hot 
foot. The trader fired two barrels of his revolver after me, and cried out 
as loud as he could call, G-d d-n, etc., but I never stopped running, but 
run for my ma-ster. Coming up to him, I cried out, Lord, master, have 
you sold me ? ' Yes,' was his answer. ' To the trader,' I said. ' Yes/ he 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 



453 




answered. ' Why couldn't 

you sold me to some of the 

neighbors ?' I said. ' I don't 

know,' he said, in a dry 

way. With my arms around 

my master's neck, I begged 

and prayed him to tell me 

why he had sold me. The 

trader and constable was 

again pretty near. I let go 

my master and took to my 

heels to save me. I run 

about a mile off and run 

into a mill dam up to my 

head in water. I kept my 

head just above and hid the 

rest part of my body for 

more than two hours. I 

had not made up my mind 

to escape until I had got 

into the water. I run only 

to have little more time to- 

breathe before going to Georgia or New Orleans ; but I pretty soon made 

up my mind in the Mater to try and get to a free State, and go to Canada 

and make the trial anyhow, but I didn't know which way to travel." 

Such great changes in Alfred's prospects having been wrought in so 
short a while, together with such a fearful looking-for of a fate in the far 
South more horrid than death, suddenly, as by a miracle, he turns his 
face in the direction of the North. But the North star, as it were, hid 
its face from him. For a week he was trying to reach free soil, the rain 
scarcely ceasing for an hour. The entire journey was extremely discoura- 
ging, and many steps had to be taken in vain, hungry and weary. But 
having the faith of those spoken of in the Scriptures, who wandered about 
in dens and caves of the earth, being destitute, afflicted and tormented, he 
endured to the end and arrived safely to the Committee. 

He left his father and mother, both slaves, living near Middleburg, in Vir- 
ginia, not far from where he said his master lived, who went by the name of 
C. E. Shinn, and followed farming. His master and mistress were said to 
be members of the " South Baptist Church," and both had borne good 
characters until within a year or so previous to Alfred's departure. Since 
then a very serious disagreement had taken place between them, resulting 
in their separation, a heavy lawsuit, and consequently large outlays. It 
was this domestic trouble, in Alfred's opinion, that rendered his sale 



454 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

indispensable. Of the merits of the grave charges made by his master 
against his mistress, Alfred professed to have formed no opinion ; he knew, 
however, that his master blamed a school-master, by the name of ConM'ay, 
for the sad state of things in his household. Time would fail to tell of the 
abundant joy Alfred derived from the fact, that his "heels" had saved him 
from a Southern market. Equally difficult would it be to express the in- 
terest felt by the Committee in this passenger and his wonderful hair-breadth 
escape. 



ARRIVAL FROM BELLEAIR. 

JULIUS SMITH, WIFE MAIIY, AND BOY JAMES, HENRY AND EDWARD SMITH, AND 

JACK CHRISTY. 

While this party was very respectable in regard to numbers and en- 
listed much sympathy, still they had no wounds or bruises to exhibit, or 
very hard reports to make relative to their bondage. The treatment that 
had been meted out to them was about as tolerant as Slavery could well 
afford ; and tlie physical condition of the pa&sengers bore evidence that they 
had been used to something better than herring and corn cake for a diet. 

Julius, who was successful enough to bring his wife and boy with him, 
was a wonderful specimen of muscular proportions. Altliough a young man, 
of but twenty-five, he weighed two hundred and twenty-five pounds ; he was 
tiill and well-formed from the crown of his head to the soles of his feet. 
Nor was he all muscle by a great deal ; he was well balanced as to mother 
wit and shrewdness. 

In looking back into the pit from whence he had been delivered he could 
tell a very interesting story of what he had experienced, from which it was 
evident that he had not been an idle observer of what liad passed relative to 
the Peculiar Institution ; especially was it very certain that he had never 
seen anything lovely or of good report belonging to the system. So far as 
his personal relations were concerned, he acknowlalged that a man named 
Mr. Robert Hollan, had assumed to impose himself upon him as master, and 
that tliis same man had also wrongfully claimed all his time, denied him all 
common and special privileges; besides he had deprived him of an educa- 
tion, etc., which looked badly enough before he left Maryland, but in the 
light of freedom, and from a free State stand-point, the idea that "man's 
inhumanity to man " should assume such gigantic proportions as to cause 
him to seize his fellow-man and hold him in perpetual bondage, was mar- 
vellous in the extreme. 

Julius had been kept in the dark in Maryland, but on free soil, the light 
rushed in u])on his astonished vision to a degree almost bewildering. That 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858. 455 

his master was a man of "means and pretty high standing" — Julius 
thought was not much to his credit since they were obbiined from unpaid 
labor. In his review allusion was made not only to his master,- but also to 
Lis mistress, in which he said that she was '' a quarrelsome and crabbed 
woman, middling stout." In order to show a retuson why he left as he did, he 
stated that "there had been a fuss two or tliree times" previous to the escape, 
and it had been rumored " that somebody would have to be sold soon," 
This was what did the mischief so far as the "running away" was concerned. 
Julius' color was nearly jet black, and his speech was very good considering 
his lack of book learning ; his bearing was entirely self-possessed and com- 
mendable. 

His wife and boy shared fully in his affections, and seemed well pleased 
to have their faces turned Canada-ward. It is hardly necessary to say more 
of them here. 

Henry was about twenty-three years of age, of an active turn, brown 
skin, and had given the question of freedom his most serious attention, as 
his actions proved. While he could neither read nor write, he could think. 
From the manner in which he expressed himself, with regard to Robert 
Hollan, no man in the whole range of his recollections will be longer 
remembered than he ; his enthralment while under Hollan will hardly ever 
be forgotten. Any being who had been thus deprived of his rights, could 
hardly fail to command sympathy; in cases like this, however, the sight and 
liuiguage of such an one w^as extremely impressive. 

Of this party, Edward, a boy of seventeen, called forth much sympathy ; 
he too was claimed by Hollan. He was of a good physical make-up, and 
seemed to value highly the great end he had in view, namely, a residence in 
Canada. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858. ' 

JOHi^ WESLEY COMBASH, JACOB TAYLOR, AND THOMAS EDWARD SKINNER. 

The revelations made by these passengers were painful to listen to, and 
would not have been credited if any room had existed for doubt. 

John Wesley was thirty-two years of age, of a lively turn, pleasant 
countenance, dark color, and ordinary size. In unburdening his mind 
to the Committee the all-absorbing theme related to the manner in which 
he had been treated as a slave, and the character of those who had 
oppressed him. He stated that he had been the victim of a man or party, 
named Johnson, in whose family John had been a witness to some of the 
most high-handed phases of barbarism ; said he, " these Johnsons were noto- 
rious for abusing their servants. A few years back one of their slaves, a 



456 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

coachman, was kept on the coach box one cold night when they were out at 
a ball until he became almost frozen to death, in fact he did die in the 
infirmary from the effects of the frost about one week afterwards." 

Another case was that of a slave woman in a very delicate state, who was 
one day knocked down stairs by Mrs. Johnson herself, and in a few weeks 
after, the poor woman died from the effects of the injury thus received. 
The doctor who attended the injured creature in this case was simply told 
that she slipped and fell down stairs as she was coming down. Colored 
witnesses had no right to testify, and the doctor was mute, consequently the 
guilty escaped wholly unpunished." " Another case," said John Wesley, 
" was a little girl, half-grown, who was washing windows up stairs one day, 
and unluckily fell asleep in the window, and in this position was found by 
her mistress ; in a rage the mistress hit her a heavy slap, knocked her out 
of the window, and she fell to the pavement, and died in a few hours from 
the effects thereof. The mistress professed to know nothing about it, simply 
said, ' she went to sleep and fell out herself.' As usual nothing was done in 
the way of punishment." 

These were specimens of the inner workings of the peculiar institution. 
John, however, had not only observed Slavery from a domestic stand-point, 
he had also Avatched master and mistress abroad as visitors and guests in 
other people's houses, noticed not only how they treated w'hite people, but also 
how they treated black people. " These Johnsons thought that they were 
first rate to their servants. When visiting among their friends they were 
usually very polite, would bow and scrape more than a little, even to colored 
people, knowing that their names were in bad odor, on account of their 
cruelty, for they had been in the papers twice about how they abused their 
colored people." 

As to advertising him, John gave it as his opinion that they would be 
ashamed to do it from the fact that they had already rendered themselves 
more notorious than they had bargained for, on account of their cruelty 
towards their slaves; they were wealthy, and courted the good o{)inion of 
society. Besides they were members of the Presbyterian Church, and John 
thought that they were very willing that people should believe that they 
were great saints. On the score of feeding and clothing John gave them 
credit, saying that "the clothing was good enough, they liked to see the 
house servants dressed;" he spoke too of the eating as being all right, but 
added, that " very often time was not allowed them to finish their meals." 
Respecting work, John bore witness that they w'ere very sharp. 

With John's intelligence, large observation, good memory, and excellent 
natural abilities, with the amount oi" detail that he posst>ssed, nothing more 
would have been needed Ibr a thrilling book than the facts and incidents 
of slave life, as he had been conversant with it under the Johnsons in 
Maryland. 



«l 




ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, nb^. 457 

As the other two companions of John Wesley were advertised in the Bal- 
timore Sun, we avail ourselves of the light thus publicly afforded: 

$ 200 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, living on the York Turn- 
pike, eight miles from Baltimore city, on Sunday, April 11th, ujy negro man, 
JACOB, aged 20 years ; 5 feet 10 inches high ; chestnut color ; spare made ; good 
features. I will give $50 reward if taken in Baltimore city or county, and $200 
if taken out of the State and secured in jail so that 1 get him again'. 
al3-3t*|| WM. J. B. PARLETT. 

" Jacob," answering to the description in Mr. Wm. J. B. Parlett's adver- 
tisement, gave his views of the man who had enslaved him. His state- 
ment is here transferred from the record book : " My master," said Jacob, 
" was a farmer, a very rough man, hard to satisfy. I never knew of but 
one man who could ever please him. He worked me very hard ; he wanted 
to be beating me all the time." This was a luxury which Jacob had no 
appetite for, consequently he could not resist signifying his unwillingness 
to yield, although resistance had to be made at some personal risk, as his 
master had " no more regard for a colored man than he bad for a stone 
under his feet." With him the following expression was common : " The 
niggers are not worth a d-n." Nor was his wife any better, in Jacob's 
opinion. "She was a cross woman, and as much of a boss as he was." 
"She would take a club and with both hands would whack away as long 
as you would stand it." " She was a large, homely woman ; they were 
common white people, with no reputation in the community." Substantially 
this was Jacob's unvarnished description of his master and mistress. 

As to his age, and also the name of his master, Jacob's statement 
varied somewhat from the advertisement. For instance, Jacob Taylor was 
noticed on the record book as being twenty-three years of age, and the name 
of his master was entered as " William Pollit ;" but as Jacob had never 
been allowed to learn to read, be might have failed in giving a correct pro- 
nunciation of the name. 

When asked what first prompted him to seek his freedom, he replied, 
"Oh my senses ! I always had it in my mind to leave, but I was 'jubns', 
(dubious ?) of starting. I didn't know the way to come. I was afraid of 
being overtaken on the way." He tied from near Baltimore, where he left 
brothers and other relatives in chains. 

$20 Reward. — Ran away at the same time and in company with the above 

negro man, a bright mulatto boy named THOMAS SKINNER, about 18 years 

old, 5 feet 8 inches high and tolerable stout made ; he only has a term of years to 

serve. I will pay $ 20 reward if dehvered to me or lodged in jail so I can get 

him again. GEO. H. CARMAN, 

al3-3t*|]. Towsontown, Baltimore county, Md. 

About the same time that this advertisement came to hand a certain young 
aspirant for Canada was entered on the Underground Rail Road Book thus : 



458 THE UNDERGEOUyD BAIL ROAD. 

"Thomas Edward Skinner, a bright mulatto, age eighteen years, well 
formed, good-looking, and wide awake ; says, that he fled from one G. H. 
Carman, Esq., head Clerk of the County Court." He bore voluntary testi- 
mony to Carman in the following words: "He was a very good man ; he 
fed and clothed well and gave some money too occasionally." Yet Thomas 
had no idea of remaining in Slavery under any circumstances. He hated 
everything like Slavery, and as young as he was, he had already made 
five attempts to escape. On this occasion, Avith older and wiser heads, he 
succeeded. 



AREIVAL FROM NEW MARKET, 1858. 

ELIJAH SHAW. 

This " article " reported himself as having been deprived of his liberty by 
Dr. Ephraim Bell, of Baltimore County, Maryland. He had no fault to 
find with the doctor, however ; on the contrary', he spoke of him as a " very 
clever and nice man, as much so as anybody need to live with ;" but of his 
wife he could not speak so favorably ; indeed, he described her as a most 
tyrannical woman. Said Elijah, " she would make a practice of rapping the 
broomstick around the heads of either men, \voraen, or children Avhen she 
got raised, which was pretty often. But she never rapped me, for I wouldn't 
stand it ; I shouldn't fared any better than the rest if I hadn't been resolute. 
I declared over and over again to her that I would scald her with the tea 
kettle if she ever took the broomstick to me, and I meant it. She took good 
care to keep the broomstick from about my head. She was as mischievous 
and stingy as she could live; wouldn't give enough to eat or wear. These 
facts and many more were elicited from Elijah, when in a calm state of mind 
and when feeling much elated with the idea that his efforts in casting off the 
yoke were met with favor by the Committee, and that the accommodations 
and privileges on the road were so much greater tlian he had ever dreamed 
of. Such luck on the road was indeed a matter of wonder and delight to 
passengers generally. They were delighted to find that the Committee 
received them and forwarded them on " without money and without price." 
Elijah was capable of realizing the worth of such friendship. He was a 
young man twenty-tliree years of age, spare made, yellow complexion, of 
quick motion and decidedly collected in his bearing. In short, he was a 
man well adapted to make a good British subject. 



I 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 459 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 

MARY FRANCES MELVIN, ELIZA HENDERSON, AND NANCY GRANTHAM. 

Mary Frances hailed from Norfolk ; she had been m servitude under 
Mrs. Chapman, a widow lady, against whom she had no complaint to make ; 
ndeed, she testified that her mistress was very kind, although fully allied to 
slavery. She said that she left, not on account of bad treatment, but 
imply because she wanted her freedom. Her calling as a slave had 'been 
hat of a dress-maker and house servant. Mary Frances was about twenty- 
hree years of age, of mixed blood, refined in her manners and somewhat 
lultivated. 

^ Eliza Henderson, who happened at the station at the same time that 
^'ranees was on hand, escaped from Richmond. She was twenty-eight years 
.f age, medium size, quite dark color, and of pleasant countenance. Eliza 
Jleged that one William Waverton had been wronging her by keeping her 
lown-trodden and withholding her hire. Also, that this same AYas^ertou 
lad, on a late occasion, brought his heavy fist violently against her "jaws," 
diich visitation, however "kindly" intended by her chivalrous mastJr, 
)roduced such an unfavorable impression on the mind of Eliza that she at 
lice determined not to yield submission to him a day longer than she could 
iud an Underground Rail Road conductor who would take her North. 

The blow that she had thus received made her almost frantic; she had 
lowever thought seriously on the question of her rights before this outrage. 

In Waverton's household Eliza had become a fixture as it were, especiaUy 
nth regard to his children; she had won their affections completely, and she 
/as under the impression that in some instances their influence had saved 
er from severe punishment; and for them she manifested kindly feelings, 
n speaking of her mistress she said that she was " only tolerable." 

It would be useless to attempt a description of the great satisfaction and 
elight evinced by Eliza on reaching the Committee in Philadeli)hia. 

Nancy Grantham also fled from near Richmond, and was fortunate in 
lat she escaped from the prison-house at the age of nineteen. She pos- 
sssed a countenance peculiarly mild, and was good-looking and interesting, 
nd ^although evidently a slave her father belonged strictly to the white 
lan's party, for she was fully half white. She was moved to escape simply 
) shun her master's evil designs; his brutal purposes were only frustrated 
y the utmost resolution. This chivalric gentleman was a husband, the 
ither of nine children, and the owner of three hundred slaves. He bc- 
)nged to a family bearing the name of Christian, and was said to be an 
[. D. " He was an old man, but very cruel to all his slaves." It was said 
>at Nancy's sister was the object of his lust, but she resisted, and the re- 
lit was that she was sold to New Orleans. The auction-block was not the 



460 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

only punishment she was called upon to endure for her fidelity to her 
womanhood, for resistance to her master, but before being sold she was 
cruelly scourged. 

Nancy's sorrows first commenced in Alabama. Five years previous to 
her escape she was brought from a cotton plantation in Alabama, where 
she had been accustomed to toil in the cotton-field. In comparing and con- 
trasting the usages of slave-holders in the two States in which she had 
served, she said she had " seen more flogging under old Christian " than she 
had been accustomed to see in Alabama ; yet she concluded, that she could 
hardly tell which State was the worst; her cup had been full and very bitter 
in both States. 

Nancy said, " the very day before I escaped, I was required to go to his 
(her master's) bed-chamber to keep the flies ofiF of him as he lay sick, or 
pretended to be so. Notwithstanding, in talking with me, he said that he 
was coming to my pallet that night, and with an oath he declared if I made 
a noise he would cut my throat. I told him I would not be there. Accord- 
ingly he did go to my room, but I had gone for shelter to another room. At 
this his wrath waxed terrible. Next morning I was called to account for 
getting out of his way, and I was beaten awfully." This outrage moved 
Nancy to a death-struggle for her freedom, and she succeeded by dressing 
herself in male attire. 

After her harrowing story was told with so much earnestness and intel- 
ligence, she was asked as to the treatment she had received at the hand of 
Mrs. Christian (her mistress). In relation to her, Nancy said, " Mrs. Chris- 
tian was afraid of him (master) ; if it hadn't been for that I think she 
would have been clever; but I was often threatened by her, and once she 
undertook to beat me, but I could not stand it. I had to resist, and she got 
the worst of it that time." 

All that may now be added, is, that the number of young slave girls 
shamefully exposed to the base lusts of their masters, as Nancy was — truly 
>vas legion. Nancy was but one of the number who resisted influences 
apjiareutly overpowering. All honor is due her name and memory ! 

She was brought away secreted on a boat, but the record is silent as to 
which one of the two or three Underground Rail Road captains (who at 
that time occasionally brought passengers), helped her to escape. It was 
hard to be definite concerning minor matters while absorbed in the painful 
reflections that her tale of suffering had naturally awakened. If one liad 
arisen from the dead the horrors of Slavery could scarcely have been more 
vividly pictured ! But in the multitude of travelers coming under the 
notice of the Committee, Nancy's story was soon forgotten, and new and 
marvellous narratives were told of others who had shared the same bitter 
cup, who had escaped from the same hell of Slavery, who had panted for 
the same freedom and won the same prize. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 461 



AREIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 

ORLANDO J. HUXT, 

When Orlando escaped from Richmond the Underground Rail Road 
business was not very brisk. A disaster on the road, resulting in the cap- 
ture of one or two captains, tended to damp the ardor of some who wanted 
to come, as well as that of symjiathizers. The road was not idle, however. 
Orlando's coming was hailed with great satisfaction. He was twenty-nine 
years of age, full black, possessed considerable intelligence, and was fluent 
in speech ; fully qualified to give clear statements as to the condition of 
Slavery in Richmond, etc. While the Committee listened to his narrations 
with much interest, they only took note of how he had fared, and the cha- 
racter of the master he was compelled to serve. On these points the sub- 
stance of his narrations may be found annexed : 

" I was owned by High Holser, a hide sorter, a man said to be rich, a 
good Catholic, though very disagreeable ; he was not cruel, but was very 
driving and abusive in his language towards colored people. I have been 
held in bondage about eighteen years by Holser, but have failed, so far, to 
find any good traits in his character. I purchased my mother for one 
hundred dollars, when she was old and past labor, too old to earn her hire 
and find herself; but she was taken away by death, before I had finished 
paying for her ; twenty-five dollars only remained to be paid to finish the 
agreement. Owing to her unexpected death, I got rid of that much, which 
was of some consequence, as I was a slave myself, and had hard work to 
raise the money to purchase her." 

Thus, finding the usages of Slavery so cruel and outlandish, he resolved 
to leave " old Virginny " and " took out," via the Underground Rail Road. 
He appeared to be of a religious turn of mind, and felt that he had "a call 
to preach." 

After his arrival in Canada, the following letter was received from him: 

St. Catharines, C. W., May 6th, 1858. 

My Dear Friend : — Wm. Still : — Mr, Orlando J. Hunt, who has just arrived here 
from Richmond, Va., desires me to address to you a line in his behalf. Mr. Hunt is 
expecting his clothing to come from Richmond to your care, and if you have received 
them, he desires you to forward them immediately to St. Catharines, in my care, in the 
safest and most expeditious way in your power. Mr. Hunt is much pleased with this 
land of freedom, and I hope he may do well for himself and much good to others. He 
preached here in the Baptist church, last evening. 

He sends his kind regards and sincere thanks to you and your family, and such friends 
as have favored him on his way. Very respectfully yours, 

Hiram Wilson, for Orlando Hunt. 



i 



462 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1858. 

WILLIAM MACKEY. 

"William made no complaint against his master of a serious nature 
touchinsf himself. True, he said his " master was a frolicker, and fond of 
drink," but he was not particularly unkind to him. His name was Tunis; 
he was a military man, and young ; consequently William had not been in 
his hands long. Prior to his being owned by the young master, he had 
lived with old mistress Tunis. Concerning her the following is one of 
William's statements : 

" My sister about the first of this month, three weeks after her confine- 
ment, had word sent to her by her mistress, Mrs. Tunis, that she thought it 
was time for her to come out and go to work, as she had been laying by 
long enough." In reply to this message, William said that "his sister sent 
word to her mistress, that she was not well enough, and begged that her 
mistress would please send her some tea and sugar, until she got well enough 
to go to work. The mistress' answer was to the effect that she did not 
intend to give her anything until she went to work, and at the same time 
she sent word to her, that she had better take her baby down to the back of 
the garden and throw it away, adding 'I will sell her, etc.' " 

It was owing to the cruelty of Mrs. Tunis that William was moved to 
flee. According to his statement, which looked reasonable and appeared 
truthful, he had been willed free by his master, who died at the time that 
the plague was raging in Norfolk. At the same time his mistress also had 
the fever, and was dreadfully frightened, but recovered. Not long after this 
event it was William's belief that the will was made away with through 
the agency of a lawyer, and in consequence thereof the slaves were retained 
in bondage. 



ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858. 

HENRY TUCKER. 

Henry fled from Baltimore county ; disagreement between him ?vA his 
so-called master was the cause of his flight. Elias Sneveley, a farmer, known 
on the Arabella Creek Place as a " hard swearer," an " old bachelor," and a 
common tormentor of all around him, was the name of the man that Harry 
said he fled from. Not willing to be run over at the pleasure of Sneveley, 
on two occasions just before his escape serious encounters had arisen between 
master and slave. 

Henry being spirited and hungering for freedom, while his master was 
old and hardened in his habits, very grave results had well nigh happened ; 



Jl 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858. 463 

it was evident, therefore, in Harry's opinion that the sooner he took liis 
departure for Canada the better. His father's example was ever present to 
encourage him, for he had escaped when Henry was a little boy ; (his name 
was Benjamin Tucker). A still greater incentive, however, moved him, 
which was that his mother had been sold South five years prior to his escape, 
since which time he had heard of her but once, and that vaguely. 

Although education was denied him, Henry had too much natural ability 
to content himself under the heel of Slavery. He saw and understood the 
extent of the wrongs under which he suffered, and resolved not to abide in 
such a condition, if, by struggling and perseverance, he could avoid it. In 
his resolute attempt he succeeded without any very severe suffering. He 
was not large, rather below the ordinary size, of a brown color, and very 
plucky. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 

PETEK NELSON. (RESEMBLED AN IRISHMAN.) 

The coming of this strange-looking individual caused much surprise^ 
representing, as he did, if not a full-blooded Irishman, a man of Irish 
descent. He was sufficiently fair to pass for white anywhere, with his hat 
on — with it off, his hair would have betrayed him; it was light, but quite 
woolly. Nor was he likely to be called handsome; he was interesting, 
nevertheless. It was evident, that the " white man's party " had damaged 
him seriously. He represented that he had been in the bonds of one James 
Ford, of Stafford county, Virginia, and that this " Ford was a right tough 
jold fellow, who owned about two dozen head." " How does he treat them ?'^ 
he was asked. " He don't treat them well no way," replied the passenger. 
''Why did you leave?" was the next question. "Because of his fighting^ 
knocking and carrying on so," was the prompt answer. The Committee 
fully interviewed him, and perceived that he had really worn the fetters of 
Slavery, and that he was justified in breaking his bonds and fleeing for 
refuge to Canada, and was entitled to aid and sympathy. Peter was about 
twenty-four years of age. He left nine brothers and sisters in bondage. 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858. 

MARY JONES AND STJSAN BELL, 

These " weaker vessels " came from the seat of government. Mary con- 
fessed that she had been held to service as the property of Mrs. Henry Hard- 
ng, who resided at Rockville, some miles out of Washington. Both Mr. 



464 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and Mrs Harding she considered " bad enough," but added, " if it had not 
been for tlie young set I could get along with them ; they can't be i)leased." 
Yet Mary had not fared half so hard under the Hardings as many slaves 
had under their claimants. Intellectually, she was quite above the average; 
she was tall, and her appearance was such as to awaken sympathy. Through 
the permission of her claimant she had been in the habit of hiring her time 
for three dollars per month and find herself; she was also allowed to live 
in Washington. Such privileges, with wages at so low a rate, were thought 
to be extra, and could only be obtained in exceptional cases. 

" In nine years," said Mary, " I have not even as much as received an 
apron from them," (her owners). The meanness of the system under which 
she had been required to live, hourly appeared clearer and clearer to her, as 
she was brought into contact with sympathizing spirits such as she had 
never known before. 

Susan, who was in Mary's charge, was an invalid child of four years of 
age, who never walked, and whose mother had escaped to Canada about 
three years before under circumstances which obliged her to leave this child, 
then only a year old. 

Susan had been a great suiferer, and so had her mother, who had been a 
long time anxiously looking and praying for her coming, as she had left her 
in charge of friends who were to take care of her until the way might open 
for her safe delivery to her mother. Many letters, fitted to awaken very 
deep feelings came from the mother about this child. It was a satisfaction 
to the Committee to feel that they could be the medium in aiding in the 
reunion of mother and child. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 

WILLIAM CARPENTER. 

Escaped from the Father of the Fugitive Slave Law — Senator !Mason. 

It was highly pleasing to have a visit from a ''chattel" belonging to the 
leading advocate of the infamous Fugitive Slave Bill. He was hurriedlv 
interviewed for the sake of reliable information. 

That William possessed a fair knowledge of slave life under the Senatoi 
there was no room to doubt, although incidents of extreme cruelty might noi 
have been so common on Mason's place as on some others. While the verba 
interchange of views was quite full, the hour for the starting of the Under 
ground Rail Road train arrived too soon to admit of a full report for tli< 
record book. From the original record, however, the following statement ii 
taken as made by William, and believed to be strictly true. We give it a 



ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 4G5 

it stands on the old Underground Rail Road book : " I belonged to Senator 
Mason. The Senator was down on colored people. He owned about eighty 
head — was very rich and a big man, rich enough to lose all of them. He 
kept terrible overseers ; they would beat you with a stick the same as a dof^ 
The overseers were poor white trash ; he woukl give them about sixty dollars 
a year." 

The Fugitive Slave Law and its Father are both numbered with the 
" Lost Cause," and the " Year of Jubilee has come." 



ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 

NINE VERY FINE "ARTICLES." LEW JONES, OSCAR PAYNE, MOSE WOOD, DAVE 
DIGGS, JACK, HEN, AND BILL DADE, AND JOE BALL. 

The coming of this interesting party was as gratifying, as their departure 
must have been disagreeable to those who had been enjoying the fruits of 
their unpaid labor. Stockholders of the Underground Rail Road, con- 
ductors, etc., about this time were well pleased with the wonderful success 
of the road, especially as business was daily increasing. 

Upon inquiry of these passengers individually, the following results were 
obtained : 

Lewis was about fifty-two years of age, a man of superior stature, six feet 
high, with prominent features, and about one third of Anglo-Saxon blood in 
his veins. The apparent solidity of the man both with respect to body and 
mind was calculated to inspire the idea that he would be a first-rate man to 
manage a farm in Canada. 

Of his bondage and escape the following statement was obtained from 
him : " I was owned by a man named Thomas Sydan, a Catholic, and a 
farmer. He was not a very hard man, but was very much opposed to black 
folks having their liberty. Pie owned six young slaves not grown up. It 
was owing to Sydan's mother's estate that I came into his hands; before her 
death I had hoped to be free for a long time as soon as she died. My old 
mistress' name was Nancy Sydan; she was lame for twenty years, and 
couldn't walk a step without crutches, and I was her main support. I was 
foreman on the farm ; sometimes no body but me would work, and I was 
looked up to for support. A good deal of the time I would have to attend 
to her. If she was going to ride, I would have to pick her up in my arms 
and put her in the carriage, and many times I would have to lift her in her 
sick room. No body couldn't wait upon her but me. She had a husband, 
and he had a master, and that was rum; he drank very hard, he killed him- 
self drinking. He was poor support. When he died, fifteen years ago, he 
left three sons, Thomas, James, and Stephen, they were all together then, 
30 



466 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

only common livers. After his death about six years mistress died. I felt 
sure then I would be free, but was very badly disappointed. I went to my 
young masters and asked them about my freedom ; they laughed at me and 
said, no such thought had entered their heads, that I was to be free. The 
neighbors said it was a shame that th^ should keep me out of my freedom, 
after I had been the making of the tamily, and had behaved myselt so 
laithful. One gentleman asked master John what he would take for me, 
and offered a thousand dollars; that was three months before I ran away, and 
massa John said a thousand dollars wouldn't buy one leg. I hadn't any- 
thing to hope for from them. I served them all my life, and they didn't 
thank me for it. A short time before I come away my aunt died, all the 
kin I had, and they wouldn't let me go to the funeral. They said ' the 
time couldn't be spared.' " This was the last straw on the camel's back. 

In Lewis' grief and disappointment he decided that he would run away 
the first chance that he could get, and seek a home in Canada. He held 
counsel with others in whom he could confide, and they fixed on a time to 
start, and resolved that they would suffer anything else but Slavery. Lewis 
was delighted that he had managed so cunningly to leave master Tom and 
mistress Margaret, and their six children to work for their own living. He 
had an idea that they would want Lew for many things ; the only regret 
he felt was that he had served them so long, that they had received his sub- 
stance and strength for half a century. Fortunately Lewis' wife escaped 
three days in advance of him, in accordance with a mutual understanding. 
They had no children. The suffering on the road co.st Lewis a little less 
than death, but the joy of success came soon to chase away the effects of 
the pain and hardship which had been endured. 

Oscar, the next passenger, was advertised as follows : 

|200 Reward. — Ran away from the service of the Rev. J. P. McGuire, 
Episcopal High School, Fairfax countv,Va., on Saturday, 10th inst Noero Man, 
Oscar Payne, aged 30 years, 5 feet 4 inches in height, square bnilt,. mulatto 
color, thick, bushy suit of hair, round, full face, and when spoken to has a 
pleasant manner— clothes not recollected. 

I will give $200 for his recovery if taken out of the State, or $150 if taken in 
the btate, and secured that I can get him. 

T. D. Fendall. jyl7-6t. 

Such announcements never friglitened the Underground Rail Rond Com- 
mittee ; indeed, the Committee rather preferred sooinir \\\o. names of their 
passengers in the papers, as, in that case, they could nil the move cautiously 
provide agnin.^t Messrs. slave-hunters. O.'^car was a « prime, fir.-t-clnss arti- 
cle," worth $1800. The above description of him is endorsed. His stoiy 
ran thus : 

" I have .served under ]Vriss :^^nry Dado, of Alexandria— IMiss Dade was 
a very clever mi.stress , she hired mo out. When I left I was hired at the 
Episcopal school— High School of Yirguiia. With rae times had been very 




ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 467 

well. No privilege was allowed me to study books. I cannot say that I 
left for any other cause than to get my freedom, as I believe I have been 
used as well as any slave in the District. I left no relatives but two cousins; 
ray two brothers ran away, Brooks and Lawrence, but where they went I 
can't tell, but would be pleased to know. Three brothers and one sister 
have been sold South, can't tell where they are." Such was Oscar's brief 
narrative ; that he was truthful there was no room to doubt. 

The next pa&senger was Moses or "Mose," who looked as though he had 
been exceedingly well-cared for, being plump, fat, and extra-smart. He 
declared that General Briscoe, of Georgetown, D. C., had been defrauding 
hira out of thirteen dollars per month, this being the amount for which he 
was hired, and, instead of being allowed to draw it for himself, the general 
pocketed it. For this "kind treatment" he summed up what seemed to 
be a true bill for ten years against the general. But he made another 
charge of a still graver character : he said that the general professed to own 
him. But as he (Moses) was thoroughly tired, and believed that Slavery 
was no more justifiable than murder, he made up his mind to leave and join 
the union party for Canada. He stated that the general owned a large 
number of slaves, which he hired out principally. Moses had no special 
fault to find with his master, except such as have been alluded to, but as 
to mistress Briscoe, he said, that she was pretty rough. Moses left four 
sisters in bondage. 

David, the next member of this freedom-loving band, was an intelligent 
man; his manners and movements were decidedly prepossessing. He was 
about thirty-seven years of age, dark, tall, and rather of a slender stature, 
possessing very large hopes. He charged Dr. Josiah Harding of Rockville, 
Montgomery county, with having enslaved him contrary to his wish or will. 

As a slave, David had been required at one time to work on a farm, and 
at another time to drive carriage, of course, without pay. Again he had 
been bound as a waiter on the no pay system, and again he had been called 
into the kitchen to cook, all for the benefit of the Doctor — the hire going 
into the Dr.'s pocket. This business David protested against in secret, 
but when on the Underground Eail Road his protestations were " over and 
above board." 

Of the Doctor, David said, that " he was clever, but a Catholic ;" he also 
said, that he thought his wife was "■ tolerable clever," although he had never 
been placed under her where he would have had an opportunity of learning 
her bad traits if she had any. 

The Doctor had generously bargained with David, that he could have 
himself by paying $1000; he had likewise figured up how the money might 
be paid, and intimated what a nice thing it would be for "Dave " to wake 
up some morning and find himself his own man. This was how it was to be 
accomplished : Dave was to pay eighty-five dollars annually, and in about 



468 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

twelve years he would have the thousand, and a little over, all made up. 
On this principle and suggestion Dave had been digging faithfully and hard, 
and with the aid of friends he had nearly succeeded. Just when he was within 
sight of the grand prize, and just as the last payment was about to be made, 
to Dave's utter surprise the Doctor got very angry one day about some 
trifling matter (all pretension) and in his pretended rage he said there were 
too many " free niggers " going about, and he thought that Dave would do 
better as a slave, etc. 

After that, all the satisfaction that he was able to get out of the Doctor, 
was simply to the effect, that he had hired him to Mr, Morrison for one 
hundred and fifty dollars a year. After his " lying and cheating " in this 
way, David resolved that he would taiie his chances on the Underground 
Rail Road. Not a spark of faith did he have in the Doctor. For a time, 
however, before the opportunity to escape offered, he went to Mr, Morrison 
as a waiter, where it was his province to wait on six of the Judges of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. In the meantime his party matured 
arrangements for their trip, so Dave " took out " and left the Judges without 
a waiter. The more he reflected over the nature of the wrongs he had 
suffered under, the less he thought of the Doctor. 

Joe, who also came with this band, was half Anglo-Saxon ; an able-bodied 
man, thirty-four years of age. He said, that " Miss Elizabeth Gordon, a 
white woman living in Alexandria," claimed him. He did not find much 
fault with her. She permitted him to hire his time, find his own clothing, 
etc., by which regulation Joe got along smoothly. Neverthelei«s he declared, 
that he was tired of wearing the yoke, and felt constrained to throw it off as 
soon as possible. Miss Gordon was getting old, and Joe noticed that the 
young tribe of nephews and nieces was multiplying in large numbers. This 
he regarded as a very bad sign ; he therefore, gave the matter of the Under- 
ground Rail Road his serious attention, and it was not long ere he was fully 
persuaded that it would be wisdom for him to tarry no longer in the prison- 
\ house. Joe had a M-ifc and four children, which were as heavy weights to 
'' hold him in Virginia, but the spirit of liberty prevailed. Joe, also, left two 
sisters, one free, the other a slave. His wife belonged to the widow Irwin. 
She had assured hor slaves, that she had " provided for them in her will," 
and that at her death all would be freed. They were daily living on the 
faith thus created, and obviously thought the sooner the Lord relieved the old 
mistress of her earthly troubles the better. 

Although Joe left his wife and children, he did not forget them, but had 
strong faith they would be reunited. JkAfter going to Canada, he addressed 
several letters to the Secretary of the Committee concerning his family, and 
as will be seen by the following, he looked with ardent hopes for their 
arrival : 



ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 469 

Toronto, Nov. 7th, 1857. 
Deak Me. Still :— As I must again send you a letter fealing myself oblidge to you for 
all you have done and your kindness. Dear Sir my wife will be on to Philadelphia on the 
8th 7th, and I would you to look out for her and get her an ticket and send her to me 
Toronto. Her name are May Ball with five children. Please send her as soon as you can. 
Yours very truly, Joseph Ball. 

Will you please to telegrape to me, iSlo. 31 Dummer st. 

Jake, another member of the company of nine, was twenty-two years of 
age, of dark line, round-made, keen eyes, and apparently a man of superior 
intelligence. Unfortunately his lot had been of such a nature that no 
helping opportunity had been afforded for the cultivation of his mind. 

He condemned in very strong terms a man by the name of Benjamin B. 
Chambers, Avho lived near Elkton, but did not there require the services 
of Jake, hiring Jake out just as he would have hired a horse, and likewi.se 
keeping his pay. Jake thought that if justice could have been awarded him. 
Chambers would either have had to restore that of which he had wrontred 
him, or expiate the wrong in prison. 

Jake, however, stood more in awe of a young master, who was soon likely 
to come into power, than he did of the old master. This son had already 
given Jake to understand that once in his hands it " wouldn't be long before 
he would have him jingling in his pocket," signifying, that he would sell 
him as soon as his father was gone. 

The manner of the son stirred Jake's very blood to boiling heat it 
seemed. His suffering, and the suffering of his fellow-bondsmen had never 
before appeared so hard. The idea that he must work, and be sold at the 
pleasure of another, made him decide to " pull up stakes," and seek refuge 
elsewhere. Such a spirit as he possessed could not rest in servitude. 

Mary Ann, the wife of Jake, who accompanied him, was a pleasant- look- 
ing bride. She said that she was owned by " Elias Rhoads, a farmer, and a 
pretty fair kind of a man." She had been treated very well. 

John and Henry Dade, ages twenty and twenty-five years, were from 
Washington. They belonged to the class of well-cared for slaves ; at least 
they said that their mistress had not dealt severely with them, and they 
never would have consented to pass through the severe sufferings encountered 
on their journey, but for the strong desire they had to be free. From 
Canada John wrote back as follows : 

St. Catharines, Canada. 

Mr. Still, Sir : — I ar rivd on Friday evenen bot I had rite smart troble for my mony 
gave out at the bridge and I had to fot et to St. Catherin tho I went rite to worke at the 
willard house for 8 dolor month bargend for to stae all the wentor bot I havent eny clouse 
nor money please send my tronke if et has come. Derate et to St. Catharines to the 
willard house to John Dade and if et ant come plice rite for et soon as posable deract your 
letter to Rosenen Dade Washington send your deraction please tend to this rite a way for 
I haf made ^^good start I think that I can gate a longe en this plase. If my brother as 



470 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



well send him on for I haf a plase for him ef he ant well please dont send him for this as 
no plase for a sik possan. The way I got this plase I went to see a fran of myen from 
Washington. L)an al well and he gave me werke. Pleas ancer this as soon as you gat et 
you must excues this bad riting for my chance wars bot small to line this mouch, 

John H. Dade. 

If yon haf to send for my tronke to "Washington send the name of John Trowharte. Sir 
please rite as soon as you gat this for et as euporten. John H. Dade. 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858. 

GEORGE LAWS AND COMRADE— TIED AND HOISTED WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE, TO 

BE COWHIDED. ' 

George represented the ordinary young slave men of Delaware. He 
was of unmixed blood, medium size and of humble appearance. He was 
destitute of the knowledge of spelling, to say nothing of reading. Slavery 
had stamped him unmistakably for life. To be scantily fed and clothed^ 
and compelled to work without hire, George did not admire, but had to sub- 
mit without murmuring ; indeed, he knew that his so-called master, whose 
name was Denny, would not be likely to hear complaints from a slave ; he 
therefore dragged his chain and yielded to his daily task. 

One day, while hatiling dirt with 
a fractious horse, the animal mani- 
fested an unwillingness to perforin 
his duty satisfactorily. At this pro- 
cedure the master charged George 
with provoking the beast to do wick- 
edly, and in a rage he collared George 
and bade him accompany him " up 
stairs" (of the soap house). Not 
daring to resist, George went along 
with him. Ropes being tied around 
both his wrists, the block and tackle 
were flistened thereto, and George 
soon found himself hoisted on tip-toe 
with his feet almost clear of the floor. 
The "kind-lieartod master" then 
tore all the poor fellow's old shirt 
off his back, and addressed him 
thus : " You son of a b — h, I will 
give you pouting around me; stay 
there till I go up town for my cow- 
hide." 




AlilllVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858. 47I 

George begged piteously, but in vain. The fracas caused some excitement, 
and it so happened tliat a show was to be exhibited that day in the town 
which, as is usual in the country, brought a great many peoj^le from a dis- 
tance; so, to his surprise, when the master returned with his cowliide, he 
found tliat a large number of curiosity-seekers had been attracted to the 
soap house to see Mr. Denny perform with his cowhide on George's back, 
as he was stretched up by his hands. Many had evidently made up their 
minds that it would be more amusing to see the cowhiding than the circus. 

The spectators numbered about three hundred. This was a larger number 
than Mr. Denny had been accustomed to perform before, consequently he 
was seized with embarrassment ; looking confused he left the soap house and 
went to his office, to await the dispersion of the crowd. 

The tlirong finally retired, d,nd left George hanging in mortal agony. 
Human nature here made a death-struggle ; the cords which bound his wrists 
were unloosed, and George was then prepared to strike for freedom at the 
mouth of the cannon or point of the bayonet. How Denny regarded the 
matter when he found that George had not only cheated him out of the 
antici])ated delight of cowhiding him, but had also cheated him out of him- 
self is left for the imagination to picture. 

George fled from Kent; he was accompanied by a comrade whose name 
inadvertently was not recorded ; he, however, was described as a dark, round, 
and full-faced, stout-built man, with bow legs, and bore the appearance of 
having been used hard and kept down, afid in ignorance, &c. Hard usage 
constrained him to flee from his sore oppression. 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858. 

JOHN WEEMS, ALIAS JACK HERRING. 

Although Jack was but twenty-three years of age, he had tasted the bitter 
cup of Slavery pretty thoroughly under Kendall B. Herring, who was a 
member of the Methodist Church, and in Jack's opinion a "mere pretender, 
and a man of a very bad disposition." Jack thought that he had worked 
full long enough for this Herring for nothing. When a boy twelve years 
of age, his mother was sold South ; from that day, until the hour that he 
fled he had not heard a word from her. In making up his mind to leave 
Slavery, the outrage inflicted upon his mother only tended to increase 
his resolution. 

In speaking of his mistress, he said that "she was a right fine woman." 
Notwithstanding all his sufferings in the Kendall family, he seemed willing 
to do justice to his master and mistress individually. He left one sister free 
and one brotJier in the hands of Herring. Jack was described as a man of 
dark color, stout, and well-made. 



472 THE UNDEBGROUKD BAIL ROAD. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858. 

RUTH HARPER, GEORGE ROBIXSON, PRISCILLA GARDENER, AND JOSHUA 
JOHN ANDERSON. 

Ruthie's course in seeking her freedom left John McPherson a woman 
less to work for him, and to whip, sell, or degrade at his pleasure. It is due 
to candor, however, to say that she admitted that she had not been used very 
roughly by Mr. McPherson. Ruth was rather a nice-looking young woman, 
tall, and polite in her manners. She came from Frederick, Maryland. 

George Robinson stated that he came from a place about one and a half 
miles from the Chesapeake Bay, one mile from Old town, and five miles 
from Elkton, and was owned by Samuel Smith, a farmer, who was " pretty 
cross and an ill man." George's excuse for withdrawing his valuable 
services from Mr. Smith at the time that he did, was attributable to the fact, 
that he entertained fears that they were about to sell him. Having cautious- 
ness largely developed he determined to reach Canada and keep out of 
danger. George was only twenty-one, passable-looking in api^earance, and 
of a brown color, and when speaking, stammered considerably. 

Priscilla Gardener fled from the widow Hilliard. Her master departed 
to his long home not a great while before she left. Priscilla was a young 
woman of about thirty years of age, ordinary size, and of a ginger-bread 
color ; modest in demeanor. She first commenced her bondage in Rich- 
mond, under the late Benjamin Hilliard, of whom she said that he was "a 
very bad man, who could never be pleased by a servant," and was 
constantly addicted to fighting not only with others, but also with herself. 
So cruelly had Priscilla been treated, that when he died she did not 
hesitate to say that she was glad. Soon after this event, sick of Slavery and 
unwilling to serve the widow any longer, she determined to escape, and suc- 
ceeded. 

Joshua John Anderson fled from a farmer who was said to be a poor 
man, by the name of Skelton Price, residing in Baltimore county, near 
a little village called Alexandria, on the Harford county turn-pike road. 
Price, not able to own a farm and slaves too, rented one, and was trying to 
"get up in the world." Price had a wife and family, but in the way of 
treatment, Joshua did not say anything very hard against him. As his 
excuse for leaving them, he said, coolly, that he had made up his mind that 
he could get along better in freedom than he could in Slavery, and that no 
man had a right to his labor without paying him for it. He left his mother 
and also three brothers and two sisters owned by Price. Joshua was 
al)Out twenty-two years of age, of a coa*rse make, and a dark hue ; he had 
evidently held but little intercourse with any class, save such as he found 
in the corn-field and barn-yard. 



AEIUVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DEL A WARE. 473 



ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE. 

" DICK BEE3LY," MaKRAY YOUNG AND CHARLES ANDREW BOLDEN. 

Physically, Dick was hardly up to the ordinary stiitnro of slaves, but 
mentally he had the advantage of the masses; he was too sliarp to be kept 
in Slavery. His hue was perfect, no sign of white about him, if that were 
any advantage. 

From Dick's story, it appeared that he had seen hard times in North 
Carolina, under a man he designated by the name of Richard Smallwood. 
He was a farmer, living near Wheldon. One of the faults that he found 
with Smallwood was, that he was a "tough, drinking man" — he also 
charged him with holding " two hundred and sixty slaves in bonds," the 
most of whom he came in possession of through his wife. " She," Dick 
thought " was pretty fair." He said that no slave had any reason to look 
for any other than hard times under his master, according to what he had 
seen and known since he had been in the " institution," and he fancied that 
his chances for observation had been equally as good as the great majority 
of slaves. Young as he was, Dick had been sold three times already, and 
didn't know how much oftener he might have to submit to the same fate if 
he remained ; so, in order to avoid further trouble, he applied his entire skill 
to the grand idea of making his way to Canada. 

Manfully did he wrestle with difficulty after difficulty, until he finally 
happily triumphed and reached Philadelphia in a good condition — that is, 
he was not sick, but he was without money — home — education or friends, 
except as he found them among strangers. He was hopeful, neverthe- 
less. 

Murray Young was also of the unmixed-blood class, and only twenty- 
one years of age. The spirit of liberty in him was pretty largely developed. 
He entertained naught against Dr. Lober, of Newcastle, but rather against 
the Doctor's wife. He said that he could get along pretty well with the 
Doctor, but, he could not get along with Mrs. Lober. But the very idea 
of Slavery was enough for him. He did not mean to work for any body 
for nothing. 

Andrew Bolden was still younger than Charles Murray, being only 
eighteen years of age, but he was very well grown, and on the auction-block 
he would, doubtless, have brought a large price. He fled from Newark. 
His story contained nothing of marked importance. 




474 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

JOHN JANXEY, TALBOT JOHXSOX, SAM GROSS, PETER GROSS, JAMES HENRY JACK- 
SON, AND SAM SMITH. 

$1,000 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, August 14th, two 
meu, viz : 

BILL HUTTON. , 

aged 48 or 50 years, dark brown, round face, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches hig" , rather 
stout, has a waddhng walk, and small bald spot on the top of his head. 

TALBOT JOHNSON, 

aged about 35, is black, spare, and lean-visaged, about 5 feet 10 inches high, has lost some 
of his front teeth, leans forward as he walks. 

If taken in a slave State I will give $200 each for their recoverv. For their recovery 
from a free State I will give cme-half their value. B. D, BOND, Port Republic, Md. 

RAN AWAY at the same time and in company, negro man 

SAM GROSS, 

aged about 33, is 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, black color, rather bad teeth. For his recovery, 
if taken in a slave State, I will give $200. For his recoverv from a free State, I will give 
half his value. GEO. IRELAND, Port Republic, Md. 

RAN AWAY at the same time and in company, two negro men, viz : 

PETER GROSS, 

aged 33, is light-brown color, -5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a small scar over his right 
eyebrow, usually wears a goatee, has a pleasant countenance. 

JOHN JANNEY. aged 22, light-brown color, 5 feet 6 or seven inches high, broad 
across the shoulders, has one of his front upper teeth broken, has a scar upon one of his 
great toes from the cut of an axe. For their recovery, if taken in a slave State, I will 
give $200 each. For their recovery from a free State t will give half their value. 

JOS. GRIFFISS, St. Leonards, Calvert county, Md. 
Refer to N. E. BERRY, No. 63 Pratt street, Baltimore. 

So far as Messrs. Bond, Ireland, and Griffiss may be concerned (if they 
are still living), they may not care to have the reward kept in view, or to liear 
anything about the " ungrateful " fellows. It may be different, however, 
with other parties concerned. This company, some of whom boie names 
agreeing with tiiose in the above advertisement, are found described in the 
record book as follows : 

"Sept. 10th, 1858. Joiix Janney is a fine specimen of the peculiar in- 
stitution; color brown, well-formed, self-possessed and intelligent. He says 
that he fled from master Joseph Griffiss of Culbert county, Maryland ; that 
he has been u.sed to " tight work," "allowed no chances," and but ''half 
fed." His reason for leaving was partly "hard treatment," and partly 
because he could " get along better in freedom than in slavery." He found 
fault with his master for not permitting him to "learn to read," etc. He 
referred to his master as a man of " fifty years of age, with a wife and 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 475 

three children." John said tliat " she was a large, portly woman, with an 
evil disposition, always wanted to be quarreling and fighting, and was 
stingy." He said, however, that his " master's children, Ann Rebecca, 
Dori'as, and Joe were not allowed to meddle with the slaves on the farm." 
Thirt' head of slaves belonged on the place. 

Pet.^.e Gross says that he too was owned by Josei)h Griffiss. Peter is, 
he thin :s, thirty-nine years of age, — tall, of a dark chestnut color, and in 
intellect Mediocre. He left his wife and five children behind. He could 
not bring^ them with him, therefore he did not tell them that he was about 
to leave. He was much dissatisfied with Slavery and felt that he had been 
badly dealt with, and that he could do better for himself in Canada. 

Talbot Johnson, is thirty-five years of age, quite dark, and substan- 
tially built. He says that he has been treated very badly, and tliat Duke 
Bond was the name of the "tyrant" who held him. He pictured his 
master as "a lean-faced man — not stout — of thirty-eight or thirty-nine years 
jf age, a member of the Episcopal Church." "He had a wife and two 
children; his last wife was right pleasant — he was a farmer, and was rich, 
bad sold slaves, and was severe when he flogged." Talbot had been 
promised a terrible beating on the return of his master from the Springs, 
whither he had gone to recruit his health, " as he was poorly." This was the 
Bole cause of Talbot's flight. 

Sam Gross is about forty, a man /af apparent vigor physically, and wide 
iwake mentally. He confesses that he fled from George Island, near Port 
Republic, Md. He thought that times with him had been bad eiiough 
all his life, and he would try to get away whc -e he could do better. In 
referring to his master and mistress, he says that " they are both Ei)iscopa- 
hans, hard to please, and had as bad dispositions as could be, — would try to 
knock the slaves in the head' sometimes." This spirit Sam conden\ncd in 
strong terms, and averred that it was on account of such treatment that he 
was moved to seek out the Underground Rail Road. Sara left his wafe, 
Mary Ann, and four children, all under bonds. His children, he said, were 
treated horribly. They were owned by Joseph Griffiss spoken of above. 

James Henry Jackson is seventeen years of age; he testifies that he fled 
from Frederica, Delaware, where he had been owned by Joseph Brown. 
Jim does not make any serious complaint against his master, except that he 
bad him in the market for sale. To avert this fate, Jim was moved to flee. 
His mother, Ann Jackson, lived nine miles from Milford, and was owned by 
lim Loflin, and lived on his place. Of the going of her son she had no 
knowledge. 

These narratives have been copied from the book as they were hastily 
'ecorded at the time. During their sojourn at the station, the subjoined 
etter came to hand from Thomas Garrett, which may have caused anxiety 
md haste : 



476 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Wilmington, 9th mo. 6th, 1858. 
Esteemed Friends, J. M. McKim and Wm. Still :— I have a mixture of good and 
bad news for you. Good in having passed five of God's poor safely to Jersey, and Chester ! 
county, last week ; and this day sent on four more, that have caused me much anxiety. 
They were within twenty miles of here on sixth day last, and by agreement I had a man 
out all seventh day night watching for them, to pilot them safely, as 1,000 dollars reward 
was oflfered for four of the five ; and I went several miles yesterday in the country to try 
to learn what had become of them, but could not hear of them. A man of tried integrity 
just called to say that they arrived at his house last night, about midnight, and i employed 
him to pilot them to a place of safety in Pennsylvania, to-night, after which I trust they will 
be out of reach of their pursuers. Now for the bad news. That old scoundrel, who applied 
to me some three weeks since, pretending that he wished me to assist him in getting his 
seven slaves into a free state, to avoid the sheriff, and which I agreed to do, if he would 
bring them here ; but positively refused to send for them. Ten days since I received 
another letter fr.om him, saying that the sherifT had been there, and taken away two of the 
children, which he wished me to raise money to purchase and set free, and then closed by 
saying that his other slaves, a man, his wife, and three children had left the same evening 
and he had no doubt I would find them at a colored man's house, he named, here, and 
■wished me to ascertain at once and let him know. I at once was convinced he wished to 
know so as to have them arrested and taken back. I found the man had arrived ; but the 
woman and children had given out, and he left them with a colored family in Cecil. I 
wrote him word the family had not got here, but said nothing of the man being here. On 
seventh day evening I saw a colored woman from the neighborhood ; she told me that 
the owner and sheriff were out hunting five days for them before they found them, and 
says there is not a greater hypocrite in that part of the world. I wrote him a letter yes- 
terday letting him know just what I thought of him. Your Friend, Thos. Gaerett. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

BIRTH-DAY PRESENT FROM THOMAS GARRETT. 

Wilmington, 8th mo. 21st, 1858. 
Esteemed Friend : — William Still : — This is my 69th birth-day, and I do not know 
any better way to celebrate it in a way to accord with my feelings, than to send to thee 
two fugitives, man and wife; the man has been here a week waiting for his wife, who is 
expected in time to leave at 9 this evening in the cars for thy house with a pilot, who knows 
where thee lives, but I cannot help but feel some anxiety about the woman, as there is 
great commotion just now in the neighborhood where she resides. There were 4 slaves 
betrayed near the Maryland line by a colored man named Jesse Perry a few nights since. 
One of tliem made a confidant of him, and he agreed to pilot them on their way, and bad 
several white men secreted to take them as soon as they got in his house; he is the scoun- 
drel that was to have charge of the 7 I wrote you about two weeks since ; their master 
was to take or send them there, and he wanted me to send for them. I have since been 
confirmed it was a trap set to catch one of our colored men and me likewise, but it was no 
go. I suspected him from the first, but afterwards was fully confirmed in my suspicions. 
We have found the two Rust boys, John and Elsey Bradley, who the villain of a Rust 
took out of jail and pold to a trader of the name of Morris, who sold them to a trader 
who took them to Richmond, Virginia, where they were sold at public sale two days be- 



ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 477 

fore we found them, for $2600, but fortunately the man had not paid for them ; our Attor- 
ney had them by habeas corpus before a Judge, who detained them till we can prove their 
identity and freedom; they are to have a hearing on 2d day next, when we hope to have 
a person on there to prove tliem. In haste, thine, Tiios. Garrett. 

Unfortunately all the notice that the record contains of the two passengers 
referred to, is in the following words : " Two cases not written out for want 
of time." 

The "boys" alluded to as having been "found" &c., were free-born, but 
had been kidnapped and carried south and sold. 

Three days after the above letter, the watchful Grarrett furnished further 
light touching the hair-breadth escape of the two that he had written about, 
and at the same time gave an interesting account of the efforts which were 
made to save the poor kidnapped boys, &c. 

SECOND LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT. 

Wilmington, 8th mo. 25th, 1858. 
Esteemed Friend : — ■William Still: — Thine was received yesterday. Those two I 
wrote about to be with thee last 7th day evening, I presume thee has seen before this. 
A. Allen had charge of them ; he had them kept out of sight at the depot here till the 
cars should be ready to start, in charge of a friend, while he kept a lookout and got a 
ticket. When the Delaware cars arrived, who should step out but the master of both man 
and woman, (as they had belonged to different persons) ; they knew him, and he knew 
them. He left in a different direction from where they were secreted, and got round to 
them and hurried them off to a place of safety, as he was afraid to take them home for 
fear they would search the house. On 1st day morning the boat ran to Chester to take 
our colored people to the camp at Media ; he had them •disguised, and got them in the 
crowd and went with them ; when he got to Media, he placed them in care of a colored 
man, who promised to hand them over to thee on 2d day last ; we expect 3 more next 
7th day night, but how we shall dispose of them we have not yet determined ; it will de- 
pend on circumstances. Judge Lay ton has been on with a friend to Richmond, Virginia, 
and fully identified the two Bradley boys that were kidnapped by Clem Rust. He has 
the assurance of the Judge there that they will be tried and their case decided by Dela- 
ware Laws, by which they must be declared free and returned here. We hope to be able 
to bring such proof against both Rust and the man he sold them to, who took them out 
af the State, to teach them a lesson they will remember. Thy friend, 

Thos. Garrett. 



ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858. 

REBECCA JACKSON AND DAUGHTER, AND ROBERT SHORTER. 

The road to Washington was doing about this time a mnrvcllously large 
Dusiness. "William Penu" and other friends in Washington were most 
t'igilant, and knew where to find passengers who were daily thirsting for 
leliverance. 

Rebecca Jackson was a woman of about thirty-seven years of age, of a 
mellow color, and of bright intellect, prepossessing in her manners. She 



478 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

liad pined in bondage in Georgetown under Mrs. Margaret Dick, a lady 
of wealtii and far advanced in life, a firm believer in slavery and the Pres- 
byterian Church, of which she was a member. 

Rebecca had been her chief attendant, knew all her whims and ways to 
perfection. According to Rebecca's idea, " she was a peevish, fretful, ill- 
natured, but kind-hearted creature." JJeing very tired of her old mistress 
and heartily sick of bondage, and withal desiring to save her daughter, she 
ascertained the doings of the Underground Rail Road, — was told about 
Canada, etc. She therefore resolved to make a bold adventure. Mrs. Dick 
had resided a long time in Georgetown, but owned three large plantations 
in the country, over which she kept three overseers to look after the slaves. 
Rebecca had a free husband, but she was not free to serve him, as she had 
to be digging day and night for the " white people." Robert, a sou of the 
mistress, lived with liis mother. While Rebecca regarded him as "a man 
with a very evil disposition," she nevertheless believed that he had "sense 
enough to see that the present generation of slaves would not bear so much 
as slaves had been made to bear the generation past." 



ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858. 

FRANK CAMPBELL. 

Frank was a man of blunt features, rather stout, almost jet black, and 
about medium height and weight. He w'as not certain about his age, 
rather thought that he was between thirty and forty years. He had been 
deprived of learning to read or write, but with hard treatment he had 
been made fully acquainted under a man named Henry Campbell, who 
called himself Frank's master, and without his consent managed to profit 
by his daily sweat and toil. This Campbell was a farmer, and was said to 
be the owner of about one hundred head of slaves, besides having large 
investments in other directions. He did not hesitate to sell slaves if he 
could get his price. Every now and then one and another would find it 
his turn to be sold. Frank resolved to try and get out of danger before 
times were worse. So he struck out resolutely for freedom and succeeidetl. 



ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRL\, Va., 1858. 

RICHARD BAYNE, CARTER DOAVLIXG AXn BENJAMIN TAYLOR, 

Richard stated that a man named " Rudoljih Massey, a merchant tailor, 
hard rum drinker, card player, etc." claimed to own him, and had held 
him, up to the time of his escape, as with bands of brass. 



ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1858." 479 

I Richard said, " I was hired out for ten dollars a mouth, but I never suf- 
fered like many — didn't leave because I have beeu abused, but simply to 
keep from falling into the hands of some heirs that I had beeu willed to." 
In case of a division, Richard did not see how he could be divided without 
being converted into money. Now, as he could have no fore-knowledge as 
to the place or person into whose hands he might be consigned by^the auc- 
tioneer, he concluded that he could not venture to risk himself in the hands 
of the young heirs. Richard began to consider what Slavery was, and 
his eyes beheld chains, whips, hand-cuffs, auction-blocks, separations and 
countless sufferings that had partially been overlooked before ; he felt the 
injustice of having to toil hard to support a drunkard and gambler. At 
the age of twenty-three Richard concluded to " lay down the shovel and the 
hoe," and look out for himself. His mother was owned by Massey, but his 
'father belonged to the "superior race" or claimed so to do, and if anything 
could be proved by appearances it was evident that he was the son of a 
white man. Richard was endowed with a good share of intelligence. He 
not only left his mother but also one sister to clank their chains together. 

Carter, who accompanied Richard, had just reached his majority. He 
stated that he escaped from a " maiden lady " living in Alexandria, known 
by the name of Miss Maria Fitchhugh, tlie owner of twenty-five slaves. 
Opposed to Slavery as he was, he nevei'theiess found no fault with his 
mistress, but on the contrary, said that she was a very respectable lady, and 
a member of the Episcopal Church. She often spoke of freeing her 
servants when she died; such talk was too uncertain for Carter, to pin his 
faith to, and he resolved not to wait. Such slave-holders generally lived a 
great while, and when they did die, they many times failed to keep their 
promises. He concluded to heed the voice of reason, and at once leave 
the house of bondage. His mother, father, five brothers and six sisters 
all owned by Miss Fitchhugh, formed a strong tie to keep him from going; 
he "conferred not with flesh and blood," but made a determined stroke 
for freedom. 

Benjamin, the third in this company, was only twenty' years of age, 
'but a better-looking sjiecimen for the auction-block could hardly be found. 
He fled from the Meed estate; his mistress had recently died leaving 
her affairs, including the disposal of the slaves, to be settled at an 
early date. He spoke of his mistress as "a very clever lady to her ser- 
vants," but since her death he had realized the danger that he was in of 
being run off south with a coffle gang. He explained the course frequently 
resorted to by slave-holders under similar circumstances thus : " frequently 
slaves would be snatched up, hand cuffed and hurried off south on the night 
train without an hour's notice." Fearing that this might be his fite, he 
deemed it prudent to take a northern train via the Underground Rail Road 
without giving any notice. 



480 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

He left no parents living, but six brothers and four sisters, all slaves with 
the exception of one brother who had bought himself. In order to defend 
themselves if molested on the road, the boys had provided themselves with 
pistols and dirks, and declared that they were fully bent on using them 
rather than be carried back to slavery. 




ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. 

HANSON WILLIAMS, NACE SHAW, GUSTA YOUNG, AND DANIEL M'NORTON SMITH. 

^200 Rewakd. — Ran away from the subscriber, (Levi Pumphrey,) two 
NEGRO MEN— one, named " Hanson," about forty years old, with one eye 
out, about 5 feet 4 inches in height, full, bushy hair and whiskers and copper 
color. "Gusta" ia about 21 years of 22 years of age, smooth face and thick 
lips, and stoops in his walk ; black color, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches in height; 
took away sundry articKs of clothing. 

I will give one hundred dollars for each of them, if sf-cured in jail so that I 
can get them. LEVI PU M PHREY, 

8l4-0t. Washington City, D. C. 

These four fugitives were full of enthusiasm for Canada, although by no 
means among the worst abused of their class. 

Hanson was about forty years of age, with apparently a good degree of 
intellect, and of staid j)rinciples. 

In the above advertisement clipped from the Baltimore Sun, he is more 
fully described by Mr. Levi Pumphrey ; it can now be taken for what it is 
worth. But, as Hanson left home suddenly without ai)prising his owner, or 
any of his owner's intimate white friends, of the circumstances which led 
him to thus leave, his testimony and explanation, altliough late, may not be 
wholly uninteresting to Mr. Levi Pumphrey and others who took an interest 
in the missing " Hanson." "How have you had it in slavery?" he was 
asked. " I have had it pretty rough," answered Hanson. " Who held you 
in bondage, and how have you been treated ?" " I was owned by Levi 
Pumphrey, an old man with one eye, a perfect savage; ho allowed no 
privileges of any kind, Sunday or Monday." 

GusTA, who was also described in Pumphrey's advertisement, was a rug- 
ged-looking specimen, and his statement tended to strengthen Hanson's in 
every particular. It was owing to the bad treatment of Pumphrey, that 
Gusta left in the manner that he did. 

After deciding to take his departure for Canada, he provided himself 
with a Colt's revolver, and resolved that if any man should attempt to put 
his hand on him while he was on the "King's highway," he would shoot 
him down, not excepting his old master. 




CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF. 481 

^150 ixEWARU. — Ran away from the subscriber, living near Upper Marl- 
boro', Prince George's county, Md., on the 11th day of [September, 1858, a 
negro man, " Nace," who calls himself " Nace Sliaw ;" is forty-five years of age, 
about five feet 8 or 9 inches high, of a copper color, full suit of hair, except a 
bald place upon the top of his head. He has a mother living in Washington 
city, on South B street, No. 212 Island. 

1 will pay the above reward no matter where taken, if secured in jail so that 
I get hun again. SARAH ANN TALBURTT. 

sl5-eotf. 

Nace, advertised by Miss Sarah Ann Talburtt, was a remarkably good- 
natured looking piece of merchandise. He gave a very interesting account 
of his so called mistress, how he came to leave her, etc. Said Nace: "My 
mistress was an old maid, and lived on a farm. I was her foreman on the 
farm. She lived near Marlborough Forest, in Prince George's county, Md., 
about twelve miles from Washington ; she was a member of the Episcopal 
Church. She fed well, and quarrelled a caution, from Monday morning till 
Saturday night, not only with the slaves, but among the inmates of the big 
house. My mistress had three sisters, all old maids living with her, and a 
niece besides; their names were Rebecca, Rachel, Caroline, and Sarah Ann, 
and a more disagreeable family of old maids could not be found in a year's 
time. To arise in the morning before my mistress, Sarah Ann, was impos- 
sible." Then, without making it appear that he or other of the slaves had 
been badly treated under Miss Talburtt, he entered upon the cause of escape, 
and said ; " I left simply because I wunted a chance for my life; I wanted 
to die a free man if it pleased God to have it so." His wife and a grown-up 
son he was obliged to leave, as no opportunity offered to bring them away 
with him. 

Dan was also of this party. He was well tinctured with Anglo-Saxon 
blood. His bondage had been in Alexandria, with a mill-wright, known 
by the name of James Garnett. Dan had not been in Garnett's hands a 
great while. Mr. Garnett's ways and manners were not altogether pleasing 
to him; besides, Dan stated that he was trying to sell him, and he made 
up his mind that at an early opportunity, he would avail himself of a ticket 
for Canada, via the Underground Rail Road. He left his mother and bro- 
thers all scattered. 



CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF. 

VILLIAM THOMAS COPE, JOHN BOICE GREY, HEjnRY BOICE AND ISAAC WHITE. 

These young bondmen, whilst writhing under the tortures heaped 
upon them, resolved, at the co.st of life, to make a desperate trial for free 
land; to rid themselves o^' their fetters, at whatever peril they might 
bave to encounter. The land route presented less encouragement than by 
water; tboy knew but little, however, concerning either way. After much 



31 



.1 



482 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



anxious reflection, they finally decided to make their Underground Rail 
Road exit by water. Having lived all their lives not far from the bay 
they had some knowledge of small boats, skiffs in particular, but of course 
they were not the possessoi-s of one. Feeling -that there was no time to lose 
they concluded to borrow a skiflj though they should never return it. So 
one Saturday evening, toward the latter j)art of January, the four young 
slaves stood on the beach near Lewes, Delaware, and cast their longing 
eyes in the direction of the Jersey shore. A fierce gale was blowing, and 
the waves were running fearfully high ; not daunted, however, but as one 
man they resolved to take their lives in their hands and make tlie bold 
adventure. 





With simple faith they entered the skiff; two of them took the oars, man- 
fully to face uncertain dangers from the waves. But they remained steadfast, 
oft as they felt that they were making the last stroke with their oars, on the 
verge of being overwhelmed with the waves. At every new stage of 
danger thoy summoned courage by remembering that they Avere escaping 
for their lives. 

Late on Sunday afternoon, the following day, they reached their much 
desired haven, the Jersey shore. The relief and joy were unspeakably 
great, yet they were strangers in a strange land. They knew not which way 
to steer. True, they knew that New Jersey bore the name of being a Free 
State ; but they had reason to fear that they were in danger. In this 
dilemma they were discovered by the captain of an oyster boat whose 
sense of humanity "'as so strongly appealed to by their appearance that lie 
engaged to pilot them to Philadelphia. The following account of them was 
recorded : 

William Thomas was a yellow nun, twenty-four years of age, and 
possessing a vigorous constitution. He accMised Shepherd P. Houston of 
having restrained him of his liberty, and tostifi^'d that said Houston was a 
very bad man. Plis vocation was that of a farmer, on a small scale ; as a 
slave-holder he was numbered with the "small iVy." Both master and 



i 



CROSSING THE BA Y IN A SKIFF. 433 



mistress were members of the Methodist Church. According to William 
Thomas' testimony his mistress as well as iiis master was very hard on the 
slaves in various ways, especially in the matter of food and clothing. It 
would require a great deal of hard preaching to convince him that such 
Christianity was other than spurious. 

John stated that David Henry Houston, a farmer, took it upon himself 
to exercise authority over him. Said John, " If you didn't do the work 

' right, he got contrary, and wouldn't give you anything to eat for a whole 
day at a time ; he said a ' nigger and a mule hadn't any feeling.' " He de- 
scribed his stature and circumstances somewhat thus: "Houston is a 
very small man ; for some time his affairs had been in a bad way ; he had 
been broke, some say he had bad luck for killing my brother. My brother 
was sick, but master said he wasn't sick, and he took a chunk, and beat 
on him, and he died a few days after." John firmly believed that his 
brother had been the victim of a monstrous outrage, and that he too was 
liable to the same treatment. 

John was only nineteen years of age, spare built, chestnut color, and 
represented the rising mind of the slaves of the South. 

Henry was what might be termed a very smart young man, considering 
that he had been deprived of a knowledge of reading. He was a brother of 

> John, and said that he also had been wrongfully enslaved by David Hous- 

i ton, alluded to above. He fully corroborated the statement of his brother, 
and declared, moreover, that his sister had not long since been sold South, 
and that he had heard enough to fully convince him that he and his brother 
were to be put up for sale soon. 

Of their mistress John said that she was a " pretty easy kind of a woman, 
only she didn't want to allow enough to eat, and wouldn't mend any clothes 
for us." 

Isaac was twenty-two, quite black, and belonged to the " rising " young 
slaves of Delaware. He stated that he had been owned by a " blacksmith, 
a very hard man, by the name of Thomas Carper." Isaac was disgusted 

'■ with his master's ignorance, and criticised him, in his crude way, to a con- 
siderable extent. Isaac had learned blacksmithing under Carper. Both 
master and mistress were Methodists. Isaac said that he "could not recom- 
mend his mistress, as she was given to bad })ractices," so much so that he 
could hardly endure her. He also charged the blacksmith with being 

' addicted to bad habits. Sometimes Isaac would be called upon to receive 
correction from his master, which would generally be dealt out with a 
"chunk of wood " over his ''no feeling" head. On a late occasion, when 
Isaac was being c/iunZ'efZ beyond measure, he resisted, but the persistent black- 
smith did not yield until he had so far disabled Isaac that he w^as rendei'ed 
helpless for the next two weeks. While in this state he pledged himself 
to freedom and Canada, and resolved to win the prize by crossing the Bay. ^ 



i 



484 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

AVIiile tliese young passengers possessed brains and bravery of a rare 
order, at the same time they brought with them an unusual amount of 
the soil of Delaware; their persons and old worn-out clothing being full of 
it. Their appearance called loudly for immediate cleansing. A room — free 
■filter — free soap, and such other assistance as was necessary was tendered 
them in order to render the work as thorough as possible. This healthy 
process over, clean and comfortable clothing were furnished, and the change 
in their appearance was so marked, that they might have passed as strangers, 
if not in the immediate corn-fields of their masters, certainly among many 
of their old acquaintances, unless subjected to the most careful inspection. 
Raised in the country and on farms, their masters and mistresses had 
nev'cr dreamed of encouraging them to conform to habits of cleanliness; 
washing their persons and changing their garments were not common occur- 
rences. The coarse garment once on would be clung to without change as 
Ions: as it would hold together. The filthy cabins allotted for their habita- 
tions were in themselves incentives to personal uncleanliness. In some 
districts this was more apparent than in others. From some portions of 
Maryland and Delaware, in particular, passengers brought lamentable 
evidence of a want of knowledge and improvement in this direction. 
But the master, not the slave, was blameworthy. The master, as has 
been intimated, found but one suit for working (and sometimes none for 
Sunday), consequently if Tom was set to ditching one day and became 
muddy and dirty, and the next day he was required to haul manure, 
his ditching suit had to be used, and if the next day he Avas called into the 
harvest-field, he was still obliged to wear his barn -yard suit, and so on to 
the end. Frequently have such passengers been thoroughly cleansed for the 
first time in their lives at the Philadelphia station. Some needed prac- 
tical lessons before they understood the thoroughness necessary to cleansing. 
Before undertaking the operation, therefore, in order that they might be 
made to feel the benefit to be derived therefrom, they would need to have 
the matter brought home to thorn in a very gentle way, lest they might feign 
to fear taking cold, not having been used to it, etc. 

It was customary to say to thom : " We want to give you some clean 
clothing, but you need washing before putting them on. It will make you 
feel like a new man to have the dirt of slavery all washed oif. Nothing 
that could be done for you would make you feel better after the fatigue 
of travel than a thorough bath. Probably you have not been allowed 
the opportunity of taking a good bath, and so have not enjoyed one 
since your mother bathed you. Don't be afraid of the water or soap — the 
harder you rub yourself the better you will feel. Shall we not wash your 
back and neck for you ? "We want you to look well while traveling on the 
Underground Rail Road, and not forget from this time fovt\\ to trv to take 
care of yourself," &c., &c. By this course the reluctance where it existed 



ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, MD., 1858. 485 

would be overcome and the proposition would be readily acceded to, if the 
water was not too cool ; on the other hand, if cool, a slight shudder might 
be visible, sufficient to raise a hearty laugh. Yet, when through, the candi- 
date always expressed a hearty sense of satisfaction, and was truly thankful 
for this attention. 



ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, Md., 1858. 

ASBURY IRWIN, EPHRAIM ENNIS, AND LYDIA ANN JOHNS. 

The party whose narratives are here given brought grave charges against 
a backsliding meinber of the Society of Friends — a renegade Quaker. 

Doubtless rare instances may be found where men of the Quaker persua- 
sion, emigrating from free and settling in slave States and among slave- 
holders, have deserted their freedom-loving principle and led captive by the 
force of bad examples, have linked hands with the oppressor against the 
oppressed. It is probable, however, that this is the only case that may turn 
up in these records to the disgrace of this body of Christians in whom dwelt 
in such a signal degree large sympathy for the slave and the fleeing bondman. 
Many fugitives were indebted to Friends who aided them in a quiet way, 
not allowing their left hand to know what their right hand did, and the 
result was that Underground Rail Road operations were always pretty safe 
and prosperous where the line of travel led through " Quaker settlements." 
We can speak with great confidence on this point especially with regard to 
Pennsylvania, where a goodly number might be named, if necessary, whose 
hearts, houses, horses, and money were always found ready and willing to 
assist the fugitive from the prison-house. It is with no little regret that we 
feel that truth rerpiires us to connect the so-called owner of Asbury, 
Ephraim, and Lydia wath the Quakers. 

Asbury was first examined, and his story ran substantially thus : " I run 
away because I was used bad ; three years ago I was knocked dead with an 
axe by ray master; the blood run out of ray head as if it had been poured 
out of a tumbler ; you can see the mark plain enough — look here," (with his 
finger on the spot). I left Millington, at the head of Chester in Kent 
County, Maryland, where I had been held by a farmer who called himself 
Michael Newbold. He was originally from Mount Holly, New Jersey, 
but had been living in Maryland over twenty years. He was called a 
Hickory Quaker, and he had a real Quaker for a wife. Before he was in 
Maryland five years he bought slaves, became a regular slave-holder, got to 
drinking and racing horses, and was very bad — treated all hands bad, his 
wife too, so that she had to leave him and go to Philadelphia to her knis- 
folks. It was because he was so bad we all had to leave," &c. 



486 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Wliile Asbury's story appeared trntlifiil and simple, a portion of it was too 
shocking to morality and damaging to hnmanity to be inserted in those pages. 

Asbury was about forty years of age, a man of dark hue, size and height 
about mediocrity, and mental ability quite above the average. 

Epheaim was a fellow-servant and companion of Asbury. He was a 
man of superior physical strength, and from all outward apjx^arance, he pos- 
sessed qualities susceptible of ready improvement. He not only spoke of 
Newbold in terms of strong condemnation but of slave-holders and slavery 
everywhere. The lessons he had learned gave him ample opportunity to 
speak from experience and from what he had observed in the daily practices 
of slave-holders ; consequently, with his ordinary gifts, it was impossible for 
him to utter his earnest feelings without making a deep impression. 

Lydia also fled from Michael Newbold. She was a young married 
woman, only twenty-two years of age, of a cliestnut color and a pleasant 
countenance. Her flight for liberty cost her her husband, as she was obliged 
to leave him behind. What understanding was entered into between them 
prior to her departure we failed to note at the time. It was very clear that 
she had decided never to wear the yoke again. 



ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858. 

JOSEPHINE EOBINSON. 

Many reasons were given by Josephine for leaving the sunny South. She 
had a mistress, but was not satisfied with her — hadn't a particle of love for 
her; "she was all the time fussing and scolding, and never could be satis- 
fied." She was very well off, and owned thirteen or fourteen head of slaves. 
She was a member of the Methodist Church, was stingy and very mean 
towards her slaves. Josephine having lived with her all her life, professed 
to have a thorough knowledge of her ways and manners, and seemed dis- 
posed to speak truthfully of her. The name of her mistress was Eliza Hara- 
bleton, and she lived in Washington. Josephine had fully thought over the 
matter of her rights, so much so, that she was prompted to escape. So hard 
did she feel her lot to be, that she was compelled to resign her children, 
uncle and aunt to the cruel nuTcy of slavery. AYliat became of the little 
ones, David, Ogden and Isaiah, is a mystery. 



ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858. 

nOBERT JOHNS AND HIS WIFE " SCE ANN." 

Fortunately, in this instance, man and wife succeeded in making their way 
out of Slavery together. Robert was a man of small stature, and the farthest 



ARBIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858. 487 

shade from white. In appearance and intellect he represented the ordinary 
Maryland slave, raised on a farm, surrounded with no refining influences 
or sympathy. He stated that a man by the name of William Cassey had 
claimed the right to his labor, and that he had been kept in bondage on 
his farm. 

For a year or more before setting out for freedom, Robert had watched his 
master pretty closely, and came to the conclusion, that he was "a monstrous 
blustery kind of a man; one of the old time fellows, very hard and rash — not 
fit to own a dog." He owned twelve slaves ; Robert resolved that he would 
make one less in a short while. He laid the matter before his wife, " Sue," 
who was said to be the property of Susan Flinthrew, wife of John Flin- 
th re w, of Cecil county, Mary hind. "Sue" having suffered severely, .first 
from one and then another, sometimes from floggings, and at other times 
from hunger, and again from not being half clothed in cold weather, was pre- 
pared to consider any scheme that looked in the direction of speedy 
deliverance. The way that they were to travel, and the various points of 
danger to be i)assed on the road were fully considered ; but Robert and 
Sue were united and agreed that they could not fare much worse than they 
had fared, should they be captured and carried back. In this state of mind, 
as in the case of thousands of others, they set out for a free State, and in 
due time reached Pennsylvania and the Vigilance Committee, to whom they 
made known the facts here recorded, and received aid and comfort in return. 

Sue was a young woman of twenty-three, of a browu color, and some- 
what under medium size. 



ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858. 

PERRY CLEXTOX, JIM BANKS AND CHARLES NOLE. 

This party found no very serious obstacles in their travels, as their plans 
were well arranged, and as they had at least natural ability suflicicnt for 
ordinary emergencies. 

Perry reported that he left "a man by the name of John ]M. Williams, 
of Georgetown, D. C, who was in the wood business, and kept a wharf" 
As to treatment, he said that he had not been used very hard, but had 
been worked hard and allowed but few privileges. The paltry sum of 
twenty-five cents a week, was all that was allowed him out of his hire. 
With a wife and one child this might seem a small sum, but in reality it 
was a liberal outlay compared with what many slaves were allowed. Perry 
being a ready-witted article, thought that it was hardly fair that Mr. "W il- 
liams should live by the sweat of his brow instead of his own; he was a 
large, portly man, and able to work for himself in Perry's opinion. For 



488 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

a length (3f time, the notion of leaving and going to Canada was uppermost 
in lii.s heart; probably he would have acted with more promptue.ssi but 
for the fact that his wife and child rested with great weight on his mind. 
Finally the pressure became so great that he felt that he must leave at all 
hazards, forsaking wile and child, master and chains. He was a young 
man, of about twenty-five years of age, of a dark shade, ordinary build, 
and full of grit. His wife was named Amelia ; whether she ever afterwards 
heard from her husband is a question. 

Jim, who accompaniotl Terry, brought the shoe-making art with him. 
He had been held a slave under John J. Richards, although he was 
quite as much a white man as he was black. He was a mulatto, twenty- 
nine years of age, well-made, and bore a grum countenance, but a brave and 
manly will to keep up his courage on the way. He said that he had 
been used very well, had no fault to find with John J. Richards, who was 
possibly a near relative of his. He foi*sook his mother, four brothers and 
three sisters with no hope of ever seeing them again. 

Charles bore strong testimony in favor of his master, Blooker W. 
Hansborough, a farmer, a first-rate man to his servants, said Charles. "I 
was used very well, can't complain." "Why did you not remain then?" 
asked a member of the Committee. " I left," answered C, "because I was 
not allowed to live with my wife. She with our six (;hil(lrcn, lived a long 
distance from my master's place, and he would not hire me out where I 
could live near my wife, so I made up my mind that I would try and do 
better. I could see no enjoyment tliat way." As the secret of his master's 
treatment is here brought to light, it is very evident that Charles, in speak- 
ing so higldy in his favor, failed to take a just view of him, as no man 
could really be first-rate to his servants, who would not allow a man to live 
with his wife and childi'en, and who would persist in taking from another 
what he had no right to take. Nevertheless, as Charles thought his master 
" first-rate," he shall have the benefit of the opinion, but it was suspected 
that Charles was not disposed to find fault with his kin, as it was very likely 
that the old master claimed some of the white blood in his veins. 



ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858. 

JACOB BLOCKSON, GEORGE ALLIQOOD, JIM ALLIGOOD, AND GEORGE LEWIS. 

The coming of Jacob and his companions was welcomed in the usual way. 
The marks of Slavery upon them were evident; however they were sub- 
jected to the usual critical examination, which they bore with composure, 
and witliout the least damage. The following notes in the main were re- 
corded from their statements : 



\ 



ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858. 439 

Jacob was a stout and healthy-looking man, about twenty-seven years of 
age, with a countenance indicative of having no sympathy with Slavery. 
Being invited to tell his own story, describe his master, etc., he unhesitatingly 
relieved himself somewhat after this manner; "I escaped from a man by 
the name of Jesse W. Paten ; he was a man of no business, except drinking 
whiskey, and farming. He was a light complected man, tall large, and full- 
faced, with a large nose. He was a widower. He belonged to no society 
of any kind. He lived near Seaford, in Sussex county, Delaware." 

" I left because I didn't want to stay with him any longer. ]\Iy master 
was about to be sold out this Fall, and I made up my mind that I did not 
want to be sold like a horse, the way they generally sold darkies then; so 
when I started I resolved to die sooner than I would be taken back ; this 
was my intention all the while. 

"I left ray wife, and one child; the wife's name was Lear, and the child 
was called Alexander. I want to get them on soon too. I made some ar- 
rangements for their coming if I got oif safe to Canada." 

George was next called upon to give his statement concerning where he 
was from, etc. I "scaped" frotn Sussex too, from a man by the name of 
George M. Davis, a large man, dark -complected, and about fifty years of 
age; he belonged to the old side Methodist Church, was a man with a 
family, and followed farming, or had farming done by me and others. 
Besides he was a justice of the peace. I always believed that the Master 
above had no wish for me to be hold in bondage all my days; but I thought 
if I made up my mind to stay in Slavery, and not to make a desperate trial 
for my freedom, I would never have any better times. I had heard that 
ray old mistress had willed me to her children, and children's children. I 
thought at this rate there was no use of holding on any longer for the good 
time to come, so here I said, I am going, if I die a trying. I got me a 
dagger, and made up my mind if they attempted to take me on the road, I 
would have one man. As for my part, I have not had it so slavish as many, 
but I have never had any privileges to learn to read, or to go about any- 
where. Now and then they let me go to church. My master belonged to 
church, and so did I. 

For a young man, being only twenty-two years of age, who had been kept 
from the light of freedom, as much as he had, his story was thought to be 
exceedingly well told throughout. 

James, a brother of George, said : " I came from Horse's Cross-Roads, 
not far from where my brother George came from. William Gray, rail road 
ticket agent at Bridgewater, professed to own me. He was a tolerable sized 
man, with very large whiskers, and dark hair ; he was rather a steady kind 
of a man, he had a wife, but no child. The reason I left, I thought I had 
served Slavery long enough, as I had been treated none the best. I did not 
believe in working my life out just to support some bo<ly else, ^fy master 



490 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

had as many hands and feet as I have, and is as able to work for his bread 
as I am ; and I made up my mind that I wouldn't stay to be a slave 
under him any longer, but that I would go to Canada, and be my own 

master." 

James left his poor wife, and three children, slaves perhaps for life. The 
wife's name was Esther Ann, the children were called Mary, Henry, and 
Harriet. • All belonged to Jesse Laten. 

George Lewis had more years than any of his companions, being about 
forty years of age. He had been kept in as low a state of ignorance as 
the ino-enuity of a slave-holder of Delaware could keep one possessed of I 
as much mother-wit as he was, for he was not quite so ignorant as the 
interests of the system required. His physical make and mental capacity 
were "-ood. He was decidedly averse to the peculiar institution in every 
particular. He stated, that a man named Samuel Laws had held him in 
bondao;e — that this " Laws was a man of no business— just sat about the 
house and went about from store to store and sat ; that he was an old man, 
pretty o-rev, very long hair. He was a member of a church in the 
neighborhood, which was called Radical." Of this church and its members 
he could give but little account, either of their peculiarities or creed ; he 
said, however, that they worshipped a good deal like the Methodists, and 
allowed their members to swear heartily for slavery. 

"Sometiiing told" George that he had worked long enough as a slave, and 
that he should be man enough to take the Underground Rail Road and go 
off to a free country. Accordingly George set out. When he arrived at 
the station he was so highly delighted with his success and the prospect 
before him, that he felt very sorry that he hadn't started ten years sooner. 
He said that he would have done so, but he was afraid, as slave-holders were 
always making the slaves believe that if they should ever escape they would 
catch them and bring them back and sell them down South, certain ; that 
they always did catch every one who ran off, but never brought them home, 
but sold them right off where they could never run away any more, or get 
to see their relatives again. This threat, George said, was continually rung 
in the ears of the slaves, and with the more timid it was very effective. 

Jacob Bi.ockson, after reaching Canada, true to the pledge that he made 
to his bosom companion, wrote back as follows : 

Saint Catharines. Cannda West, Dec. 26th, 1858. 

Dear wifk -. — I now infom you I am in Canada and am well and hope you are the 
aame, and would wish you to be here next august, you come to suspension bridge and 
from there to St. Catharines, write and let me know. I am doing well working for a 
Butcher this winter, and will get good wages in the spring I now get $-2,.')0 a week. 

I Jacob Blockson, George Lewis, George Alligond and James Allignod are all in St. 
Catharines, and met George Rosa from Lewis Wright's, Jim Blockson is in Canada West, 
and Jim Delany, Plunnoth Connon. I expect you my wife Lea Ann Blockson, my son 



\ 



SUNDR Y ARRIVALS IX 1 859. 491 

Alexander &, Lewis and Ames will all be bere and Isabella also, if you cant bring all 
bring Alexander surely, write when you will come and I will meet you in Albany. Love 
to you all, from your loving Husband, Jacob Blocksok. 

fare through $12,30 to here. 

Me. Still : Sir: — you will please Envelope this and send it to John Sheppard Bridge- 
ville P ofBce in Sussex county Delaware, seal it in black and oblige me, write to her to 
come to you. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859. 

Sarah Ann Mills, Boonsborough ; Cakoline Gassway, Mt. Airy; 
Levin Holden, Laurel; William James Conner, with his wife, 
child, and four brothers ; James Lazarus, Delaware ; Richard 
Williams, Riclimond, Virginia; Sydney Hopkins and Henry 
Wheeler, Havre de Grace. 

Sarah Mills set out for freedom long before she reached womanhood ; 
being about sixteen years of age. She stated that she had been very cruelly 
treated, that she was owned by a man named Joseph O'Neil, " a tax col- 
lector and a very bad man," Under said O'Neil she had been required to 
chop wood, curry horses, work in the field like a man, and all one winter 
she had been compelled to go barefooted. Three weeks before Sarali fled, 
her mistress was called away by death ; nevertlieless Sarah could not forget 
how badly she had been treated by her while living. According to Sarah's 
testimony the mistress was no better than her husband. Sarah came from 
Boonsborough, near Hagerstown, Md., leaving her mother and other rela- 
tives in that neighborhood. 

It was gratifying to know that such bond-women so early got beyond the 
control of slave-holders; yet girls of her age from having had no pains taken 
for their improvement, appealed loudly for more than common sym})athy 
and humanity, but rarely ever found it; on the contrary, their paths were 
beset with great danger. 

Caroline Gassway, after being held to service by Summersett Walters, 
until she had reached her twenty-seventh year, was forced, by hard treat- 
ment and the love of freedom, to make an effort for deliverance. Her 
appearance at once indicated, although she was just out of the prison-liouse, 
that she possessed more than an ordinary share of courage, and that she 
had had a keen insight into the system under which she had been oppressed. 
She was of a dark chestnut color, well-formed, with a large and high fore- 
head, indicative of intellect. She had much to say of the ways and practices 
of slave-holders ; of the wrongs of the system. She dwelt especially upon 
her own situation as a slave, and the character of her master ; she told not 
only of his ill treatment of her, but described his physical appearance as 
well. "He was a spare-made man, with a red head and quick temper: ho 



492 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

would go off in a flurry like a flash of powder, and would behave shamefully 
towards the slaves when in these fits of passion." His wife, however, 
Caroline confessed was of a different temper, and was a pretty good 
kind of a woman. If he had been anything like his wife in disposition, 
most likely Caroline would have remained in bondage. Fortunately, Caro- 
line was a single woman. She left her mother. 

Levin Holdex, having been sold only a few weeks prior to his eseaj)e, 
was so affected by the change which awaited him, tliathe was irresistibly led 
to seek the Underground Rail Road. Previous to being sold he was under 
a master by the name of Jonathan Bailey, who followed farming in the 
neighborhooil of Laurel, Delaware, and, as a master, was considered a moderate 
man — was also well to do in the world ; but the new master he could not 
endure, as he had already let the secret out that Levin was to be sent South. 
Levin had a perfect horror of a more Southern latitude; he made up his 
mind that he would try his luck for Canada. Levin was a man of twenty- 
seven years of age, smart, dark color, and of a good size for all surts of 
work. 

WiLLiAJ[ James Conner, his wife, child, and four brothers came next. 
The brothers were hale-looking fellows, and would have conimanded high 
prices in any market South of Mason and Dixon's Line. It was said, that 
they were the property of Kendall Major Lewis, who lived near Laurel, 
Delaware. It was known, however, that he never had any deed from the 
Almighty, but oppressed them without any just right so to do; they were 
perfectly justifiable in leaving Kendall Major Lewis, and all his sympa- 
thizers, to take care of themselves as best they could. 

No very serious charges were made against Lewis, but on the contrary 
they said, that he had been looked upon as a " moderate slave-holder ;" they 
also said, that " he had been a member of the Methodist Ei)isco})al Church 
for fifty yeai'S, and stood high in that body." Furthermore they stated, that 
he sold slaves occasionally. Eight had been sold by him some time before 
this party escapo<l (two of them to Georgia) ; besides William James had 
been sold and barely found opportunity to escape. Wm. James, ^lajor Lewis, 
Dennis Betts, Peter, and Lazarus, with the wife and child of the former, 
not only found themselves stripped from day to day of their hard earnings, 
but fearful forebodings of the auction-block were ever uppermost in their 
minds. While they spoke of Lewis as "moderate," etc., they all said that 
he allowed no j>rivileges to his slaves. 

RiciiAKD .Williams gave a full account of himself, but only a meagre 
report was reeonhnl. lie said that he came from Richmond, and left be- 
cause he was on the point of being sold by John A. Smith, who owned him. 
He gave Smith credit for being a tolerable fair kind of a slave-holder, but 
added, that '* his wife was a notoriously hard woman ;" siie had made a very 
deep impression on Richard's mind by her treatment of him. In finding 



\ 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 493 

himself on free ground, however, with cheering prospects ahead, lie did not 
stop to brood over the ills that he had suffered, but rejoiced heartily. He 
left his wife, Julia, who was free. 

Sydney Hopkins and Henry Wheeler. These young men made their 
way out of Slavery together. While Sydney lives he will forever regard 
Jacob Hoag, of Havre- de-Grace, as the person who cheated him out of 
himself, and prevented him from becoming enlightened and educated. 

Henry, his companion, was also from Havre De Grace. He had had 
trouble with a man by the name of Amos Barnes, or in other words Barnes 
claiincid to own him, just as he owned a horse or a mule, and daily con- 
trolled him in about the same manner that he would manage the animals 
above alluded to. Henry could find no justification for such treatment. 
He suffered greatly under the said Barnes, and finally his eyes were open 
to see that there was an Underground Rail Road for the benefit of all such 
slavery-sick souls as himself. So he got a ticket as soon as possible, and 
came through without accident, leaving Amos Barnes to do the best he 
could for a living. Tiiis candidate for Canada was twenty-one years of 
age, and a likely-looking boy. 

Joseph Henry Hill. The spirit of freedom in this passenger was 
truly the "one idea" notion. At the age of twenty-eight his purpose to free 
himself by escaping on the Underground Rail Road was successfully carried 
into effect, although not without difficulty. Joseph was a fair specimen of 
a man physically and mentally, could read and write, and thereby keep the 
run of matters of interest on the Slavery question. 

James Thomas, Jr., a tobacco merchant, in Ri(.'hmond, had Joe down in 
his ledger as a marketable piece of property, or a handy machine to save 
labor, and make money. To Joe's great joy he heard the sound of the 
Underground Rail Road bell in Richmond, — had a satisfactory interview 
with the conductor, — received a favorable response, and was soon a traveler 
on his way to Canada. He left his mother, a free woman, and two sisters 
in chains. He had been sold twice, but he never meant to be sold again. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 

CORNELIUS HENRY JOHNSON. FACE CANADA-WARD FOR YEARS. 

Quite an agreeable interview took place between Cornelius and the Com- 
mittee. He gave his experience of Slavery pretty fully, and the Committee 
enlightened him as to the workings of the Underground Rail Road, the 
value of freedom, and the safety of Canada as a refuge. 

Cornelius was a single man, thirty-six years of age, full black, medium 
size, and intelligent. He stated that he had had his face set toward Canada 



494 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

for a long wliile. Three times he had made an effort to get out of the prison- 
house. " Within the last four or five years, times have gone pretty hard 
with me. My mistress, Mrs. Mary F. Priee, had lately put me in eharge of 
her brother, Samuel M. Bailey, a tobacco merchant of Richmond. Both 
believed in nothing as they did in Shivery ; they would sooner see a black 
man dead than free. They were about second class in society. He and 
his sister own well on to one hundred head, though within the last few 
years he has been thinning off the number by sale. I was allowed one 
dollar a week for my board ; one dollar is the usual allowance for slaves in 
my situation. On Christmas week he allowed me no board money, but 
made me a present of seventy-five cents ; my mistress added twenty-five 
centij, whicl? was the extent of tlieir liberality. I was well cared for. When 
the slaves goi sick he doctored them himself, he was too stingy to employ a 
physician. If they did not get well as soon as he thouglit they siiould, 
he woL'Id order them to their work, and if they did not go he would beat 
them. My cousin was badly beat last year in the presence of his wife, and 
he was rigiit sick. Mr. Bailey was a member of St. James' church, on Fifth 
street, and my mistress was a communicant of the First Baptist churcii 
on Broad Street. She let on to be very good." 

" I am one of a family of sixteen ; my mother and eleven sisters and 
brothers are now living; some have been sold to Alabama, and some to 
Tennessee, the rest are held in Richmond. My mother is now old, but is 
still in the service of Bailey. He promised to take care of her in her old 
age, and not compel her to labor, so she is only required to cook and wash 
for a dozen slaves. This they consider a great favor to the old ' grand- 
mother.' It was only a year ■ ago he cursed her and threatened her witii a 
flogging. I left for nothing else but because I was dissatisfied with Slavery. 
The threats of my master caused me to reflect on the North and South. I 
had an idea that I was not to die in Slavery. I believed that God would 
assist me if I would try. I then made; uj) my mind to put my case in the 
hands of God, and start for the Underground Rail Road. I bade good-bye 
to the old tobacco factory on Seventh street, and the First African Baptist 
church on Broad street (where he belonged), where I had so often heard the 
minister preach 'servants obey your masters;' also to the slave pens, chain- 
gangs, and a cruel master and mistress, all of which ' I hoped to leave 
forever. But to bid good-bye to my old mother in chains, was no easy job, 
and if my desire for freedom had not been as strong as my desire for life 
itself, I could never have stood it; but I felt that I could do her no good; 
could not help her if I staid. As I was often threatened by my master, 
witli the auction-block, I felt I must give up all and escape for my life." 

Such was sul)stautially the story of Cornelius Henry Johnson. He 
talked for an hour as one inspired, and as none but fugitiv^e slaves could 
talk. 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858. 



495 



ARRIVAL PROM DELAWARE, 1858. 

THE0PHILU3 COLLINS, ANDREW JACKSON BOYCE, HANDY BUUTON AND ROBERT 

JACKSON. 

A DESPERATE, BLOODY STRUGGLE — GUN, KNIFE AND FIRE SHOVEL, USED BY AN 

INFURIATED MASTER. 

Judged from their outward appearance, as well as from the fact that they 
were from the neighboring State of Delaware, no extraordinary revelations 
were looked for from the above-named party. It was found, however, that 
one of their number, at least, had a sad talc of outrage and cruelty to 
relate. The facts stated are as follows : 

Theopiiilus is twenty-f()ur years of age, dark, height and stature hardly 
medium, with faculties only about average compared with ordinary fugitives 
from Delaware and Maryland. His appearance is in no way remarkable. 
His bearing is subdued and modest; yet he is not lacking in earnestness. 
Says Theophilus, "I was in servitude under a man named Houston, near 
Lewes, Delaware; he was a very mean man, he didn't allow you enough to 
eat, nor enough clothes to wear. He never allowed a drop of tea, or coffee, 
or sugar, and if you didn't eat your breakfast before day he wouldn't 
allow you any, but would drive you out without any. He had a wife ; she 
was mean, too, meaner than he was. Four years ago last Fall my master 
cut my entrails out for going to meeting at Daniel Wesley's church one 
Sabbath night. Before day, Monday morijing, he called me up to whij) 
me; called me into his dining-room, locked the doors, then ordered 
me to pull off my shirt. I told him no, sir, I Mouldn't ; right away 
he went and got the cowhide, and gave me about twenty over my head 
with the butt. He tore my shirt off, after I would not pull it off; he 




O 



H^ 



ordered me to cross my hands. I didn't do that. After I wouldn't do that 



490 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

lie wont and f^ot his gun and broke the breech of that over my liead. He then 
seized up the lire-tongs and struck me over the head ever so often. The 
next tiling he took was the parlor sliovel and he beat on me with that till he 
broke the handle ; then he took the blade and stove it at my head M-ith all 
his might. I told him that I was bound 'to come out of that room. He 
run up to the door and d rawed his knife and told me if I ventured to the 
door he would stab me. J never made it any better or worse, but aimed 
straight for the door ; but before I reached it he stabbed me, drawing the 
knife (a common pocket knife) as hard as he could rip across my stomach; 
right away he began stabbing me about my head," (marks were plainly to 
be seen). After a desperate struggle, Theophilus succeeded in getting out of 
the building. 

" I started," said ho, " at once for Georgetown, carrying a ]>art of my 
entrails in my hands for the whole journey, sixteen miles. I went to my 
young masters, and they took mo to w\\ old colored woman, called Judah 
Smith, and for five days and nights I was under treatment of Dr. ITonry 
Moore, Dr. Charles Henry Richards, and Dr. "William Newall ; all those 
attended mo. I was not expected to live for a long time, but the Doctors 
cured me at last." 

Andiiew reported that he fled from Dr.. David Houston. "J loft because 
of my master's meanness to me; he was a very mean man to his servants," 
said Andrew, "and I got so tired of him T couldn't stand him any longer." 
Andrew was about twenty-six years of age, ordinary size ; color, brown, 
and Nvas entitled to his freedom, but know not how to secure it by law, so 
resorted to the Undery-round Rail lload method. 

Handy, another of this party, said that he loft because the man who 
claimed to be his master "was so hard." The man by whom he had been 
wronged was known wdiere he came from by the name of Shepherd Bur- 
ton, and was in the farming business. " He was a churchman," said Handy, 
" but ho never allowed me to go to church a half dozen times in my life." 

Robert belonged to Mrs. Mary Hickman, at least she had him in her 
possession and reaped the benefit of his hire and enjoyed the leisure and ease 
thereof while he toiled. For some time prior to his leaving, this had been 
a thorn in his side, hard to bear; so when»an opening presented itself by 
which he thought he could better his condition, he W'as ready to try the 
experiment. He, however, felt that, while she would not have him to look 
to for sui)port, she would not be without sym])alhy, as she was a member 
of the Episcopal Church; besides she was an old-looking woman and might 
not need his help a great while longer. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 497 

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 

STEPNEY BROWN. 

Stepney was an extraordinary man, his countenance indicating great 
goodness of heart, and his gratitude to his heavenly Father for his deliver- 
,auee proved that he was fully aware of the fSource whence his help had 
come. Being a man of excellent natural gifts, as well as of religious fer- 
vor and devotion to a remarkable degree, he seemed admirably fitted to re- 
present the slave in chains, looking up to God with an eye of faith, and 
igain the fugitive in Canada triumphant and rejoicing with joy unspeakable 
3ver his deliverance, yet not forgetting those in bonds, as bound with them. 
Jhe beauty of an unshaken faith in the good Father above could scarcely 
jtiave shone with a brighter lustre than was seen in this simple-hearted 
aeliever. 

Stepney was thirty-four years of age, tall, slender, and of a dark hue. 
He readily confessed that he fled from Mrs. Julia A. Mitchell, of Rich- 
iiond ; and testified that she was decidedly stingy and unkind, although 
I member of St. Paul's church. Still he was wholly free from acrimony, and 
iven in recounting his sufferings was filled with charity towards his op- 
)ressors. He said, '' I was moved to leave because I believed that I had a 
•ight to be a free man." 

He was a member of the Second Baptist church, and entertained strong 
"aith that certam infirmities, which had followed him through life up to 
vithin seven years of the time of his escape, had all been removed through 
he Spirit of the Lord. He had been an eye-witness to many outrages in- 
licted on his fellow-men. But he spoke more of the sufferings of others 
han his own. 

His stay was brief, but interesting. After his arrival in Canada he 
urncd his attention to indnstrial pursuits, and cherished his loved idea 
hat the Lord was very good to him. Occasionally he would write to express 
lis gratitude to God and man, and to inquire about friends in different 
ocalities, especially those in bonds. 
The following letters are specimens, and speak for themselves : 

Clifton House, Niagara Falls, August the 27. 

Dear Brother : — It is with pleasure i take my pen in hand to write a few lines to in- 

;)rm you that i am well hopeping these few lines may fine you the same i am longing to 

ear from you and your family i wish you would say to Julis Anderson that he must realy 

xcuse me for not writing but i am in hopes that he is doing well, i have not heard no 

ews from Virgina. plese to send me all the news say to Mrs. Hunt an you also forever 

ray for me knowing that God is so good to us. i have not seen brother John Dungy for 

months, but we have corresponded together but he is doing well in Brandford. i am 

ow at the falls an have been on here some time an i shall with the help of the lord locate 

lyself somewhere this winter an go to school excuse me for not annser your letter sooner 

32 



498 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

knowing that i cannot write well you please to send me one of the earliest papers send me 
word if any of our friends have been passing through i know that you are very busy but 
ask your little daughter if she will annser this letter for you i often feel that i cannot turn 
god thanks enough for his blessings that he has bestoueth upon me. Say to brother sue! 
that he must not forget what god has consighn to his hand, to do that he must pray in 
his closet that god might teach him. say to mr. Anderson that i hope he have retrad an 
has seeked the lord an found him precious to his own soul for he must do it in this world 
for he cannot do it in the world to come, i often think about the morning that i left yoar 
house it was such a sad feeling but still i have a hope iu crist do you think it is safe in 
boston my love to all i remain your brother, Stepney Brown. 

Brantfoed, March 3d, I860. 

Mr. William Still, Dear Sir : — T now take the pleasure of writing to you a few lines 
write soon hoping to find you enjoying perfect health, as I am the same. 

My joy within is so great that I cannot find words to express it. When I met with 
my friend brother Dungy who stopped at your house on his way to Canada after having 
a long chase after me from Toronto to Hamilton he at last found me in the town of Brant- 
ford Canada West and ought we not to retifrn Almighty God thanks for delivering as 
from the many dangers and trials that beset our path in this wicked world we live in. 

I have long been wanting to write to you but I entirely forgot the number of your 
house Mr. Dungy luckily happened to have your directions with him. 

Religion is good when welive right may God help you to pray often to him that he j 
might receive you at the hour of your final departure. Yours most respectfully. 

Stepney Brown, per Jas. A. Walk. 

P. S. Write as soon as possible for I wish very much to hear from you. I understand j 
that Mrs, Hunt has been to Richmond, Va. be so kind as to ask her if she heard anything j 
about that money. Give ray love to all inquiring friends and to your family especially. ! 
I now thank God that I have not lost a day in sickness since I came to Canada. i 

Kiss the baby for me. I know you are busy but I hope you will have time to write a 
few lines to me to let me know how you and your family are getting on. No more at 
present, but I am yours very truly, Stepney Brown, per Jas. A. Walkinshaw. 

Brantford, Oct. 25, 'GO 
Dear Sir :— I take the pleasure of dropping you a few lines, I am yet residing in 
Brantford and I have been to work all this summer at the falls and I -have got along re- 
markably well, surely God is good to those that put their trust in him I suppose you 
have been wondering what has become of me but I am in the lands of living and long to 
hear from you and your family. I would have wrote sooner, but the times has been such 
in the states I have not but little news to send you and I'm going to school again this 
winter and will you be pleased to send me word what has become of Julius Anderson and 
the rest -of my friends and tell him I would write to him if I knew where to direct the 
letter, please send me word whether any body has been along lately that knows me. 1 
know that vou are busy but you must take time and answer this letter as I am anxious 
to hear from yon, but nevertheless we must not forget our maker, so we cannot pray too 
much to our lord so I hope that mr. Anderson has found peace with God for me myself j 
really appreciate that hope that I have in Christ, for I often find myself in my slumber 
with you and I hope we will meet some day. Mr. Dungy sends his love to you I suppose 
vou are aware that he is married, he is luckier than I am or I must get a little foothold 
before I do marry if I ever do. I am in a very comfortable room all fixed for the winter 
and we have had one snow. May the lord be with you and all you and all your house- 
hold. I remain forever your brother in Christ, Stepney Brown. 



i 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 499 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 

, JIM KELL, CHARLES HEATH, WILLIAM CARIJSLE, CHARLES RINGGOLD, THOMAS 
MAXWELL, AND SAMUEL SMITH. 

On the evening of the Fourth of July, while all was hilarity and rejoicing 
he above named very interesting fugitives arrived from the troubled dis- 
rict, the Eastern shore of Maryland, where so many conventions had been 
leld the previous year to prevent escapes ; where the Rev. Samuel Green 
lad been convicted and sent to the penitentiary for ten years for having a 
',opy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his humble home ; where so many parties, on 
•scaping, had the good sense and courage to secure their flight by bringing 
heir masters' horses and carriages a good way on their perilous journey. 

Sam had been tied up and beat many times severely. William had been 
stripped naked, and frequently and cruelly cowhided. Thomas had been 
•lubbed over his head more times than a few. Jim had been whipped with 
ilubs and switches times without number. Charles had had five men on 
lim at one time, with cowhides, his master in the lead. 
i Charles Heath had had his head cut shockingly, with a club, in the 
lands of his master ; this well cared-for individual in referring to his kind 
iiaster, said : " I can give his character right along, he was a perfect devil. 
The night we left, he had a woman tied up — God knows what he done. 
Te was always blustering, you could never do enough for him no how. 
First thing in the morning and last thing at night, you would hear him 
•ussing — he would cuss in bed. He was a large farmer, all the time drunk. 
ie had a good deal of money but not much character. He was a savage, 
)luff, red face-looking concern." Thus, in the most earnest, as well as in an 
ntelligent manner, Charles described the man (Aquila Cain), who had 
litherto held him under the yoke. 

James left his mother, Nancy Kell, two brothers, Robert and Henry, 
ind two sisters, Mary and Annie; all living in the neighborhood whence 
le fled. Besides these, he had eight brothers and sisters living in Baltimore 
.nd elsewhere, under the yoke. He was twenty-four years of age, of a jet 
olor, but of a manly turn. He fled from Thomas Murphy, a farmer, and 
egular slave-holder. Charles Heath was twenty-five years of age, medium 
ize, full black, a very keen-looking individual. 

William was also of unmixed blood, shrewd and wide-awake for his 
rears, — had been ground down under the heel of Aquila Cain. He left 
lis mother and two sisters. 

Charles Ringgold was eighteen years of age ; no white blood showed 
tself in the least in this individual. He fled from Dr. Jacob Preston, a 
Qember of the Episcopal Church, and a practical farmer with twenty head 
f slaves. "He was not so bad, but his wife was said to be a 'stinger." 
Charles left his mother and father behind, also four sisters. 



500 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Thomas was of pure bloo<l, with a very cheerful, healthy-looking conntc- 
nance, — twenty-one years of age, and was to " come free " at twenty-five 
but lie had too much good sense to rely upon the promises of slave-holders 
in matters of this kind. He too belonged to Cain who, he said, was con- 
stantly talking about selling, etc. He left his father and mother. 

After being furnished with food, clothing, and free tickets, they were 
forwarded ou in triumph and full of hope. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859. . 

JOKN" EDWARD LEE, JOHN HILLIS, OHARLES ROSS, JAMES RYAN, WILLIAM JOHNSTON, 
EDWARD WOOD, CORNELIUS FULLER AND HIS WIFE HARRIET, JOHN PINKET, 
ANSAL CANNON, AND JAMES BROWN. • 

John came from Maryland, and brought with him a good degree of I 
pluck. He satisfied the Committee that he fully believed in freedom, and 
Iiad j)roved his faith by his works, as he came in contact with pursuers, ji 
whom he put to flight by the use of an ugly-looking knife, which he 
plunged into one of them, producing quite a panic; the result was that he 
was left to 2)ui'sue his Underground liiiil Road journey without further 
molestation. There was nothing in John's appearance whic^h would lead 
one to suppose that he was a blood-thirsty or bad man, although a man 
of uncommon muscular powers; six feet high, and quite black, with rosolu- 
tipn stamped on his countenance. But when he explained how he was 
enslaved by a man named John B. Slade, of Harford Co., and how, in some 
way or other, he became entitled to his freedom, and just as the time arrived 
for the consummation of his long prayed-for boon, said Slade was about 
to sell him, — ^after this provocation, it was clear enough to perceive how 
John came to use his knife. 

John Hillis was a tiller of the ground under a widow lady (Mrs. Louisa 
Le Count), of the New Market District, Maryland. He signified to the 
mistreas, that he loved to follow the water, and that he would be just as safe 
on water as on land, and tliat he was discontented. The widow heard John's 
plausible stoiy, and saw nothing amiss in it, so she consented that he should 
work on a schooner. The name of the craft was "Majestic." The hopeful 
John endeavored to do liis utmost to please, and was doubly happy when he 
learned that the "Majestic" was to make a trip to Philadelphia. On arriving 
John's eyes were opened to see that he owed Mrs. Le Count nothing, but that 
she was largely indebted to him for years of unrcqm'tcd foil ; he could not, 
therefore, consent to go back to her. He was troubled to think of his poor 
wife and children, whom he had left in the hands of Mrs. Harriet Dean, 
three quarters of a mile from New Market ; but it was easier for him to 



i 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 501 

mao-Ine plans by which he could get them off than to incur the hazard 
)f going back to Maryland ; therefore he remained in freedom. 

Charles Roas was clearly of the opinion that he was free-born, but that 
le had been illegally held in Slavery, as were all his brothers and sisters, by 
I man named Rodgers, a farmer, living near Greensborough, in Caroline 
;ounty, Mtl, Very good reasons were given by Charles for the charge which 
le made against Rodgers, and it went far towards establishing the fact, that 
^ colored men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," in 
Maryland. - Although he was only twenty-three years of age, he had fully 
.veighed the matter of his freedom, and appeared firmly set against 
Slavery. 

William Johnson was owned by a man named John Bosley, a farmer, 
iving near Gun Powder Neck, Maryland. One morning he, unexpectedly 
William, gave him a terrible cowhiding, which, contrary to the master's 
lesigns, made him a firm believer in the doctrine of immediate abolition, and 
le thought, that from that hour he must do something ag-ainst the sj^stcm — 
f nothing more than to go to Canada. This determination was so strong, 
';hat in a few weeks afterwards he found himself on the Underground Rail 
Road. He left one brother and one sister ; his mother was dead, and of his 
ather's whereabouts he knew nothing. William was nineteen years of age, 
jrown color, smart and good-looking. 

i Edward Wood was a "chattel " from Drummerstown, Accomac county, 
Virginia, where he had been owned by a farmer, calling himself James 
White; a man who "drank hard and was very crabbed," and before Edward 
eft owned eleven head of slaves. Edward left a wife and three children, 
jut the strong desire to be free, whic^h had been a ruling passion of his 
)eing from early boyhood, rendered it impossible for him to stay, although 
lie ties were very hard to break. Slavery was crushing him hourly, and 
le felt that he could not submit any longer. 

Cornelius Fuller, and his wife, Harriet, escaped together from Kent 
ounty, Maryland. They belonged to separate masters; Cornelius, it was 
'aid, belonged to the Diden Estate ; his wife to Judge Chambers, whose 
lonor lived in Chestertown. " He is no man for freedom, bless you," said 
larriet. " He owned more slaves than any other man in that part of the 
ountry ; he sells sometimes, and he hired out a great many ; would hire 
hem to any kind of a master, if he half killed you." Cornelius and 
larriet were obliged to leave their daughter Kitty, who was thirteen years 
'f age. 

John Pinket and Ansal Cannon took the Underground Rail Road cars 
t New Market, Dorchester county, Maryland. 

John was a tall young man, of twenty-seven years of age, of an active 
nrn of mind and of a fine black color. He was the property of ]Mary 
'rown, a widow, firmly grounded m the love of Slavery ; believing 



502 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

that a slave had no business to get tired or desire his freedom. She 
sold one of John's sisters to Georgia, and before John fled, had still in her 
possession nine head of slaves. She was a member of the Methodist church 
at East New Market. From certaia movements which looked very suspi- 
cious in John's eyes, he had been allotted to the Southern Market, he there- 
fore resolved to look out for a habitation in Canada. He had a first-rate 
corn-field o<lueation, but no book learning. Up to the time of his escape, 
John had shunned entangling himself with a wife. 

Ansal was twenty-five years of age, well-colored, and seemed like a good- 
natured and well-behaved article. He escaped from Kitty Cannon, another 
widow, who owned nine chattels. "Sometimes she treated her slaves pretty 
well," was the testimony of Ansal. He ran away because he did not got 
})ay for his services. In thus being deprived of his hire, he concluded that 
he had no business to stay if he c<juld get away. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 

JAAIES BROWN. 

A more giant-like looking passenger than the above named individual j 
had rarely ever passed over the road. He was six feet three inciios high, and 
in every respect, a man of l)one, sinew and muscle. For one who had en- 
joyed only a field hand's privileges for improvement, he was not to be despisal. 

Jim owed service to Henry Jones ; at least he admitted that said Jono- 
claimed him, and had hired him out to himself for seven dollars per month. 
While this amount seemed light, it was much heavier than Jim felt willinu 
to meet solely for his master's benefit. After giving some heed to tlu 
voice of freedom witliin, he considered that it behooved him to try an(] 
make his way to some plac6 where men were not guilty of wronging their 
neighbors out of their just hire. Having heard of the Underground Rail 
Road running to Canada, he concluded to take a trip and sec the country ' 
for himself; so he arranged his affiiirs with this end in view, and left Henr\ 
Jones with one less to work for him for nothing. Tiie place that he flcii 
from was called North Point, Baltimore county. The number of fellow- 
slaves left in the hands of his old master, was fifteen. 



ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859. 

EDWARn, JOHN, AND CHARLES HALL. 

The above named individuals were brothers from Delaware. They were 
young ; the eldest being about twenty, the youngest not far from seventeci- 
years of age. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859. 503 

Edward was serving on a farm, under a man named Booth. Perceiving 
that Booth was "running through his property" very fast by hard drink- 
ing, Edward's better judgment admonished him that his so-called master 
would one day have need of more rum money, and that he might not be too 
good to offer him in the market for what he would bring. Charles resolved 
that when his brothers crossed the line dividing Delaware and Pennsylvania, 
he would not be far behind. 

The mother of these boys was freed at the age of twenty-eight, and lived 
in Wihnington, Delaware. It was owing to the fact that their mother had 
been freed that they entertained the vague notion that they too might be 
freed; but it was a well established fiiet that thousands lived and died in 
such a hope without ever realizing their expectations. The boys, more 
shrewd and wide awake than many others, did not hearken to such "stuff." 
The two younger heard the views of the elder brother, and expressed a 
willingness to follow him. Edward, becoming satisfied that what they 
meant to do must be done quickly, took the lead, and off they started for 
a free State. 

John was owned by one James B. Kodgers, a farmer, and " a most every 
kind of man," as John exprcssexl himself ; in fact John thouglit that his 
owner was such a strange, wicked, and cross character that he couldn't tell 
himself what he was. Seeing that slaves were treated no better than dogs 
and hogs, John thought that he was none too young to be taking steps to 
get away. 

Charles was held by James Rodgers, Sr., under whom he said that he 
had served nine years with faint prospects of some time becoming free, but 
when, was doubtful. 



ARRIVAL EROM VIRGINIA, 1859. 

JAMES TAYLOR, ALBERT GROSS, AND JOUN GRINAGE. 

To see mere lads, not twenty-one years of age, smart enough to outwit 
the very shrewdest and wisest slave-holders of Virginia was very gratifying. 
The young men composing this arrival were of this keen-sighted order. 

James was only a little turned of twenty, of a yellow complexion, and in- 
telligent. A trader, by the name of George Ailer, professed to own James. 
He said that he had been used tolerable well, not so bad as many had l)een 
used. James was learning the carpenter trade ; but he was anxious to 
obtain his freedom, and finding his two companions true on the main ques- 
tion, in conjunction with them he contrived a plan of escape, and 'took out.' 
His father and mother, Harrison and Jane Taylor, were left at Eredericks- 
burg to mourn the absence of their son. 

Albert was in his twentieth year, the picture of good health, not 



604 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

homely by any means, although not of a fashionable color. He was under 
the patriarchal protection of a man by the name of William Price, who carried 
on farming in Cecil county, Maryland. Albert testified that he was a 
bad man. 

John Grinage was only twenty, a sprightly, active young man, of a 
brown color. He came from Middle Neck, Cecil county, where he had 
served under William Flintham, a farmer. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND (1859) 

AND OTHER PLACES. 

James Andy Wilkins, and wife Lucinda, with their little boy, Charles, 
Charles Henry Gross, a woman with her two children — one in 
her arms — John BRO^YN, John Roach, and wife Lamby, and Henry 
Small WOOD. 

The above-named passengers did not all come from the same place, or 
exactly at the same time ; but for the sake of convenience they are thus 
embraced under a general head. 

James Andy Wilkins " gave the slip " to a farmer, by the name of 
George Biddle, who lived one mile from Cecil, Cecil county, Mary- 
land. While he hated Slavery, he took a favorable view of his master in 
some respects at least, as he said that he was a " moderate man in talk ; " 
but " sly in action." His master provided him with two pairs of panta- 
loons in the summer, and one in the winter, also a winter jacket, no vest, 
no cap, or hat. James thought the sum total for the entire year's clothing 
would not amount to more than ten dollars. Sunday clothing he was com- 
pelled to procure for himself by working of nights; he made axe handles, 
mats, etc., of evenings, and caught musk rats on Sunday, and availed him- 
self of their hides to procure means for his most pressing wants. Besides 
these liberal privileges his master was in the habit of allowing him two 
whole days every harvest, and at Cliristinas from twenty-five cents to as 
higli as three dollars and fifty cents, were lavished upon him. 

His master was a bachelor, a man of considerable means, and " kept toler- 
able good company," and only owned two other slaves, Rachel Ann Dumb- 
son and John Price. 

Lucinda, the companion of James, was twenty-one years of age, good- 
looking, M'cll-formed and of a brown color. She spoke of a man named 
George Ford as her owner. He, however, was said to be of the " mode- 
rate class " of slave-holders ; Lucinda being the only slave property he 
possessed, and she came to him through his wife (who was a INlethodist). 
The master was an outsider, so far as the Church was concerned. Once 



SU^''DIi Y ARRIVALS FR OM MAR YLAND, 1859. 505 

in a great while Lncinda was allowed to go to church, whou she could 
be spared from her daily routine of cooking, washing, etc. Twice a week 
she was permitted the special favor of seeing her husband. These simple 
privations not being of a grave character, no serious fault was found with 
them ; yet Lucinda was not without a strong ground of complaint. Xot 
long before escaping, she had been threatened with the auction-block; this 
fate she felt bound to avert, if possible, and the way she aimed to do it was 
by escaping on the Underground Rail Road. Charley, a bright little fellow 
only three years of age, was " contented and happy " enough. Lucinda left 
her father, Moses Edgar Wright, and two brothers, both slaves. One 
belonged to " Francis Crookshanks," and the other to Capt. Jim Mitchell. 
Her mother, who was known by the name of Betsy Wright, escaped when 
she (Lucinda) was seven years of age. Of her whereabouts nothing further 
had ever been heard. Lucinda entertained strong hopes that she might find 
her in Canada. 

Charles Henry Gross began life in Maryland, and was made to bear 
the heat and burden of the day in Baltimore, under Henry Slaughter, pro- 
prietoV of the Ariel Steamer. Owing to hard treatment, Charles was in- 
duced to fly to Canada for refuge. 

A woman with two children, one in her arms, and the other two years of 
age (names, etc., not recorded), came from the District of Columbia. Mother 
and children, appealed loudly for sympathy. 

John BRf)WN, being at the beck of a man filling the situation of a com- 
mon clerk (in the shoe store of McGrunders), became dissatisfied. Asking 
himself wlfat right Benjamin Thorn (his professed master) had to his hire, 
he was led to see the injustice of his master, and made up his mind, 
that he would leave by the first train, if he could get a genuine ticket via 
the Underground Rail Road. He found an agent and soon had matters all 
fixed. He left his father, mother and seven sisters and one brother, all 
slaves. John was a man small of stature, dark, with homely features, but 
he was very determined to get away from oppression. 

John and Lamby Roach had been eating bitter bread under bondage 
near Seaford. John was the so-called property of Joshua O'Bear, "a frac- 
tious, hard-swearing man, and when mad would hit one of his slaves with 
anything he could get in his hands." John and his companion made the 
long journey on foot. The former had been trained to farm labor and the 
common drudgery of slave life. Being a man of thirty-throe years of age, 
with more than ordinary abilities, he had given the matter of his bondage 
considerable thought, and seeing that his master "got worse the older he 
got," together with the fact, that his wife had recently been sold, he was 
strongly stirred to make an effort for Canada. While it was a fact, that 
his wife had already been sold, as above stated, the change of ownership was ' 
not to take place for some months, consequently John " took out in a hurry." 



506 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

His wife was the property of Dr. Shipley, of Seaford, who had occasion to 
raise some money for which he gave security in the shape of this wife 
and mother. Horsey was the name of the gentleman from whom it was said 
that he obtained the favor ; so M'hen the time Avas up for the payment to be 
made, the Dr. was not prepared. Horsey, therefore, claimed the collateral 
(the wife) and thus she had to meet the issue, or make a timely escape to 
Canada with her husband. No May but Avalking was open to them. De- 
ciding to come this way, they prosecuted their journey Avith uncommon 
perseverance and success. Both were comforted by strong faith in God, 
and believed that He would enable them to hold out on the road until they 
should reach friends. 

Henry Smallwood saw that he was working every day for nothing, and 
thought that he would do better. He described his master (Washington 
Bonafont) as a sort of a rowdy, who drank pretty hard, leaving a very unfa- 
vorable impression on Henry's mind, as he felt almost sure such conduct 
would lead to a sale at no distant day. So he was cautious enough to "take 
the hint in time." Henry left in company with nine others; but after being 
two days on the journey they were routed and separated by their pursuers. 
At this point Henry lost all trace of the rest. He heard afterwards that two 
of them had been captured, but received no further tidings of the others. 
Henry was a fine representative for Canada ; a tall, dark, and manly-looking 
individual, thirty-six years of age. He left his father and mother behind. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 

HENRY JOKES AND TURNER FOSTER. 

Henry was left free by the will of his mistress (Elizabeth Mann), but 
the heirs were making def^perate efforts to overturn this instrument. Of 
this, there was so nnich danger with a Richmond court, that Henry feared 
that the chances were against him ; that the court was not honest enough 
to do him justice. Being a man of marked native foresight, he con- 
cluded that the less he talked al)out freedom and the more he acted the 
sooner he would be out of his difficulties. He was called upon, however, to 
settle certain minor matters, before he could see his way clear to move in the 
direction of Canada; for instance, he had a wife on his mind to dispose of 
in some way, but how he could not tell. Again, he was not in the secret 
of the Underground Rail Road movement; he knew that many got off, 
but how they mrinaged it he was ignorant. If he could settle these two 
points satisfactorily, he thought that he Avould be willing to endure any 
sacrifice for the sake of his freedom. He found an agent of the Under- 
ground Rail Road, and after surmounting various difficulties, this point was 



ARRIVAL FR OM MAR YLAND. . 507 

settled. As good luck would have it, his wife, who was a free woman, 
although she heard the secret with great sorrow, had the good sense to 
regard his step for the best, and thus he was free to contend with all other 
dangers on the way. 

He encountered the usual suffering, and on his arrival ex})erienccd the 
wonted pleasure. He was a man of forty-one years of age, spare made, with 
straight hair, and Indian complexion, with the Indian's aversion to Slavery. 

TuRNiOR, who was a fellow-passenger with Henry, arrived also from 
Richmond. He was about twenty-one, a bright, smart, prepossessing young 
man. He fled from A. A. Mosen, a lawyer, represented to be one of the 
first in the city, and a firm believer in Slavery. Turner differed widely 
with his master with reference to this question, although, for prudential 
reasons, he chose not to give his opinion to said Mosen. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

TWO YOUNG MOTHERS, EACH WITH BABES IN THEIli ARMS — ANNA ELIZABETH YOUNG 
AND SARAH JANE BELL — WHIPPED TILL THE BLOOD FLOWED. 

The appearance of these young mothers al: first produced a sudden 
degree of pleasure, but their story of suffering quite as suddenly caused the 
most painful reflections. It was hardly possible to listen to their tales of 
outrage and wrong with composure. Both came from Kent county, Mary- 
land, and reported that they fled from a man by the name of JMasscy; a 
man of low stature, light-complexioned, ^vith dark hair, dark eyes, and very 
quick temper; given to hard swearing as a common practice; also, that the 
said Massey had a wife, who was a very tall woman, with blue eyes, chest- 
nut-colored hair, and a very bad temper; that, conjointly, Massey and his 
wife were in the habit of meting out cruel punishment to their slaves, 
without regard to age or sex, and that they themselves, (Anna Elizabeth 
and Sarah Jane), had received repeated scourgings at the hands of their 
master. Anna and Sarah were respectively twenty-four and twenty- five 
years of age; Anna was of a dark chestnut color, while Sarah was two shades 
lighter ; both had good manners, and a fair share of intelligence, which 
afforded a hopeful future for them in freedom. Each had a babe in 
her arms. 

Sarah had been a married woman for three years; her child, a boy, was 
eight months old, and was named Garrett Boll. Elizabeth's child was a 
girl, nineteen months old, and named Sarah Catharine Young. Elizabeth 
had never been married. They had lived with Massey five years up to 
the last March prior to their escape, having been bought out of the Balti- 



508 TUE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

more slave-pen, with tlie understanding that tliey were to be free at the 
expiration of five years' service under him. The five years had more than 
expired, but no hope or sign of freedom appeared. On the other hand, 
Massey was talking loudly of selling them again. Threats and fears were so 
horrifying to them, that they could not stand it; this was what prompted 
them to flee. " As often as six or seven times," said Elizabeth, " I have 
been whip[)ed by master, once with the carriage whip, and at other times 
with a raw hide trace. The last flogging I received from him, was about 
four weeks before last Christmas ; he then tied me up to a locust tree stand- 
ing before the door, and whipped me to his satisfaction." 

Sarah had fared no better than Elizabeth, according to her testimony. 
"Three times," said she, " I have been tied up; the last time was in plant- 
ing corn-time, this year. My clothing was all stripped off above my waist, 
and then he whipped me till the blood ran down to my heels." Her back 
was lacerated all over. She had been ploughing with two horses, and un- 
fortunately had lost a hook out of her plough ; this, she declared was the 
head and front of her offending, nothing more. Thus, after all their 
suffering, utterly penniless, they reached the Committee, and were in every 
respect, in a situation to call for the deepest commiseration. They were 
helped and were thankful. 



ARRIVAL FROM IMARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DIS- 
TRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

JOIIX WESLEY SMITH, ROBERT MURRAY, SUSAN STEWART, AND JOSEPUINE SMITH. 

Daniel Hubert was fattening on John Wesley's earnings contrary to his, 
John's, idea of right. For a long time John failed to see the remedy, 
but as he grew older and wiser the scales fell from his eyes and he per- 
ceived that the Underground Rail Road ran near his master's place. Cam*- 
bridge, Md., and by a very little effort and a large degree of courage and 
perseverance he might manage to got out of Maryland and on to Canada, 
where slave-holders had no more rights than othel- people. These reflections 
came seriously into John's mind at about the age of twenty-six; being about 
this time threatened with the auction-block he bade slavery gooJ-night, 
jumped into the Underground Rail Road car and off he hurried for Penn- 
sylvania. His mother, Betsy, one brother, and one sister were loft in the 
hands of Hubert. John Wesley could pray for them and wish them wellj 
but nothing more. 

RoHERT Murray became troubled in mind about his freedom while 
living in Loudon county, Virginia, under the heel of Eliza Brooks, a widow 
woman, who used him bad, according to his testimony. He had been 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA. 50D 

" knocked about a good deal." A short while before he fled, he stated that 
he had Ijceii beat brutally, so much so that the idea of escape was beat into 
him. He had never before felt as if he dared hope to try to get out of 
bondage, but since then his mind had undergone such a sudden and power- 
ful change, he began to feel that nothing could hold him in Virginia • the 
place became hateful to him. He looked upon a slave-holder as a kind of a 
living, walking, talking "Satan, going about as a roaring lion seeking whom 
he may destroy." He left his wife, with one child ; her name was Nancy 
Jane, and the name of the offspring was Elizabeth. As Robert had pos- 
sessed but rare privileges to visit his wife, he felt it less a trial to leave 
than if it had been otherwise. William Seedam owned the wife and child. 

SusAx Stewart and Josephine Smith fled together from the District of 
Columbia, Running away had been for a long time a favorite idea with 
Susan, as she had suffered much at the hands of different masters. The 
main cause of her flight was to keep from being sold again; for she had been 
recently threatened by Henry Harley, who " followed droving," and not 
being rich, at anj- time when he might be in want of money she felt that 
she might have to go. When a girl only twelve years of age, her youno- 
mind strongly revolted against being a slave, and at that youthful period 
she tried her fortune at running away. While she was never caught by 
her owners, she had the misfortune to fall into the hands of another slave- 
holder no better than her old master, indeed she thought that she found 
it even worse under him, so far as severe floggings were concerned. Susan 
was of a bright brown color, medium size, quick and active intellectually 
and physically, and although she had suffered muc^h from Slavery, as she 
was not far advanced in years, she might still do something for herself. 
She left no near kin that she Avas aware of. 

Josephine fled from Miss Anna Maria Warren, who had previously been 
deranged from the effects of paralysis. Josephine regarded this period of 
her mistress' sickness as her opportunity for planning to get away before her 
mistress came to her senses. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA. 

HEXRY FIELDS, CHARLES RINGGOLD, WILLIAM RINGGOLD, ISAAC NEWTON AND 

JOSEPH THOMAS. 

["Five other cases were attended to by Dillwyn Parish and J. C. 
White" — other than this no note was made of them.] 

Henry Fields took the benefit of the Underground Rail Road at the 
age of eighteen. He fled from the neighborhood of Port Deposit while 
being " broke in " by a man named Washington Glasby, who was wicked 



610 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

enough to claim him as his property, and was also about to sell him. This 
chattel was of a light yellow complexion, hearty-looking and wideawake. 

Charles Ringgold took offence at being whipped like a dog, and the 
prospect of being sold further South ; consequently in a high state of mental 
dread of the peculiar institution, he concluded that freedom was worth 
suffering for, and although he was as yet under twenty years of age, he de- 
termined not to remain in Perry man vi He, Maryland, to wear the chains of 
Slav'ery for the especial benefit of his slave-holding master (whose name was 
inadvertently omitted). 

^yILLIAM Ringgold fled from Henry Wallace, of Baltimore. A part of 
the time William said he " Iiad liad it pretty rough, and a part of the time 
kinder smooth," but never had had matters to his satisfaction. Just before 
deciding to make an adventure on the Underground Rail Road his owner 
had been talking of selling him. Under the apprehension that this threat 
would prove no joke, Henry began to study what he had better do to be 
saved from the jaws of hungry negro traders. It was not long before he 
came to the conclusion that he had best strike out upon a venture in a 
Northern direction, and do the best he could to get as far away as ])ossible 
from the impending danger threatened by Mr. Wallace. After a long and 
weary travel on foot by night, he found himself at Columbia, where friends 
of the Underground Rail Road assisted him on to Philadelphia. Here his 
necessary wants were met, and directions given him how to reach the land 
of refuge, where he would be out of the way of all slave-holders and slave- 
traders. Six of his brothers had been sold ; his mother was still in bon- 
dage in Baltimore. 

Isaac Newton hailed from Richmond, Virginia. He professed to be 
only thirty years of age, but he seemed to be much older. While he had 
had an easy time in slavery, he preferred that his master should work for 
himself, as he felt that it was his bounden duty to look after number one; 
so he did not hesitate about leaving his situation vacant for any one who 
might desire it, whether white or black, but made a successful " took out." 

Joseph Thomas was doing the work of a so-called master in Prince 
George's county, Maryland. For some cause or other the alarm of the 
auction-block was sounded in his ears, which at first distracted him greatly; 
upon sober reflection it worked greatly to his advantage. It set him to 
thinking seriously on the subject of immediate emancipation, and what a 
miserable hard lot of it he should have through life if he did not "pick up" 
courage and resolution to get beyond the terror of slave-holders ; so under 
these reflections he found his nerves gathering strength, his fears leaving 
him, and he was ready to venture on the Underground Rail Road. He 
came tiu-ough without any serious difBculty. He left his father and mother, 
Shadrach and Lucinda Thomas. 



ARRIVAL FROM TAPFS' NECK, MD., 1859. 511 

AREIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859. 

ROBERT BELL AND TWO OTHERS. 

Robert cameif^ra Seaforcl, where lie had served under Cliarles "Wright, 
a farmer, of considerable means, and the owner of a number of slaves, over 
whom he was accustomed to rule with much rigor. 

Although Robert's master had a wife and five children, the love which 
Robert bore theilflwas too weak to hold him; and well adapted as the 
system of Slavery might be to render him happy in the service of young 
and old masters. It was insufficient for him. Robert found no rest under 
Mr. Wright ; no privileges, scantily clad, poor food, and a heavy yoke, was 
the policy of this "superior." Robert testified, that for the last five years, 
matters had been growing worse and worse; that times had never been so 
bad before. Of nityht s, under the ii£W regime, the slaves were locked up 
and not allowed to gowny where ; flogging, selling, etc., were of every-day 
occurrence throughout the neighborhood. Finally, Robert became sick of 
such treatment, and he found that the spirit of Canada and freedom was 
uppermost in his heart. Shivery grew blacker and blacker, until he re- 
solved to " pull up stakes " upon a venture. The motion was right, and 
succeeded. 

Two other passengers were at the station at the same time, but they had 
to be forwarded without being otherwise noticed on the book. 



ARRIVAL FROM TAPPS' NECK, Md., 1859. 

LEWIS WILSON, JOHN WATERS, ALFRED EDWARDS AND WILLIAM QUINN. 

Lewis' grey hairs signified that he had been for many years plodding 
under the yoke. He was about fifty years of age, well set, not tall, but he 
had about him tlie marks of a substantial laborer. He had been brought 
up on a farm under H. Lynch, whom Lewis described as " a mean man 
when drunk, and very severe on his slaves." The number that he ruled 
over as his property, was about twenty. Said Lewis, about two years 
ago, he shot a free man, and the man died about two hours afterwards ; for 
this oifence he was not even imprisoned. Lynch also tried to cut the 
throat of John Waters, and succeeded in making a frightful gasli on his 
left shoulder (mark shown), which mark he will carry with him to the 
grave ; for this he was not even sued. Lewis left five children in bondage, 
Horace, John, Georgiana, Louisa and Louis, Jr., owned by Bazil and John 
Benson. 



512 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



John was forty years of age, dark, medium size, and another of 
Lyncli's "articles." He left his wife Anna, but no children; it was hard to 
leave her, but he felt that it would be still harder to live and die under the 
usage that he had ex])erienced on Lynch 's farm. 

Alfred was twenty-two years of age ; he was of a full dark color, and 
quite smart. He fled from John Bryant, a farmer. Whether he deserved 
it or not, Alfred gave him a bad cliaracter, at least, with regard to the treat- 
ment of his slaves. He left his father and mother, six brothers and sisters. 
Traveling under doubts and fears with the thought of leaving a large family 
of his nearest and dearest friends, was fir from being a pleasant undertaking 
with Alfred, yet he bore up under the trial and arrived in peace. 

" William is twenty-two, black, tall, intelligent, and active," are the 
words of the record. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 

ANN MARIA JACKSON AND HER SEVEN CHILDREN — MARY ANN, WILLIAM HENRY, 
FRANCES SABRINA, WILHELMINA, JOHN EDWIN, EBENEZER THOMAS, AND WIL- 
LIAM ALBERT. 




The coming of the above named was duly announced by Thomas 
Garrett : 

WiLMiNOTON, nth mo., 21st, 1858. 
Dear Friends — McKim and Still: — I write to inform you that on the 16th of this 
month, we passed on four able bodied men to Pennsylvania, and they were followed last 
night by a woman and her six children, from three or four years of age, up to sixteen years ; 
I believe the whole belonged to the same estate, and they were to have been sold at public 
Bale, I was informed yesterday, hut preferred seeking their own master; we had some 
trouble in getting those last safe along, as they could not travel far on foot, and could not 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1S59. 613 

safely cross any of the bridges on the canal, either on foot or in carriage. A man left here 
two days since, with carriage, to meet them this side of the canal, but owing to spies they 
did not reach him till 10 o'clock last night ; this morning he returned, having seen them 
about one or two o'clock this morning in a second carriage, on the border of Chester 
county, where I think they are all safe, if they can be kept from Philadelphia. If you 
see them they can tell their own tales, as I have seen one of them. May He, who feeds 
the ravens, care for them. Yours, 

THOS. GARRETT. 

The fire of freedom obviously burned with no ordinary fervor in the 
breast of this slave mother, or she never would have ventured with the 
burden of seven children, to escape from the hell of Slavery. 

Ann Maria was about forty years of age, good-looking, pleasant coun- 
tenance, and of a chestnut color, height medium, and intellect above the 
average. Her bearing was humUle, as might have been expected, from the 
fact that she emerged from the lowest depths of Delaware Slavery. During 
the Fall prior to her escape, she lost her husband under most trying 
circumstances : he died in the poor-house, a raving maniac. Two of his 
children had been taken from their mother by her owner, as was usual with 
slave-holders, which preyed so severely on the poor father's mind that it 
drove him into a state of hopeless insanity. He was a " free man " in 
the eye of Delaware laws, yet he was not allowed to exercise the least autho- 
rity over his children. 

Prior to the time that the two children were taken from their mother, 
she had been allowed to live with her husband and children, independently 
of her master, by supporting herself and them with the white-wasli brush, 
wash-tub, etc. For this privilege the mother doubtless worked with double 
energy, and the master, in all probability, was largely the gainer, as the 
children were no expense to him in their infancy ; but when they began to 
be old enough to hire out, or bring high prices in the market, he snatched 
away two of the finest articles, and the powerless father was immediately 
rendered a fit subject for the mad-house ; but the brave hearted mother 
looked up to God, resolved to wait patiently until in a good Providence 
the way might open to escape with her remaining children to Canada. 

Year in and year out she had suffered to provide food and raiment for 
her little ones. Many times in going out to do days' work she would be 
compelled to leave her children, not knowing whether during her absence 
they would fill victims to fire, or be carried off by the master. But she 
possessed a well tried faith, which in her flight kept her from despondency. 
Under her former lot she scarcely nmrmured, but declared that she had 
never been at ease in Slavery a day after the birtli of her first-born. The 
desire to go to some part of the world where she could have the control and 
comfort of her children, had always been a prevailing idea with her. "It 
almost broke my heart," she said, " when he came and took my children 
away as soon as they were big enough to hand me a drink of water. My 
33 



514 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

husband was always very kind to me, and I had often wanted him to run 
away with me and the children, but I could not get him in the notion • 
he did not feel that he could, and so he stayed, and died broken-hearted, 
crazy. I was owned by a man named Joseph Brown ; he owned property in 
Milford, and he had a place in Vicksburg, and some of his time he spends 
there, and some of the time he lives in Milford. This Fall he said he was 
going to take four of my oldest children and two other servants to Vicks- 
burg. I just happened to hear of this news in time. My master was want- 
ing to keep me in the dark about taking them, for fear that something 
might happen. jNIy master is very sly ; he is a tall, slim man, with a 
smooth face, bald head, light hair, long and sharp nose, swears very hard, 
and drinks. He is a widower, and is rich. 

On the road the poor mother, with her travel-worn children became des- 
perately alarmed, fearing that they W'Cre betrayed. But God had provided 
better things for her ; her strength and hope were soon fully restored, and 
she was lucky enough to fall into the right hands. It was a special pleasure 
to aid such a mother. Her arrival in Canada was announced by E,ev. 
H. Wilson as follows : 

NiAGABA CiTT, Nov. 30th, 1858. 

Dear Bed. Still : — I am happy to inform you that Mrs. Jackson and her interesting 
family of seven children arrived safe and in good health and spirits at my house in St. 
Catharines, on Saturday evening last. With sincere pleasure 1 provided for them comfort- 
able quarters till this morning, when they left for Toronto. I got them conveyed there at 
half fare, and gave them letters of introduction to Thomas Henning, Esq., and Mrs. Dr. 
Willis, trusting that they will be better cared for in Toronto than they could be at St. 
Catharines. We have so many coming to us we think it best for some of thera to pass 
on to other places. My wife gave them all a good supply of clothing before they left us. 
James Henry, an older son is, I think, not far from St. Catharine, but has not as yet re- 
united with the family. Faithfully and truly yours, Hiram Wilson. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, IMARYLAND AND 

DELAWARE. 

LEWIS LEE, ENOCH DAVIS, JOHN BROWN, THOMAS EDWARD DIXON, AND WILLIAM 

OLIVER. 

Slavery brought about many radical changes, some in one way and some 
in another. Lewis Lee was entirely too white for j)ractical purposes. They 
tried to get him to content himself under the yoke, but he could not see the 
point. A man by the name of William Watkins, living near Fairfax, Vir- 
ginia, claimed Lewis, having come by his title through marriage. Title or 
no title, Lewis thought that he would not serve him for nothing, and that 
he had been hoodwinked already a great while longer than he should have 
allowed himself to be. Watkins had managed to keep him in the dark and 



SUJSDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, &c. 515 

doing hard work on the no-pay system up to the age of twenty-five. In 
Lewis' opinion, it was now time to " strike out on hi.s own hook ;" he took 
his last look of Watkins (he was a tall, slim fellow, a farmer, and a hard 
drinker), and made the first step in the direction of the North. He was sure 
tliat he was about as white as anybody else, and that he had as good a right 
to pass for white as the white folks, so he decided to do so with a hi<di head 
and a fearless front. Instead of skulking in the woods, in thickets and 
swamps, under cover of the darkness, he would boldly approach a hotel and 
call for accommodations, as any other southern gentleman. He had a little 
money, and he soon discovered that his color was perfectly orthodox. 
He said that he was "treated first-rate in Washington and Baltimore;" he 
could recommend both of these cities. But destitute of education, and com- 
ing among strangers, he was conscious that the shreds of slavery were still 
to be seen upon him. He had, moreover, no intention of disowning his 
origin when once he could feel safe in assuming his true status. So as he 
was in need of friends and material aid, he* sought out the Vigilance Com- 
mittee, and on close examination they had every reason to believe his story 
throughout, and gave him the usual benefit. 

Enoch Davis came from within five miles of Baltimore, having been 
held by one James Armstrong, " an old grey-headed man," and a farmer, 
living on Huxtown Road. Judged from Davis' stand-point, the old master 
could never be recommended, unless some one wanted a very hard place 
and a severe master. Upon inquiry, it was ascertained that Enoch was 
moved to leave on account of the "riot," (John Brown's Harper's Ferry 
raid), which he feared would result in the sale of a good many slaves, 
himself among the number ; he, therefore, " laid down the shovel and the 
hoe," and quit the place. 

John Brown (this was an adopted name, the original one not being pre- 
served), left to get rid of his connection with Thomas Stevens, a grocer, living 
in Baltimore. John, however, did not live in the city with said Stevens, 
but on the farm near Frederick's Mills, Montgomery county, Maryland. 
This place was known by the name of " White Hall Farm;" and was 
under the supervision of James Edward Stevens, a son of the above-named 
Stevens. John's reasons for leaving were not noted on the book, but his 
eagerness to reach Canada spoke louder than words, signifying that tlie 
greater the distance that separated him from the old "White Hall Farm" 
the better. 

Thomas Edward Dixon arrived fi-om near the Trn}>, in Delaware. He 
was only about eighteen years of age, but as tall as a man of ordinary 
height ; — dark, with a pleasant countenance. He rejiortcd that he had had 
trouble with a man known by the name of Thomas W. ]\I. McCracken, Avho 
had treated him " bad;" as Thomas thought that such trouble and bad treat- 
ment might be of frequent occurrence, he concluded that he had better go 



516 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

away and let McCracken get somebody else to fill his place, if he did not 
choose to fill it himself. So olF Thomas started, and as if by instinct, he 
came direct to the Committee. lie passed a good examination and was 
aided. • 

AViLLiAM Oliver, a dark, well-made, young man with the best of 
country manners, fled from Mrs. Marshall, a lady living in Prince George's 
county, Maryland. William had recently been in the habit of hiring his 
time at the rate of ten dollars per month, and find himself everything. 
The privilege of living in Georgetown had been vouchsafed him, and he 
preferred this locality to his country situation. Upon the whole he said 
he had been treated pretty well. He was, nevertheless, afraid that times 
were growing "very critical," and as he had a pretty good chance, he thought 
he had better make use of it, and his arrangements were wisely made. 
He had reached his twenty-sixth year, and was apparently well settled. 
He left one child, Jane Oliver, owned by Mrs. Marshall. 



ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS. 

JACOB BROWN, JAMES HARRIS, BENJAMIN PINEY, JOHN SMITH, ANDREW JACKSON, 
WILLIAM HUGHES, WE3CEY WILLIAMS, ROSANNA JOHNSON, JOHN SMALLWOOD, 
AND HENRY TOWNSEND, 

Jacob Brown was eating the bread of Slavery, in North Carolina. A 
name-sake of his by the name of Lewis Brown, living in Washington, 
according to the slave code of that city had Jacob in fetters, and was exercis- 
ing about the same control over him that he exercised over cattle and horses. 
While this might have been a pleasure for the master, it was painful for the 
slave. The usage which Jacob had ordinarily received made him anything 
but contented. 

At the age of twenty, he resolved that he would run away if it cost him 
his life. This purpose Avas made known to a cnj^tain, who was in the habit 
of bringing passengers from the South to Philadelphia. With an unwa- 
vering faith he took his apjiointod place in a private part of the vessel, and 
as fist as wind and tide would bring the boat he was wafted on his way 
Canada-ward. Jacob was a dark man, and about full size, with hope large. 

James IIaruis escaped from Delaware. A white woman, Catharine 
Odine by name, living near Middletown, claimed James as her man ; but 
James did not care to work for her on the unrequited labor system. Pie 
resolved to take the first train on the Underground Rail Road that might 
pass that way. It was not a great while ere he was accommodated, and 
w^as brought safely to Philadelphia. The regular examination was made 
and he passed creditably. He was described in the book as a man of yellow 



ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS. 517 

complexion, good-looking, and intelligent. After due assistance, he was 
regularly forwarded on to Canada. This was in the month of November, 
1856. Afterwards nothing more was heard of him, until tiie receipt of the 
following letter from Prof. L. D. Mansfield, showing that he had been re- 
united to his wife, under amusing, as well as touching circumstances : 

Auburn, Dec. 15th, '5G. 

Dear Bro. Still : — A very pleasant circumstance has brought you to mind, and I am 
always happy to be reminded of you, and of the vei-y agreeable, though brief acquaintance 
which we made at Philadelphia two years since. Last Thursday evening, while at my 
weekly prayer meeting, our exercises were interrupted by the appearance of Bro. Loguen, 
of Syracuse, who had come on with Mrs. Harris in search of her husband, whom he had 
sent to my care three weeks before. I told Bro. L. that no such man had been at piy 
house, and I knew nothing of him. But I dismissed the meeting, and went with him 
immediately to the African Church, where the colored brethren were holding a meeting. 
Bro. L. looked through the door, and the first person whom he saw was Harris. He was 
called out, when Loguen said, in a rather reproving and excited tone, "What are you 
doing here; didn't I tell you to be off to Canada? Don't you know they are after 
you? Come get your hat, and come with us, we'll take care of you." The poor fellow 
was by this time thoroughly frightened, and really thought he had been pursued. We 
conducted him nearly a mile, to the hotel where his wife was waiting for him, leaving him 
still under the impression that he was pursued and that we were conducting him to a 
place of safety, or were going to box him up to send him to Canada. Bro, L. opened the 
door of the parlor, and introduced him ; but he was so frightened that he did not know 
his wife at first, until she called him James, when they had a very joyful meeting. She 
is now a servant in my family, and he has work, and doing well, and boards with her. 
We shall do all we can for them, and teach them to read and write, and endeavor to place 
them in a condition to take care of themselves. Loguen had a fine meeting in my Taber- 
nacle last night, and made a good collection for the cause of the fugitives. 

I should be happy to hear from you and your kind family, to whom remember me very 
cordially. Believe me ever truly yours, L. D. jVIansfield. 

Mr. and Mrs. Harris wish to be gratefully remembered to you and yours. 

Benjamin Piney reported that he came from Baltimore county, Mary- 
land, where he had been held in subjection to Mary Hawkins. He alleged 
that he had very serious cause for grievance ; that she had ill-treated him 
for a long time, and had of late, threatened to sell Iiira to Georgia. His 
brothers and sisters had all been sold, but he meant not to be if he could 
help himself. The sufferings that he had been called upon to endure had 
opened his eyes, and he stood still to wait for the Underground Rail Road 
car, as he anxiously wished to travel north, with all possible speed. He 
waited but a little while, ere he was on the road, under difficulties it is 
true, but he arrived safely and was joyfully received. He imagined his mis- 
tress in a fit of perplexity, such as he might enjoy, could he peep at her 
from Canada, or some safe place. He however did not wish her any evil, 
but he was very decided that he did not want any more to do with lier. 
Benjamin was twenty years of age, dark complexion, size ordinary, mental 
capacity, good considering opportunities. 



518 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

John Smith was a yellow boy, nineteeu years of age, stout build, with 
marked intelligence. He held Dr. Abraham Street responsible for treating 
liini as a slave. The doctor lived at Marshall District, Harford county, 
Marvland. John frankly confessed, to the credit of the doctor, that he 
got " a plenty to eat, drink and wear," yet he declared that he was not 
willing to remain a slave, he had higher aims ; he wanted to be above that 
condition. "I left," said he, " because I wanted to see the country. If he 
had kept rae in a hogshead of sugar, I wouldn't stayed," said the bright- 
minded slave youth. ''They told me anything — told me to obey my master, 
but I didn't mind that. I am going off to see the Scriptures," said John. 

Andrew Jackson " took out " from near Cecil, Delaware, where he had 
been owned by a man calling himself Thomas Palmer, who owned seven 
or eight others. His manners were by no means agreeable to Andrew; 
he was quite too "blustery," and was dangerous when in one of his fits. 
Although Andrew was but twenty-three years of age, he thought that 
Palmer had already had much more of his valuable services than he was 
entitled to, and he determined, that if he (the master), ever attem})ted to 
capture him, he would make him remember him the longest day he lived. 

William Hughes was an Eastern Shore "piece of property" belonging to 
Daniel Cox. William had seen much of the dark doings of Slavery, and his 
mind had been thoroughly set against the system. True, he had been but 
twenty-t\yo years under the heel of his master, but that was sufficient. 

Wesley Williams, on his arrival from Warrick, Maryland, testified 
that he had been in the hands of a man known by the name of Ja(!k Jones, 
from whom he had received almost daily floggings and scanty food. Jones 
was his so-called owner. These continual scourgings stirred the spirit of 
freedom in Wesley to that degree, that he was compelled to escape for his life. 
He left his mother fa free woman), and one sister in Slavery. 

RosANNA Johnson, alias Catharine Brice. The spot that Rosanna 
looked upon with most dread and where she had suffered as a slave, under 
a man called Doctor Street, was near the Rock of Deer Creek, in Harford 
county, Maryland. 

In the darkness in which Slavery ordinarily kept the fettered and "free 
niggers," it was a considerable length of time ere Rosanna saw how bar- 
barously she and her race were being wronged and ground down — driven 
to do unrequited labor — deprived of an education, obliged to receive tlie 
cuifs, kicks, and curses of old or young, who might happen to claim a title 
to them. But when she did see her true condition, she was not content 
until she found herself on the Underground Rail Road. 

Rosanna was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, medium stature, 
and intelli<ient. She left two brothers and her father behind. The Com- 
mittee forwarded her on North. From Albany Rose wrote back to inquire 
after particular friends, and to thank those who had aided her — as follows: 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 18G0. 519 

Albany, Jan. the 30, 1858. 

Mrs. William Still : — i sit don to rite you a fue lines in saying hav you herd of John 
Smith or Bengernin Pina i have cent letters to them but i hav know word from them 
John Smith was oned by Doker abe Street Bengermin oned by Mary hawkings i wish to 
kno if you kno am if you will let me know as swon as you get this. My lov to Mis Still 
i am much oblige for those articales. My love to mrs george and verry thankful to her 
Kosean Johnson oned by docter Street when you cend the letter rite it Cend it 63 Gran 
St in the car of andrue Conningham rite swon dela it not write my name Cathrin Brice. 

Let me know swon as you can. 

Small WOOD reported that he came from Ellicott's Mills, Maryland; that 
he had been restrained of his liberty all his life, by one Samuel Simons, 
who had treated him "bad" all the time that he had held him in his pos- 
session. He had, therefore, persuaded himself that Ellicott's Mills was a 
poor neighborhood for a colored man who wanted his freedom, and that all 
Maryland was no better. He had heard but little of Canada, but what he 
had heard pleased him. As to how he should get there, he knew not ; a 
whisper pointed him to the Underground Rail Road, and told him to be 
fearless and take the first train. Sam considered the matter carefully and 
concluded that that would be the only way to get off. Unfortunately liis 
mother and two brothers were left behind in the hands of Simons. 

Henry Townsend ran away from Caroline county, near PurncU P. O., 
Maryland. The name of his reputed owner, according to his statement, was 
E. Townsend, a farmer. Against liim Henry harbored a very heavy grudge, 
and will long hold said Townsend in remembrance for the injury he had re- 
ceived at his hands on his naked back. The back was shown, and a most 
frightful picture was presented; it had been thoroughly cut in all directions. 

Henry was about twenty-one years of age, dark chesnut color, build sub- 
stantial. He left behind two brothers and one sister in Slavery. The Com- 
mittee comforted him with the usual hospitality. 

These passengers arrived the latter part of 1856 and the beginning of 
1857. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860. - 

WILLIAM CHION AXD HIS WIFE, EMMA, EVAN^ GRAFF, AND FOUR OTHERS. 

William and E.mma came from Dorchester county, Maryland. The 
cords of Slavery had been tightly drawn around them. William was about 
twenty-seven years of age, of a dark hue, and of a courageous bearing. 
On the score of treatment he spake thus: " I have been treated as bad as 
a man could be." Emma, his wife, had seen about the same number of 
years that he had, and her lot had been similar to his. Emma said, " My 
master never give me the second dress, never attempted such a thing. 
The master was called Bushong Blake. William was owned by a Mr. 



520 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

Tubman. After leaving Slavery, AVilliani changed his last name to Williams, 
and il" he and his wife are now living, they are known only by their adopted 
names. 

Evan Graff was of square solid build, dark, and smart, age twenty- 
five. He tied in company with four others (whose narratives "svere not 
written), from Frederick county, Maryland. Henry Heart, residing at Sam's 
Creek, exercised authority over Evan, With this master, said Evan, I 
have known hard times. I have been treated as bad as a man could be. 
I have been married three years and have not received five dollars in 
money since, towards supporting my family. " How have you lived then?" 
inquired one who sym2)athized. "My wife has kept house for a colored 
gentleman, and got her board for her services," said Evan. " In what other 
particulars have you been treated hard ?" was next asked. " Sometimes I 
hadn't half clothes ctiough to keep me warm, through all weatiiers," 
answered Evan. "What jiut it into your head to leave?" was the third 
query. "Well, sir," said Evan, "I thought to try and do better." How 
did you make up your mind to leave your wife and child in Slavery? 
"Well, sir, I was very loth to leave my wife and child, but I just thought 
in this way: I had a brother who was entitled to his freedom, but he fell 
out with one of his young masters, and was just taken up and sold South, 
and I thought I might be taken off too, so I thought I would stand as 
good a chance in leaving, as if I stayed." Had you a mother and father, 
brothers and sisters? inquired a member of the Committee. "Yes, sir," 
"was the prompt reply. Evan then gave their names thus: "My father's 
name Avas Sam Gratf, my mother's name was Becky." Ruth Ann Dorsey, 
Isaac Hanson (and two brothers of Evan), Grafton and Allen accompanied 
him in his flight. James, Harriet, Charles Albert, Thomas Ephraim, 
Adeline jMatilda, John Israel and Daniel Buchanan (brothers and sisters 
of Evan), were all left in Slavery. 

Polly Pool was their mistress, rather had owned them up to within a 
short time before the flight of Evan and his comrades, but she had lately 
been unfortunate in business, which resulted in a thorough scattering of the 
entire family. Some fell into the hands of the mistress' children, and some 
into the hands of the grandchildren. In Evan's opinion she was a tolerable 
good mistre&s ; his opportunities of judging, however, had not been very 
favorable, as he liad not been in her hands a great while. 

Luke Goines came from Harper's Ferry, where he was owned by Mrs. 
Carroll. Luke first made his way to Baltimore and afterwards to Phila- 
del])liia. 

Henson Kei.ly was owned by Reason Ilastell, of Baltimore. Slavery 
did not agree with him, and he left to better his condition. 

Stafford Smith fled from Westmoreland county, Virginia, where he 
■was owned by Harriet Parker, a single woman, advanced in years, and the 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 18G0. 521 

owner of many slaves "As a mistress, she was very hard. I have been 
hired to first one and then another, bad man all along. My mistress was a 
Methodist, but she seemed to know nothing about goodness. She was not in 
the habit of allowing the slaves any chance at all." 



AERIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860. 

JENNY BUCHANAN. 

A KIND master; JENNY CHASTISED ONE OF HIS SONS FOR AN INSULT, AND ASA 
PUNISHMENT SHE WAS SOLD — SEIZED FOR DEBT — SOLD A SECOND TIME. 

Jenny was about forty-five years of age, a dark mulatto, stature medium, 
manners modest and graceful ; she had served only in high life ; thus she 
had acquired a great deal of information. She stated tkat she was born a 
slave, under John Bower, of Rockbridge, Virginia, and that he was the 
owner of a large plantation, with a great number of slaves. He was con- 
sidered to be a good man to his servants, and was generally beloved by 
them. Suddenly, however, he was taken ill with paralysis, which confined 
him to his bed. During this illness one of the sons, a young gentleman,- 
offered an insult to Jenny, for wliich she felt justified in administering to 
him, a severe chastisement. For this grave offence she was condemned to 
be sokl to a trader by the name of William Watts, who owned a place in 
Mississippi. The conditions of sale were that she was to be taken out of 
the state and never to be allowed to return. It so hajipened, however, 
before she was removed that Watts, the trader, failed in order to cheat his 
creditors it was supposed. Governor McDowell, of Virginia, was one of 
those to whom he was largely indebted for a number of slaves which he, the 
Governor, had placed in his hands for disposal, some time before the trader 
took the benefit. Therefore, as the Governor was anxious to recover his 
loss as much as possible, he seized on Jenny. It was through this interfer- 
ence that the condition relative to her being sent out of the state was 
broken. 

" The Governor," said Jenny, " was a very fine gentleman, as good as I 
could expect of Virginia. He allowed his slaves to raise fowl and hogs, with 
many privileges of one kind and another; besides he kept them all together; 
but he took sick and died. There was a great change shortly after that. 
The slaves were soon scattered like the wind. The Governor had nine sons 
and daughters. 

After his death Mrs. McDowell, alias Mrs. Sally Thomas, took possession, 
and employed an overseer, by the name of Henry Morgan. He was a very 
good man in his looks, but a very rascally man ; would get drunk, and sell 
her property to get whisky. Mrs. McDowell would let him do just as he 



522 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

pleased. For the slightest comj)lairit the overseer might see fit to make 
against any of the slaves, she would tell him to sell them — "' Sell, Mr. 
Morgan." "He would treat them worse than he would any dog; would beat 
them over the head with great hickory sticks, the same as he would beat an 
ox. He would pasture cows and horses on the plantation, and keep the 
money. We slaves all knew it, and we told her ; but our words would not 
^ in court again.'st a white man, and until she was told by Mr. White, and 
her cousin, Hr. Taylor, and Mr. Barclay, she would not believe how shame- 
fully this overseer was cheating her. But at last she was convinced, and 
discharged iiiiii, and hired anotiier by the name of John Moore. The new 
one, if anytliing, was worse than the old one, for he could do the most un- 
blushing acts of cruelty with pleasure. He was a demon." 

Finally the estate had to be settled, and the property divided. At this 
time it was in the hands of the oldest daughter. Mistress Sally, who had 
been married to Frank Thomas, the Governor of Maryland. But the 
Governor had discarded her for some reason or other, and according to his 
published account of her it might seem that he had good reason for doing so. 
It was understood that he gave her a divorce, so she was considered single 
for life. It was also understood that she was to buy in the homestead at a 
moderate price, with as many slaves as she might desire. 

Said Jenny, " I was sold at this settlement sale, and bought in by the 
'grass widow' for four hundred dollars." The place and a number of 
slaves were bought in on terms equally as low. After this the widow be- 
came smitt(;n with a reverend gentleman, by the name of John Miller, who 
had formerly lived North ; he had been a popular preacher. After a court- 
ship, which did not last very long, they were married. This took place 
three years ago, prior to the writing of this narrative. After the marriage, 
Rev. Mr. Miller took up his abode on the old homestead, and entered upon 
his duties as a slave-holder in good earnest. 

"How did you like him?" inquired a member of the Committee. 

" I despised him," was Jenny's j)romj)t answer. 

"Why did you despise him?" 

"Because he had such mean ways with him," said Jenny. She then went 
on to remark as follows: — '' Coming there, taking so much authority over 
other people's servants. He was so mean that he broke uj) all the privi- 
leges the servants had before lie came. He stopped all hands from raising 
chickens, pigs, etc. He don't like to sec them hold uj) their heads above their 
shoulders." Didn't he proaeli ? she was asked. "Yes, but I never heard 
him ]»rea( h ; I have heard him pray though. On Thursday nights, when 
he would not want the servants to go into town to meeting, he would 
keep up until it would be too late for them to -go. He is now carrying on 
the farm, and follows butchering. He has not yet sold any of the slaves, 
but has threatened to sell all hands to the trader." 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860. 523 

Jenny once had a husband, but he went to Canada, and that was all she 
could tell about him, as she had never had a letter or any direct informa- 
tion from him since he left. That she was childless, she regarded as a 
matter of great satisfaction, considering all the circumstances. 



ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860. 

WILLIAM BROWN, AND JAMES HENSON 

Considering themselves tramjiled upon by their fellow-men, unitedly 
resolved to seek a better country. 

William was pained with the idea that so much of his time had already 
been used up, as he was then thirty-six years of age. Yet he thouglit that 
it would do no good to mourn over the past, but do what he intended to do 
quickly. The master wliora he had served, he called, "Master Lynchum." 
He was a farmer, and knew full well how to use severity with the slaves; 
but had never practiced showing favors, or allowing privileges of any kind. 
True he did not flog, but he rosoi-tcd to otlier means of punishment wlicn he 
desired to make the slaves feel that he was master. William loft his mother, 
Harriet Brown, three sisters, and one brother, — Francis, Mary, Eliza, and 
Robert. They were all free but Eliza. 

Seven weeks William and James were under the painful anxiety of trying 
to escape, but conscious of the snares and dangers on the road, and desirous 
of success, they did not feel at liberty to move, save as they saw their -way 
clear. This well-exercised sagacity was strongly marked in the intellectual 
region of William's head. 

James Henson was a man of rather slender build. From exposure in 
traveling he took a severe cold and was suffering with sore throat. He and 
Mrs. Maria Tliomas disagreed. She set herself up to be " Jim's " mistress 
and owner. For some cause or other Jim was unwilling to fill this station 
longer. He had been hired out by his mistress, who received one liundred 
dollars per annum ; and, for aught Jim knew, she was pretty well pleased 
with him and the money also. She C00II3' held eleven others in the same 
predicament. While Jim found no fault with the treatment received at the 
hands of his mistress, he went so far as to say that "she was a right fine 
woman," yet, the longer he lived her slave, the more unhappy he l)ecame. 
Therefore, he decided that he would try and do better, and accordingly, in 
company with William he started, success attending their efforts. James 
left three sisters and one brother, Charlotte, Susan, Ellen and Johnson, all 
slaves. 



624 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

PHILIP STANTOX, RANDOLPH NICHOLS, AND THOMAS DOUGLASS. 

Philip had a master by the name of John Smith, whom he was very- 
anxious to get rid of, but hardly knew how. For a long time, Philip was 
annoyed in various ways. Being the only slave on the place, there was no 
rest for him. Said Smith was a bachelor, and his mother, who kept house 
for him, was quite aged ; " she was worse than the old boy wanted her to 
be, a more contrary woman never was ; she was bad in this way, she was 
quarrelsome, and then again she would not give you as much to cat as you 
ought to have, and it was pretty rough; nothing but corn bread and the 
fattest pork, that was about all. She was a Catholic, and was known by the 
name of Mary Eliza Smith." This was Philip's testimony against his 
master and mistress. Working on a farm, driving carriage, etc., had been 
Philip's calling as a slave. His father and mother were free. His father 
had been emancipated, and afterwards had [)nrchased his wife. One sister, 
however, was still in Slavery. Philip had scarcely reached his twenty- 
second year ; he was nevertheless wide-awake and full of courage. 

Raxdolpii was still younger; he had only just reached his twentieth year; 
was nearly six feet high, athletic, and entertained quite favorable notions of 
freedom. He was o\vned by Mrs. Caroline Brang, a widow; he had never 
lived with her, however. Notwithstanding the fact that he had been held 
in such unpleasant relations, Randolph held the opinion, that " she was a 
tolerable good woman." He had been hired out under Isaac Howard, a 
farmer, who was described by Randolph as " a rough man to everybody 
around him ; he was the owner of slaves, and a member of the Methodist 
Church, in the bargain." As if actuated by an evil spirit continually, he 
seemed to take delight in "knocking and beating the slaves," and would 
compel them to "be out in all weathers not fit to be out in." Randolph 
declared that " he had never been allowed a day's schooling in his life. 
On the contrary, he had often been threatened with sale, and his mind had 
finally become so affected by this fearful looking-for of evil, that he thought 
he had better make tracks." 

He left his mother, Louisa, three brothers and three sisters, namely : 
Andrew, Mary, Charity, Margaret, Lewis and Samuel, all slaves. His 
desire to escape brought the thought home to his mind with great enijihasis, 
that he was parting with his kinsfolk, to see them perhaps, no more on 
earth; that however, happily he might lie situated in freedom, he would 
have the painfid reflection ever present M'ith him, that those he most loved 
in this world, were slaves — " knocked and beat about — and made to work 
out in all weathers." It was this that made many falter and give up their 



A RRIVAL FE OM FREDEEICKSB UR G, 1 860. 525 

purpose to gain their freedom by tliglit, but Randolph was not one of this 
class. Ilis young heart loved freedom too well to waver. True to liis love 
of liberty, he left all, followed the north star, and was delivered. 

Thomas, an older companion of Philip and Randolph, was twentv-five 
years of age, full black, and looked as if he could appreciate the school- 
room and books, and take care of himself in Canada or any other free 
country. Mary Howard was the name of the individual that he was com- 
pelled to address as "mistress." He said, however, that "she was a very good 
woman to her servants," and she had a great many. She had sons, but they 
turned out to be drunkards, and followed no business; at one time, each of 
them had been set up in business, but as they would not attend to it, of 
course they failed. Money was needed more than ever, through their intem- 
perate course, consequently the mistress was induced to sell her large house- 
hold, as well as her plantation slaves, to Georgia. Thomas had seen the 
most of them take up their sorrowful march iov said State, and the only 
reason that he was not among them, was attributable to the fact, that he had 
once been owned and thought pretty well of by the brother of his 
mistress, who interceded in Thomas' behalf. This interference had the 
desired effect, and Thomas was not sold. Still, his eyes were fairly opened 
to see his danger and to learn a valuable lesson at the same time; he, there- 
fore, profited by it in escaping the first chance. He left his mother Ann 
Williams, and one brother, James Douglass, both slaves. 



ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 18G0. 

HENRY TUDLE AND WIFE, MARY WILLIAMS. 

Henry affirmed, that for the last twenty years, his freedom had been 
promised him, and during all these long years, hardly a month had passed, 
that he had not fixed his hopes upon a definite time, when his bondage 
' would end and his freedom commence. But he had been trusting the 
'word of a slave-holder, who had probably adopted this plan simply with a 
view of drawing more willing toil out of him than he could have accom- 
plished in any other way. 

Mary complained that she had suffered severely for food, and likewise 
for privileges. Ezra Houpt was the name of Henry's master, and the name 
of his mistress was Catharine, she was hasty and passionate ; slaves wei-e 
shown no quarter under her. ]\Iary was owned by Christian Thomas. 
He was said to be not so hard, but his wife was very liard, so much so, 
that she would rule both master and slaves. Her name was Mary 
Elizabeth. 



526 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860. 

SAM ARCHER, LEWIS PECK, DAVID EDWARDS, EDWARD CASTING, JOE HENRY, GEORGE 
AXD ALBERT WHITE, JOSEPH C. JOHNSON, DAVID SNIVELY, AND HENRY 

DUNMORE. 

Sam Archer was to " become free at thirty-five years of age." He had 
already served thirty years of this time; five years longer seemed an age to 
him. The dangers from other sources presented also a 'frightful aspect. 
Sam had seen too many who had stood exactly in the same relations to 
Slavery and freedom, and not a few were held over their time, or cheated 
out of their freedom altogether. He stated that his own mother was " kept 
over her time," simply "that her master might get all her children." Two 
boys and two girls were thus gained, and were slaves for life. These 
facts tended to increase Sam's desire to get away before liis time was out; 
he, therefore, decided to get off via the Underground Rail Road. He grew 
very tired of Bell Air, Harford county, Maryland, and his so-called owner, 
Thomas Hayes. He said that Hayes had used him " rough," and he was 
"tired of rough treatment." So when he got his plans arranged, one 
morning when he was expected to go forth to an unrequited day's labor, he 
could not be found. Doubtless, his excited master thought Sam a great 
thief, to take himself away in the manner that he did, but Sam was not con- 
cerned on this point; all that concerned him was as to how he could get to 
Canada the safest and the quickest. ^Vhen he reached the Philadelphia 
station, he felt that the day dawned, his joy was full, despite the Fugitive 
Slave Law. 

Lewis Peck was a man six feet high, and of the darkest hue. He 
reported that he fled from Joseph Bryant, a farmer, who lived near Patapsco 
River. Bryant was in the habit of riding around to look after the slaves. 
Lewis had become thorouglily disgusted with this manner of superintending. 
" I got tired of having Bryant riding after me, working my life out of me," 
said Lewis. He was also tired of Bryant's wife; he said "she was always 
making mischief, and he didn't like a mischief maker." 

Thus he complained of both master and mistress, seeming not to under- 
stand that he "had no rights which they were bound to respect." 

David Edwards broke away from the above named Bryant, at the age 
of twenty-four. His testimony fully corroborated that of his comrade, 
Lewis Peck. He was also a man of the darkest shade, tall, intellect good, 
and wore a pleasant countenance. The ordinary difficulties were experi- 
enced, but all were surmounted Avithout serious harm. 

Edward Casting and Joseph Henry were each about seventeen years 
of age. Boys, as they were, with no knowledge of the world, they had 
wisely resolved not to remain in that condition. Edward fled from Robert 
Moore, who lived at Duck Creek. He gave his master the name of being a 



i 

' SUNDR Y ARRIVALS FROM MAR YLAND, 18G0. 527 

"bad man," and refused to recommend hira for anything. Being a likely- 
looking chattel, he would have doubtless brought seven hundred dollars in 
the market. 

Joseph Henry came from Queen Ann county, Maryland. He was a 
well-grown lad, and showed traces of having been raised without pro[)er 
care, or training. For deficiencies in this direction, he charged Greenberry 
Parker, his claimant, who he said had treated him " bad." Friends had 
helped these boys along. 

George and Albert White were brothers. They fled from Cecil county, 
Maryland. They escaped from William Parker. "What kind of a man 
Avas William Parker?" they were asked. " He was a big, bad man, no goodness 
in him," quickly replied one of the brothers. Their lot iu Slavery had not 
been different from that of numbers coming from that section of the State. 

Joseph G. Johnson fled from William Jones of Baltimore. Ho said 
that his master kept a grocery store in Pratt street, and owned six head of 
slaves; that he was a "good man, and always treated his servants very well," 
until about three weeks before he escaped. For some reason unknown to 
Joseph, within the time just alluded to, he had sold all his slaves, Avith the 
exception of himself. Joseph was far from being at ease, as he hourly felt 
oppressed with the fear that he was to be sold at an early day. 

Summoning courage he started by the Baltimore and Wilmington Rail 
Road. In this way he reached Wilmington where he unfortuno.tcly fell into 
the hands of his master's son, who resided in Wilmington, and happened to 
discover Joseph in the cars, (most likely he had been telegraphed to) and 
had him arrested and returned. But Joseph did not allow a week to pass 
over him before he was ready to make even a still more daring adventure 
for his liberty. This time he concluded to try the water; by great economy 
he had saved up twenty-five dollars. This was a great deal to him, but he 
resolved to give it all willingly to any man who would secrete him, or 
procure him a passage to Philadelphia. The right man was soon found, 
and Joseph was off again. Good luck attended him, and he reached the 
I pommittee safely. He was iu his twenty-third year, a man of medium size, 
■ icoppcr-colored, and of a prepossessing countenance. 

I David Snively ran away from Frederick', Maryland. He was moved 
to escape solely by the love of freedom. His services had been required in 
the blacksmith shojD, and on the farm under Charles Preston, who claimed 
to own him. He had been sold once and brought nine hundred dollars; 
be resolved that a similar flite should never overtake him, unless his owner 
uoved very suddenly in that direction. While Joseph was working daily in 
:he blacksmith shop, he was planning how to make good his escape. No way 
>vas open but the old route, which led " hard by " many dangers, and was 
)nly accessible now and then through regions where friends were few and 
ar between. Howbeit he possessed the faith requisite, and was victorious. 



628 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



Joseph was twenty-six years of age, of unmixed blood, ordinary size, and 
had a commendable share of courage and intellect. He could recommend no 
good traits as his master's. 

Henry Dunmore had served as a slave up to the age of thirty-five, and 
was then on the eve of being sold. As he had eudui'cd severe hardship 
under his old master John Maldon he was unwilling to try another. While 
he gave Maldon credit for being a member of the Methodist Church, he 
charged him with treating himself in a most unchristian-like manner. He 
testified that Maldon did not allow him half enough to eat ; and once he 
kept him out in the cold until his toes were frozen off. Consequently it was 
not in the heart of Henry to give his master any other than a bad name. 
He lived about sixteen miles from Elkton, near Charleston, Maryland. He 
was of a dark chestnut color, well-made, and active. 



CROSSING THE BAY IN A BATTEAU. 

SHARP CONTEST WITH PURSUERS ON WATER. FUGITIVES VICTORIOUS. 

Thomas Sipple, and his wife, Mary Ann, Henry Burkett, and 
Elizabeth, his wife, John Purnell, and Hale Burton. This party 




were slaves, living near Kunkletown, in Worcester county, Maryland, and 
had become restive in their fetters. Although they did not know a letter 



CROSSING THE BA Y IN A BATTEA U. 529 

of the alphabet, they were fully persuaded that they were entitled to their 
freedom. In considering what way would he safest for them to adopt, 
they concluded that the water would be less dangerous than any other route. 
As the matter of freedom had been in their minds for a long time they 
had frequently counted the cost, and had been laying by trifling sums of 
money -which had fallen perchance into their hands. Among them all tliey 
had about thirty dollars. As they could not go by water without a boat, 
one of their number purchased an old batteau for the small sum of six 
dollars. The Delaware Bay lay between them and the Jersey shore, which 
they desired to reach. They did not calculate, however, thiat before leavino^ 
the Delaware shore they would have to contend with the enemy. That in 
crossing, they would .lose siglit of the land they well understood. They 
managed to find out tlic direction of the shore, and about the length of time 
that it might take them to reach it. Undaunted by the perils before them 
the party repaired to the bay, and at ten o'clock, P. M. embarked direct 
for the other shore. 

Near Kate's Hammock, on the Delaware shore, they were attacked by 
five white men in a small boat. One of them seized the chain of the fugi- 
tives' boat, and peremptorily claimed it. " This is not your boat, we bought 
this boat and paid for it," spake one of the brave fugitives. " I am an 
ofiicer, and must have it," said the white man, holding on to the chain. 
Being armed, the white men threatened to shoot. Manfully did the black 
men stand up for their rights, and declare that they did not mean to give 
up their boat alive. The parties speedily came to blows. One of the white 
men dealt a heavy blow with his oar upon the head of one of the black 
men, which knocked him down, and broke the oar at the same time. 
The blow was immediately returned by Thomas Sipple, and one of the 
white men was laid flat on the bottom of the boat. The white men were 
instantly seized M'ith a panic, and retreated ; after getting some yards off 
they snapped their guns at the fugitives several times, and one load of small 
shot was fired into them. John received two shot in the forehead, but was 
not dangerously hurt. George received some in the arms. Hale Burton got 
one about his temple, and Thomas got a few in one of his arms ; but the 
shot being light, none of the fugitives were seriously damaged. Some of the 
shot will remain in them as lono; as life lasts. The conflict lasted for 
several minutes, but the victorious bondmen were only made all the more 
courageous by seeing the foe retreat. They rowed M'ith a greater will than 
ever, and landed on a small island. Where they were, or what to do they 
could not tell. One whole night they passed in gloom on this sad spot. 
Their hearts were greatly cast down ; the next morning they set out on 
foot to see what they could see. The young women were very sick, and 
the men were tried to the last extremity ; however, after walking about one 
mile, they came across the caj)tain of an ovster boat. They perceived that 
34 



530 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

he spoke in a ' friendly way, and they at once asked directions with regard 
to Phihidelphia. He gave tiiem the desired intbrniation, and es'en ottered 
to bring tliem to the city if they would pay him for his services. They 
had about twenty-five dollars in all. This they willingly gave him, and 
he brought them according to agreement. When they found the captain 
they were not far from Cape May light-house. 

Taking into account the fact that it was night when they started, that 
their little boat was weak, combined with their lack of knowledge in relation 
to the imminent danger surrounding them, any intelligent man would have 
been justified in predicting for them a watery grave, long before the bay was 
half crossed. But they crossed safely. They greatly needed food, clothing, 
rest, and money, which they freely received, and were afterwards forwarded 
to John AV. Jones, Underground Rail Road agent, at Elmira. The sub- 
joined letter giving an account of their arrival was duly received: 

Elmiea, June 6th, 1860. 
Friend Wm. Still : — All six came safe to this place. The two men came last night, 
about twelve o'clock; the man and woman stopped at the depot, and went 'east on the 
next train, about eighteen miles, and did not get back till to-night, so that the two men 
went this morning, and the four went this evening. 

0, old master don't cry for me. 

For I am going to Canada where colored men are free. 

P. S. What is the news in the city ? Will you tell me how many you have sent over to 
Canada ? I would like to know. They all send their love to you. I have nothing new to 
tell you. We are all in good health. I see there is a law passed in Maryland not to set any 
slaves free. They had better get the consent of the Underground Rail Road before they 
passed such a thing. Good night from your friend, John W. Jones. 



ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER CO., 18G0. 

HARRIET tubman's LAST " TRIP " TO MARYLAND. 

Stephen Ennets and wife, Maria, with three children, whose names were 
as follows : Harriet, aged six years ; Amanda, four years, and a babe 
(in the arms of its mother), three months old. 

The following letter from Thomas Garrett throws light upon this arrival : 

Wilmington, 12th mo., 1st, 1800. 
Kespected Friend :— William Still :— I write to let thee know that Harriet Tub- 
man 13 again in these parts. She arrived last evening from one of her trips of mercy to 
God's poor, bringing two men with hpr as far as New Castle. I agreed to pay a man last 
evening, to pilot th^m on their way lo Chester county ; the wife of one of the men, with 
two or three children, was left some thirty miles below, and I gave Harriet ten dollars, to 
hire a man with carriage, to take them to Chester county. She said a man had offered for 
that sum, to bring them on. I shall be very unea.sy about them, till I hear they are safe. 



ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER CO., 18G0. 531 

There is now much more risk on the road, till they arrive here, than there has been for 
several months past, as we find that some poor, worthless wretches are constantl}^ on the 
look out on two roads, that they cannot well avoid more especially with carriage, yet, 
as it is Harriet who seems to have had a special angel to guard her on her journey of 
mercy, I have hope. Thy Friend, THOMAS GARRETT. 

N. B. We hope all will be in Chester county to-morrow. 

These slaves from Maryland, were the last that Harriet Tubman piloted 
oiit of the prison-house of bondage, and these "came through great tribu- 
lation." 

Stepiip:n, the husband, had been a slave of Jolin Kaiger, who would not 
allow him to live with his wife (if there was such a thing as a slave's 
owning a wife.) She lived eiglit miles distant, hired her time, maintained 
herself, and took care of her eliildren (until they became of service to their 
owner), and paid ten dollars a year for her hire. She was owned by Alo-ier 
Pearey. Both mother and father desired to deliver their children from his 
grasp. They had too much intelligence to bear the heavy burdens thus im- 
posed without feeling the pressure a grievous one. 

Harriet Tubman being well acquainted in their neighborhood, and know- 
ing of their situation, and having confidence that they would prove true as 
passengers on the Underground Hail Road, engaged to pilot them within 
reach of Wilmington, at least to Thomas Garrett's. Thus the father and 
mother, with their children and a young man named John, found aid and 
comfort on their way, with Harriet for their " Moses." A poor woman 
escaping from Baltimore in a delicate state, happened to meet Harriet's party 
at the station, and was forwarded on with them. They were cheered with 
clothing, food, and material aid, and sped on to Canada. Notes taken at 
that time were very brief; it was evidently deemed prudent in those days, 
not to keep as full rej^orts as had been the wont of the secretary, prior 
to 1859. The capture of John Brown's papers and letters, with names and 
plans in full, admonished us that such papers and correspondence as had 
been preserved concerning the Underground Rail Road, migh't perchance 
be captured by a pro-slavery mob. For a year or more after the Harper's 
Ferry battle, as many will remember, the mob spirit of the times was very 
violent in all the princij)al northern cities, as well as southern (" to save 
the Union.") Even in Boston, Abolition meetings were fiercely assailed by 
the mob. Dui-ing this period, the writer omitted some of the most im- 
portant particulars in the escapes and narratives of fugitives. Books and 
papers were sent away for a long time, and during this time the records were 
kept simply on loose slips of paper. 



532 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860. 

JERRY MILLS, AND WIFE, DIAXA, SON, CORNKLIUS, AND TWO DAUGHTERS, MARGARET, 

AND SUSAN. 

The father of this family was sixty-five years of age, and his working days 
were apparently well nigh completed. The mother was fifty-seven years 
of age ; son twenty-seven ; daughters seventeen and fifteen years of age. 

The old man was smart for his years, but bore evidence that much hard 
labor had been wrung out of hira by Slavery. Diana said that she had been 
the mother of twelve children ; five had escaped to Canada, three were in 
their graves, and three accompanied her ; one was left in Maryland. They 
had seen hard times, according to the testimony of the old -man and his 
companion, especially under David Snively, who, however, had been " re- 
moved by the Lord" a number of years prior to their escape; but the 
change proved no advantage to them, as they found Slavery no better under 
their mistress, the widow, than under their master. Mistress Snively was 
said to be close and stingy, and always unfriendly to the slave. " She never 
thought you were doing enough." For her hardness of heart they were 
sure *she would repent some time, but not while she could hold slaves. 
The belief was pretty generally entertained with the slaves that the slave- 
holder would have to answer for his evil doings in another world. 



TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860. 

HENRY COTTON. 

As a slave, subjected to the whims and passions of his master, Henry 
made up his mind tliat he could not stand it longer. The man who mas- 
tered it over him was called Nathaniel Dixon, and lived in Somerset Co., 
near Newtown. This Dixon was not content with his right to flog and 
abuse Henry as he saw fit, but he threatened to sell him, as he would sell 
a hog. 

At this time HcTiry was about twenty-four years of age, but a man of 
more substantial parts physically -was rarely to be seen. Courage was one 
of his prominent traits. This threat only served to arouse him com]iletely. 
He had no friends save such as were in the same condition with himself, 
nevertheless he determined not to be sold. How he should escape this fiite 
did not at first present itself Every thing looked very gloomy ; Slavery 
he considered as death to him ; and since his master had threatened him, he 
looked upon him as his greatest enemy, and rather than continue a slave 
he preferred living in the swamps with wild animals. Just one year prior 



ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 533 

to the time that he made his way North, determined uot to be a slave any 
longer, he fled to a swamp and made his way to the most secluded spot that 
he could find, — to places that were almost impenetrable so dense were the 
trees and undergrowth. This was all the better for Henry, he wanted to get 
safety ; he did not wish company. He made known his plans to a dear 
brother, who engaged to furnish him occasionally with food. Henry passed 
twelve months in this way, beholding no human soul save his brother. 
His brother faithfully took him food from time to time. The winter weather 
of 1859 was very hard, but it was not so hard to bear as his master Na- 
thaniel Dixon. The will of Henry's old master entitled him to his free- 
dom, but the heirs had rendered said will null and void ; this act in addition 
to the talk of selling had its effect in driving him to the woods. For a 
time he hid in the hollow of a tree, which went very hard with him, yet he 
was willing to suffer anything rather than go back to his so-called master. 
He managed finally to make good his escape and came to the Committee for 
aid and sympathy, which he received. 



AERIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 

WILLIAM PIERCE. 

But few passengers expressed themselves in stronger terms in regard to 
their so-called masters, than William Pierce, from Long Green. "I fled," 
said he, " from Jolm Hickol, a farmer, about fifty years old, grey-headed 
and drinks whiskey very hard — was always a big devil — ill-grained. He 
owned fifteen head ; he owns three of ray brothers. He has a wife, a big 
devil, red head ; her servants, she wouldn't feed 'em none, excejit on corn 
bread ; she would fight and swear too, when she got ready. She and her 
husband would quarrel too. A slave man, a deceitful fellow, who had been 
put up to watch on one occasion, when the rest of the slaves had helped 
themselves to a chicken, and cooked and ate it about midnight, though he 
was allowed to share a portion of the feast, was ready enough to betray 
them by times next morning. This made master and mistress 'cuss' all 
hands at a great rate, and master beat all hands except the one that told. I 
was caned so badly that it laid me up for several weeks. I am a little lame 
yet from the beating." 

Such was William's story. He was twenty-three years of age, of a light 
brown color, well-made. Judging from his expressions and apparent feelings 
against his master and mistress, he would be willing to endure many years 
of suffering in Canada snows, before he would apply to them for care and 
protection. 



534 THE UNDEBGEOUND BAIL ROAD. 



A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP. 

GEORCJE F. ALBERT! PERSONATED BY A MEMBER OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE— 
A LADY FRIGHTENED BY A PLACARD. 

One afternoon, the quiet of tlie Anti-Slavery Office was suddenly agitated 
by the contents of a letter, privately placed in the hands of J. Miller 
McKiui by one of the clerks of the Philadelphia Ledger office. Said ^letter 
it would seem, had been dropped into the box of the Ledger office, instead 
of the U. S. box (one of which, was also in the Ledger office), through a 
mistake, and seeing that it bore the name of a well-known slave-catcher, 
Alberti, the clerk had a great desire to know its import. Whether it was or 
was not sealed, the writer cannot^ say, it certainly was not sealed when it 
reached the Anti-Slavery office. It stated that a lady from Maryland was 
then in IMiiladelphia, stopping at a boarding-house on Arch Street, and that 
she was very desirous of seeing the above-mentioned Alberti, Avith a view 
of obtaining his services to Iielp catch an Underground Pail Road so- 
journer, whom she claimed as her property. That she wrote the letter 
could not be proved, but that it was sent by her consent, there was no 
doubt. In order to save the poor fellow from Iiis impending doom, it 
seemed that nothing would avail but a bold strategical movement. Mr. 
McKiin proposed to find some one who would be willing to answer for 
Alberti. Cyrus Whitson, a member of the Committee, in Mr. McKim's 
judgment, could manage the matter successfully. At that time, C. Whitson 
was engaged in the Free Labor store, at the corner of Fifth and Cherry 
streets, near the Anti-Slavcay office. On being sent fur, he immediately 
answered the summons, and Mr. Mt-Kim at once made known to him 
his plan, which was to save a fellow-man from being dragged back to bond- 
age, by visiting the lady, and ascertaining from her in conversation the 
whereabouts of the fugitives, the names of the witnesses, and all the partic- 
ulars. Nothing could have delighted the shrewd Whitson better; he saw 
just how he could eflect the matter, without the slightest probable failure. 
So off he started for the boarding-house. 

Arriving, he rang the bell, and when the servant appeared, he asked 
if Miss Wilson, from Maryland, was stopping there. "She is," was the 
answer. " I wish to see her." "Walk in the parlor, sir." In Mcnt INIr. 
W., with his big whiskers. Soon Miss AVilson entered tlie i)arlor, a tall, 
and rather fine-looking well drc&sed lady. Mr. Whitson bowing, politely 
addressed her, substantially thus : 

" I have come to see you instead of Mr. Geo. F. Alberti, to whom you 
addressed a note, this morning. Circumstances, over which Mr. A. had no 
control, prevented his coming, so I have come, madam, to look after your 



A SLAVE-CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAPS. 535 

business in his place. Now, madam, I wish it to be distinctly understood in 
the outset, that wiiatever transpires between us, so far as this business is 
concerned, giust be kept strictly confidential, by no means, must this matter 
be allowed to leak out ; if* it does, the darned abolitionists (excuse me), may 
ruin me ; at any rate v.'e should not be able to succeed in getting your slave. 
I am particular on this point, remember.'' 

" You are perfectly right. Sir, indeed I am very glad that your plan is to 
conduct this matter in this manner, for I do not want my name mixed up 
with it in any way." 

"■ Very well, madam, I think we understand each other pretty well ; now 
please give me the name of the fugitive, his age, size, and color, and where 
he may be found, how long he has been away, and the witness who can be 
relied on to identify him after he is arrested." 

Miss Wilson carefully communicated these important particulars, while 
Mr. Whitson faithfully penciled down every word. At the close of the 
interview he gave her to understand that the matter should be attended to 
immediately, and that he thought there v/ould be no difficulty in securing 
the fugitive. "You shall hear from me soon, madam, good afternoon." 

In five minutes after this interview Wiiitson was back to the Anti-slavery 
Office with all Miss Wilson's secrets. The first thing to be attended was to 
«end a messenger to the place where the fugitive was at work, with a view 
of securing his safety ; this was a success. The man was found, and, 
frightened almost out of his wits, he dropped all and followed the messenger, 
who bore him the warning. In the meanwhile Mr. McKim was preparing, 
with great dispatch, the subjoined document for the enlightenment and 
warning of all, 

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: 

BEWARE OP SLAVE-CATCHERS. 

Miss Wilson, of Georgetown Cro.«s Roads, Kent county, MJ., is now in the city in 
pursuit of her alleged slave man, Botler. J. M. Cummings and John Wilson, of the 
same place, are understood to be here on a similar errand, This is to caution Butler 
and his friends to be on their guard. Let them keep clear of tho above-named individuals. 
Also, let them have an eye on all persons known to be friends of Dr. High, of Georgetown 
Cross Roads, and Mr. D. B. Cummings, who is not of Georgetown Cross Roads. 

It is requested that all parties to whom a copy of this may be sent will post it in a 
public place, and that the friends of Freedom and Humanity will have the lads herein 
contained openly read in their respective churches. 

" Hide the outcast ; bewray not him that wandereth." Isaiah xvi. 3. 

"Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master 
unto thee." Deut. xxiii. 15. 

This document printed as a large poster, about three feet square, and 
displayed in large numbers over the city, attracted much attention and 
comment, which facts were quickly conveyed to Miss Wilson, at her board- 
ing-house. At first, as it was understood, she was greatly shocked to find 



536 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

herself iu everybody's mouth. She unhesitatingly took her baggage and 
started for " My ^Maryland." Thus ended one of the most pleasant inter- 
views that ever took place between a slave-hunter and the Vigilauce Com- 
mittee of Philadelphia. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 

HEXRY LANGHORN alioS WM. SCOTT. 

This " chattel " from Richmond, Virginia, was of a yellow complexion, 
with some knowledge of the arts of reading and writing ; he was about 
twenty-three years of age and considered himself in great danger of being 
subjected to the auction-block by one Charles L. Hobson. Hobson and 
Henry had grown up from boyhood together; for years they had even 
occupied the same room, — Henry as a servant-boy and protector of his 
prospective young master. Under these relations quite strong affinities 
were cemented between them, and Plenry succeeded in gaining a knowledge 
of the alphabet with an occasional lesson in spelling. Both reached their 
majority. William was hired out at the American Hotel, and being a 
"smart, likely-looking boy," commanded good wages for his young master's 
benefit, who had commenced business as a tobacco merchant, with about 
seven head of slaves in his possession. A year or two's experiment proved 
that the young master was not succeeding as a merchant, and before the ex- 
piration of three years he had sold all his slaves except Henry. From such 
indications, Henry was fully persuaded that his time was well nigh at hand, 
and great was his anxiety as he meditated over the auction-block. "In his 
heart" he resolved time and again that he would never be sold. It be- 
hooved him, therefore, to avert that ill fate. He at first resolved to buy 
himself, but in counting the cost he found that he Avould by no means be 
able to accumulate as much money as his master ^vould be likely to demand 
for him ; he, therefore, abandoned this idea and turned his attention 
straightway to the Underground Rail Road, by which route he had often 
heard of slaves escaping. He felt the need of money and that he must 
make and save an extra quarter whenever he could ; he soon learned to be 
a very rigid economist, and being exceedingly accommodating in waiting 
upon gentlemen at the hotel and at the springs, he found his little " pile" 
increasing weekly. His object was to have enougli to pay for a private berth 
on one of the Richmond steamers and also to have a little loft to fall back 
on after landing in a strange land and among strangers. Ho saved about 
two hundred dollars in cash ; ho Mas then ready to make a forward move, 
and he arranged all his plans with an agent in Richmond to leave by one 
of the steamers during the Christmas holidays. " You must come down 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 537 

to the steamer about dark," said the agent "and if all is right you will see 
the Underground Rail Koad agent come out with some ashes as a signal, 
and by this you may know that all is ready." 

" I will be there certain," said Henry. Christmas week he was confident 
would be granted as usual as a holiday week ; a few days before Christmas 
he went to his master and asked permission to spend said holiday with his 
mother, in Cumberland county, adding that he would need some spend- 
ing money, enough at least to pay his fare, etc. Young master freely 
granted his request, wrote him a pass, and doled him out enough money 
to pay his fare thence, but concluded that Henry could pay his way 
back out of his extra change. Henry expressed his obligations, etc., and 
returned to the American Hotel. The evening before the time appointed 
for starting on his Underground Rail Road voyage, he had occasion to go 
out to see the Underground Rail Road agent, and asked the clerk to give 
him a pass. This favor was peremptorily refused. Henry, "not willing to 
give it up so," sat down to write a pass for himself; he found it all that was 
necessary, and was thus enabled to accomplish his business satisfactorily. 
Next day his Christmas holiday commenced, but instead of his enjoying the 
sight of his mother, he felt that he had seen her for the last time in the flesh. 
It was a sad reflection. That evening at dark, he was at the wharf, accord- 
ing to promise. The man with the ashes immediately appeared and signalled 
him. In his three suits of clothing (all on his back), he walked on the boat, 
and was conducted to the coal covering, where Egyptian darkness prevailed. 
The appointed hour for the starting of the steamer, was ten o'clock the fol- 
lowing morning. By the aid of prayer, he endured the suffering that night. 
No sooner had the steamer got under way, than a heavy gale was encountered ; 
for between three and four days the gale and fog combined, threatened the 
steamer with a total loss. All the freight on deck, consisting of tobacco and 
cotton, had to be thrown overboard, to save the passengers. 

Henry, in his state of darkness, saw nothing, nor could he know the 
imminent peril that his life was in. Fortunately he was not sea-sick, but 
slept well and long on the voyage. The steamer was five days coming. 
On landing at Philadelphia, Henry could scarcely see or walk ; the S])irit 
of freedom, however, was burning brightly in the hidden man, and the free 
gales of fresh air and a few hours on free soil soon enabled him to overcome 
the difficulties which first presented themselves, and he was soon one of the 
most joyful mortals living. He tarried two days with his friends in Phila- 
delphia, and then hastened on to Boston. After being in Boston two months, 
he was passing through the market one day, when, to his surprise, he espied 
his young master, Charles L. Hobson. Henry was sure, however, that he 
was not recognized, but suspected that he was hunted. Instantly, Henry 
pulled up his coat collar, and Urew his hat over his face to disguise himself 
as much as possible ; but he could not wholly recover from the shock he had 



538 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

thus sustained. He turned aside from the market and soon met a friend 
formerly from Richmond, who liad been in servitude in the tobacco factory 
owned by his master. Henry tried to prevail on him to spot out said 
Hobson, in the market, and see if there possibly could be any mistake. Not 
a step would his friend take in that direction. He had been away for 
several years, still he was a fugitive, and didn't like the idea of renewing 
his acquaintance with old or new friends with a white skin from Virginia. 
Henry, however, could not content himself until he had taken another good 
look at Mr. Hobson. Disguising himself he again took a stroll through the 
market, looking on the right and left as he passed along; presently he saw 
him seated at a butcher's stall. He examined him to his satisfaction, and 
then went speedily to headquarters (the Anti-Slavery Ofiice), made known 
the fact of his discovery, and stated that he believed his master had no 
other errand to Boston than to capture him. Measures were at once taken 
to ascertain if such a man as Charles L. Hobson was booked at any of the 
hotels in Boston. 

On finding that this was really a fliet, Henry was offered and accepted 
private quarters with the well-known philanthropist and friend of the fugi- 
tive, Francis Jackson. His house as well as his purse was always ojicn to 
the slave. AViiile under the roof of Mr. Jackson, as Hobson advertised 
and described Henry so accurately, and offered a. reward of two hundred 
and fifty dollars for him, Henry's friends thought that they would return 
him the compliment by publishing him in the Boston papers quite as^ 
accurately if not with as high a reward for him ; they advertised him 
after this manner: "Charles L. Hobson, twenty-two years of age, six feet 
high, with a slouched hat on, mixed coat, black pants, with a goatee, is 
stopping at the Tremont Hotel," &c., &c. This was as a bomb-shell to Mr. 
Hobson, and he immediately took the hint, and with his trunks steered for 
the sunny South. In a day or two afterwards Henry deemed it advisable 
to visit Canada. After arriving there he wrote back to his young master, 
to let him know where he Mas, and why he left, and what he was doing. 
How his letter was received Henry was never informed. For five years.he 
lived in Boston and ran on a boat trading to Canada East. He saved up 
his money and took care of himself creditably. He Avas soon prepared to 
go into some business that would ]Kiy him better than running on the boat. 
Two of his young friends agreed with him that tlicy could do better in 
Philadiphia than in Boston, so they came to the City of Brotherly Love 
and opened a first-class dining-saloon near Third and Chestnut streets. 
For a time they carried on the business with enterprise and commendable 
credit, but one of the partners, disgusted with the prejudices of the city 
passenger railway cars, felt that he could no longer live here. Henry, 
known after leaving Slavery only by the name of Wm. Scott, quitted the 
restaurant business and found employment as a messenger under Thomas A. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 539 

Scott, Esq., Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Central Rail Road, where 
he has I'aithfully served for the last four years, and has the prospect of 
filling the office for many years to come. He is an industrious, sober, 
steady, upright, and intelligent young man, and takes care of his wife and 
child in a comfortable three story brick house of his own. 



ARRIVAL FROiAI RICHMOND, 1859. 

Miles Robinson was the slave of Mrs. Roberts, a widow lady living in 
York County, Virginia. He did not live with her, however, but was hired out 
in the city of Richmond. He had been fortunate in falling into bauds that 
' had not treated him harshly. He was not contented, however. Much of the 
leisure falling incidentally to his lot from hours of duty, he devoted to the 
banjo. As a player on this instrument he had become quite gifted, but music 
in Richmond was not liberty. The latter he craved, and in thought was often 
far beyond Mason and Dixon's line, enjoying that which was denied him in 
Virginia. Although but twenty-two years of age. Miles was manly, and 
determination and intelligence were traits strongly marked in his unusually 
well-shaped visage. Hearing that he was to be sold, he conferred not with 
his mother, brothers, or sisters, (for such he had living as slaves in Rich- 
mond) but resolved to escape by the first convenience. Turning his attention 
to the Underground Rail Road, he soon found an agent who communi- 
cated his wishes to one of the colored women running as cook or cham- 
: berraaid on one of the Philadelphia and Richmond steamers, and she was 
' bold enough to take charge of him, and found him a safe berth in one of the 
closets where the pots and other cooking utensils belonged. It was rather 
rough and trying, but Miles felt that it was for liberty, and he must pass 
through the ordeal Nvithout murmuring, wiiich he did, until success was 
achieved and he found himself in Philadelphia. Boston being the haven 
on which his hopes were fixed, after recruiting a short while in the city he 
steered for said place. Finding liberty there as sweet as he had fondly 
hoped to find it, he applied himself unceasingly to industrial pursuits, eco- 
nomy, the improvement of his mind and the elevation of his race. Four 
years he passed thus, under the shadow of Bunker Hill, at the end of which 
time he invested the earnings, which he had saved, in a business with two 
young friends in Philadelphia. All being first-class waiters and under- 
standing catering, they decided to open a large dining-saloon. Miles was 
one of the two friends mentioned in Wm. Scott's narrative, and as his 
success and consequent fortunes have been already referred to, it will suffice 
here to mention iiim simj>ly in connection with two contests that he sus- 
tained with the prejudice that sought to drive colored people from the pas- 
senger cars. 



540 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

At the corner of Fourth and Wahiut streets Miles, in company with two 
other young men, Wallace and Marshall, one evening in a most orderly 
manner, entered the cars and took their seats. The conductor ordered them 
on the front platform ; they did not budge. He stopped the car and ordered 
them out; this did no good. He read rules, and was not a little embarrassed 
by these polite and well-dressed young men. Finally he called for the police, 
who arrested all three. Miles did not yield his seat without a struggle. 
In being pulled out his resistance was such that several window lights were 
broken in the car. The police being in strong force, however, succeeded in 
marching their prisoners to the Mayor's police station at the corner of Fifth 
and Chestnut streets where they were locked up to await further investiga- 
tion. The prisoners thought they were back in " old Yirginny " again. 
Miles gritted his teeth and felt very indignant, but what could he do ? The 
infamous prejudice against which they had borne testimony was controlling 
all the lines of city passenger, railways in Philadelphia. While Miles and 
his friends were willing to suffer for a principle, the dirt, filth, cold, and dis- 
agreeableness of the quarters that they most likely would be compelled to 
occupy all night and the following day (Sunday) forbade submission. Added 
to this Miles felt that his young wife would hardly be able to contain her- 
self while he was locked up. They sent for the writer to intercede for 
them. 

At a late hour of the night, after going from the alderman's boarding- 
house to a fire engine house and other places, where it was supposed that he 
might probably be found, on going a third time to his hotel, a little before 
midnight, he was discovered to be in bed, and it was then ascertained that 
he had not been out all the evening. The night was very stormy. We 
could not tell whether or not the fruitless chase on which we had been sent 
in search of the alderman, was in keeping with the spirit that had lot'ked 
the men up, designed to mislead us ; he condescended at last to appear, and 
accepted our offer to go bail for all of them, and finally issued a discharge. 
This was hastily delivered at the station, and the prisoners were released. 

But ]\Iile3 was not satisfied ; he had breathed free air in Massachusetts 
for four years, and being a man of high spirit he felt that he must further 
test the prejudices of the cars. Consequently one very cold night, when a 
deep snow covered the pavements, he was out with his M'ife, and thought 
that he would ride; his wife being fair, he put her on the car at the 
corner of Third and Pine streets, and walked to the corner of Fourth 
and Pine streets, where he stepped into the car and took his scat. The 
conductor straightway ordered him out, on the plea of color. God had 
shaded him a little too much. " How is this, my wife is in this car," spake 
Miles. All eyes gazed around to see who his wife was. By this time the 
car had been stopped, and the wrath of the conductor was kindled prodi- 
giously. He did not, however, lay violent hands upon Miles. A lat6 



i 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 54I 

decision in court nad taught the police that they had no right to interfere 
except in cases where the peace was actually being broken; so in order to <»'et 
irid of this troublesome customer, the car was run off the track, the shivering 
passengers all leaving it, as though flying from a plague, with the exception 
of Miles, his wife, and another colored gentleman, who got on with ]\Iiles. 
The conductor then hoisted all the windows, took out the cushions and 
unhitched the horses. But Miles and his party stood it bravely ; Miles 
burning all the time with indignation at this exhibition of prejudice in the 
city of Brotherly Love. The war was then raging fiercely, and as Miles 
then felt, he was almost prepared to say, he didn't care which beat, as the 
woman said, when she saw her husband and the bear wrestling. He was 
compelled to admit that this prejudice was akin to slavery, and gave to 
slavery its chief support. 

The occupants of the horseless car, which was being aired so thoroughly, 
remained in it for a length of time, until they had sufficiently borne their 
testimony, and they too quietly forsook it. 

Prior to this event, by his industry and hard-earned savings. Miles had 
become the owner of a comfortable brick house, and had made up his mind 
to remain a citizen of Philadelphia, but the spirit which prompted the afore- 
said treatment called up within him reflections somewhat similar to those 
iroused by Slavery, and it was not a great while before he offered his pro- 
perty for sale, including his business stand, resolving to return to Boston. 
He received an offer for his property, accepted it, pulled up stakes, and 
igain hopefully turned his face thitherward. The ambitious Miles com- 
nenced business in Chelsea, near Boston, where he purchased himself a 
comfortable home; and he has ever since been successfully engaged in 
ihe sale of kerosene oil. Instead of seeking pleasure in the banjo, as he was 
ivont to do in Virginia, he now finds deligiit in the Baptist Church, Rev. 
VIr. Grimes', of which he is a prominent member, and in other fields of use- 
ulness tending to elevate and better the condition of society generally. 



AERIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 

JOHN "WILLIAM DUNGY. — BROUGHT A PASS FROM EX. GOV. GREGORY. 

" He ought to be put in a cage and kept for a show," said Anna Brown, 
laughter of the hero, John Brown, at the house of the writer, where she 
lappened to meet the above named Underground Rail Road ])assenger. He 
lad then just returned from Canada, after being a Refugee four years. In 
he mean time through the war and the Proclamation of Father Abraham the 
2tters had been torn from the limbs of the slave, and the M'ay to Rich- 



542 



THE UNDERGROUND HAIL ROAD. 




mond was open to all. John 
William on this occasion was 
on his way thither to see how 
his brethren together witli their 
old oppressors looked lacing 
each other as freemen. Miss 
Anna Brown was en route to 
Norfolk, where she designed 
to teach a school of the un- 
fettered bondmen. The return 
of the liefugee was as un- 
expected as it was gratifying. 
Scarcely had the cordial greet- 
ings of the writer and his 
family ended and the daughter 
of Brown been introduced be- 
fore the writer was plying his 
Refugee guest with a multiplicity of questions relative to his sojourn in 
Canada, etc. " How have you been getting along in Canada ? Do you like 
the country?" "First-rate," said Jolm William. "You look as though 
you had neither been starved, nor frozen. Have you liad plenty of 
work, made some money, and taken care of yourself? " " Yes." " When 
you were on the Underground Rail Road on your way to Canada you 
promised that you were going to keep from all bad habits ; how about 
the 'crittur?' do you take a little sometimes?" " No, I have not drank a 
drop since I left the South" re})lied John William with em})hasis. "Good! 
"I suppose you smoke and chew at any rate?" "No, neither. I never 
think of such a thing." "Now don't you keep late horn's at night and 
swear occasionally ?" " No, Sir. All the leisure that I have of evenings 
is spent over my books as a general thing; I have not fallen into the 
fashionable customs of young men." Miss Brown, who had been an atten- 
tive listener, remarked: "he ought to be put in a cage, etc." 

He was twenty-seven years of age when he first landed in Philadelphia, 
in the month of February, 1860, per steamer Pennsylvania, in which he 
had been stowed away in a store-room containing a lot of rubbish and 
furniture; in this way he reached City Point; here a family of Irish emi- 
grants, very dirty, were taken on board, and orders were given that 
accommodations should be made for them in the room occupied by J. W. 
Here was trouble, but only for a moment. Those into whose charge he had 
been consigned on the boat knew that the kettle and pot-closet had often 
been used for Underground Rail Road purposes, and he was safely con- 
ducted to quarters among the pots. The room was exceedingly limited, 
but he stood it bravely. On landing he waa not able to stand. It re- 



I 

I 



I 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 543 

quired not only his personal efforts but the help of friends to get him in 
a condition to walk. No sooner had he stepped on shore, however, than he 
began to cry aloud for joy. " Thank God !" rang out sonorously from his 
overiiowing soul. Alarmed at this indication of gratitude his friends im- 
maliately told him that that would never do ; that all hands would be 
betrayed ; that he was far from being safe in Philadelphia. He suppressed 
his emotion. After being delivered into the hands of the Acting Committee, 
where he was in more private quarters, he gave full vent to the joy he 
experienced on reaching this city. He said that he had been trying earnestly 
for five years to obtain his freedom. For this special object he had saved 
up sixty-eight dollars and fifteen cents, all of which but the fifteen cents he 
willingly paid for his passage on the boat. Fifteen cents, the balance of his 
entire capital, was all that he had when he landed in Philadelphia. 

Before leaving the South ho was hired in the family of Ex-Governor 
Gregory. Of the Governor and his wife he spoke very highly, — said that 
they were kind to him and would readily favor him whenever he solicited 
them to do so. He stated that after making his arrangements to start, in 
order that he might be away several days before being missed, he told Mrs. 
Gregory that he would be glad to spend a week with his mother, (she lived 
some distance in the country). As he was not feeling very -well she kindly 
acceded to his request, and told him to ask the Governor for a pass and 
some money. The Governor was busy writing, but he at once granted the 
prayer, wrote him a pass, gave John five dollars, ad<ling that he was sorry 
that he had no more in his pocket, etc. John bowed and thanked the 
Governor, and soon got ready for his visit ; but his route lay in a far 
different direction than that contemplated by the Governor and his lady. 
He was aiming for the Underground Rail Road. As has already been inti- 
mated, he was not owned by the Governor, but by the Fcrrell heirs — five 
children who had moved from Virginia to Alabama years back. " Every 
Ferrell that lives is down on slaves ; they are very severe," said John. 
Yet he had not suffered as many others had who belonged to them, as he 
had been a dining-room servant. At one time they had owned large 
1 numbers of slaves, but latterly they had been selling them off. Contrary 
to John's wishes his Alabama owners had notified him as well as the 
Governor, that in a short while he was to be taken to Alabama. This 
induced John to act with great promptness in leaving at the time that he 
did. 

After passing several years in Canada as has been already noticed, he 
returned to Richmond and paid a visit to liis old home. 

He found that the governor and his wife had both departed, but two of 
the daughters (young ladies), still lived. They were both glad to see him; 
the younger especially; she told him that she was glad that he escaped, 
and that she "prayed for him." The elder remarked that she had always 



544 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

thought that he was too "good a Christian to run away." Another thing 
which she referred to, apparently with much feeling, was this: On his 
way to Canada, he wrote to the governor, from Rochester, " that be need 
put himself to no trouble in hunting him up, as he had made up his mind 
to visit Canada." She thought that John was rather " naughty," to write 
thus to her " papa," nevertheless, she was disposed to forgive him, after she 
had frankly spoken her mind. 

Joiix found Richmond, which so long had held him in chains, fully 
humbled, and her slave power utterly cast down. His wondering eyes 
gazed until he was perfectly satisfied that it was the Lord's doings, and 
it was marvellous in his eyes. He was more than ever resolved to get an 
education, and go back to Virginia, to help teach his brethren who had 
been so long denied the privilege. It was not long before he was at 
Oberlin College, a faithful student, commanding the highest respect from 
all the faculty for his good deportment and studious habits. 

After advancing rapidly there, the way o})ened more fully to pursue his 
studies with greater facilities and less expense at a college in one of the 
Eastern States. He accepted the favors of friends who offered him assis- 
tance, with a view of preparing him for a mission among the freedraen, 
believing tliat he possessed in a high degree, the elements for a useful 
worker, preacher, organizer and teacher. As the friends alluded to, were 
about taking measures to start a college at Harper's. Ferry, especially for the 
benefit of the Freedmen, they anticipated making this latitude the field of 
his future endeavors, at least for a time. Ere he graduated in view of the 
fact that the harvest in the South so urgently called for laborers, he was 
solicited to be an agent for the Storer College,* and subsequently to enter 
upon a mission under the auspices of the Fre^-"\Vill Baptists, in Martins- 
burg, Virginia. For three or four years he labored in this field with com- 
mendable zeal and acceptably, gathering young and old in day and Sunday- 
schools, and also organizing churches. By his constant labors his health 

* The appended extract from an official circular, issued by the Board of Instruction of Storer 
College, will throw light upon this Institution : 

STORER COLLEGE, HARPER'S FERRY, WEST VIRGINIA. 
This Institution, deriving its name from John Storer, Esq., late of Sanford, Mc, who gave ten 
thousand dollars to aid in its establishment, is located at Harper's Ferry. West Va., and has been 
chartered with full powers by a special act of the Legislature. The Corporation has been regularly 
organized, about thirty thousand dollars in money has been obtained, a large tract of land has 
been purchased, ample buildings have been secured, and a Normal School has been in successful 
operation during the last eighteen months. The U. S. authorities have repeatedly expressed their 
confidence in and sympathy with this undertaking, by liberal grants of money and buildings, and 
the agent for the distribution of the Peabody Fund, has pledged pecuniary aid to the best of the 
pupils in attendance, who may be in need of such assistance. 

llEv. J. CALDEn, D. D., Pres., Hev. N. C. Brackett, Act. Scc'y., 

llarrisburg, Pcnna. Uarper's Ferry, West Va. 

Harper's Ferry, West Va., March 1, 1869. 



ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 545 

became impaired; receiving a call from a church in Providence, he accepted, 
not without knowing, however, that his mission was to be left in faithful 
hands, to carry on the good work. * 

There is still need of efficient laborers in the Shenandoah Valley. 
According to the testimony of Mr. Dungy, scores of places may still be 
found where the children have no school privileges, and where many, both 
old and young, have never had the opportunity of entering a meeting-house 
or church since the war, as the spirit of the white Christians in these 
regions is greatly embittered against the colored people, owing to the 
abolition of Slavery; and they do- not invite them to either church or 
school. Indeed, the churches are closed against them. At different times, 
Mr. Dungy has eloquently represented the condition of the colored churches 
of the South, in the city of Philadelphia. As a speaker, Mr. Dungy is 
able and interesting, of good address, remarkably graceful iu his manners, 
and possessing much general information. 

The subjoined letters received from him, while a fugitive iq Canada, are 
characteristic of the man, and will repay a perusal. 

Brantford, March 3d, 18G0. 

Mb. Wm. Still, Dear Sir : — I have seated myself this evening to write you a few lines 
to inform you that I have got through my journey, and landed safely in Brantford, where 
I found ray friend, Stepney Brown, and we expressed great joy at meeting each other, and 
had a great shaking of hands, and have not got done talking yet of the old times we had 
in Virginia. 

I thank God I am enjoying vigorous health, and hope you all are well, as it is written 
in the first Psalm, " Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, 
nor standeth in the way of sinners, nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful." 

I wish you may think of me often and pray for me that I may grow a man, one of the 
followers of our meek and lowly Saviour Give my love to Mrs. Still, and family, and 
the Rev. Mr. Gibbs, that was residing with you when I was there. 

I must now inform you a little about Canada, at least as much of it as I have seen and 
heard. I arrived in the city of Hamilton, on the 15th February, 1800, at nine o'clock in 
the evening, and the weather was dreary and cold, and the cars laid over there until ten 
o'clock next day, and I went uj) into the city and saw a portion of it. I then started for 
Toronto, arrived there same day at 12 o'clock. There I met friends from Richmond, re- 
mained there several days ; during the time we had a very extensive snow storm, and I 
took the opportunity of walking around the city looking at the elephants, and other great 
sights. I liked it very much ; but upon hearing that my friend and brother Stepney 
Brown was in Brantford, I became disatisfied and left for Brantford on the 21st February, 
18G0. I have found it a very pleasant, and have been told it is the prettiest place in 
Canada. 

It is built upon the Grand River, which is two hundred miles long, and empties into 
Lake Erie. It rises to a great height every spring, and great masses of ice come down, 
bringing bridges, saw-logs, trees, and fairly sweeps everything before it. The people who 
live upon the flats are in great danger of being drowned in their houses. 

I got a situation immediately at the Kerby House^ by the influence of my friend and 
brother, Stepney Brown, who I must say has been very kind to me, as also have the peo- 
35 



546 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

pie of Brantford. The Kerbey House is the largest hotel in the town about 250 rooms, 
and a stable at the back, with a gas-house of its own. No more at present, but remain, 

Yours very respectfully, John William Dungy. 
P. S. Write at your earliest convenience, and oblige your friend, J. W. D. 

Bp.antfobd, April 20th. 
Mr. Still, Dear Sir:— I feel myself quite lonesome this evening, and not hearing 
from you lately I take this oppertunity to drop you a few lines. I have not much to say, 
brother Brown has left for the falls, and expects to return next winter. The weather is 
mild and warm at this time ; the grass is putting up and begins to look like spring. I 
thank the Lord I am enjoying good health at this time. I hope this letter will find you 
and your family well, give my compliments to them all and Mr. Gibbs and the young 
lady that was at your house when I was there. Times has been hard this winter, but 
they are increasing for the better. I' wrote to you a few days ago, I don't know whether 
you got my letter. I asked in ray letter if Mr. Williams was on the Pennsylvania, that 
runs from their to Richmond, Va, I should have written to him, but I did not know his 
number, I also named a friend of mine, Mr Plumer if he arrives their pleas to tell him to 
come to Brantford, where I am for there are good chances for business I think a great deal 
about my colored brethren in the South but I hope to be a benefit to them one of these 
days. We have quite a melancholy affair about one of our colored brothers who made his 
escape from the South those who took him up have gone back to obtain witness to con- 
vict him for murder. These witness is to be here on Monday 23 inst but the defendence 
of the law says they shant take him back unless they bring good witness and men of truth 
I will write you more about it after the trial comes of. I must say a little about myself. 
I want to devote myself to study if I can for the next twelve months. I expect to leave 
the Kirby House on the 5th of may. I have taken a barber shop which is a very good 
situation and one hand employed with me. I would be much oblige to you if you would 
give me some advice what to do. I sent you the morning herald yesterday which con- 
tained a accident which occurd on the G. trunk R. W. you will see in it that we don't 
have much politics here. The late destructive fire we had I thought it would have kept 
brantford back this summer but it is increasing slowly I have nothing more to say at 
this time. I hope the Lord may bless you all and take care of you in this world, and 
after time receive you in his everlasting kingdom through Jesus Christ our Lord. Answer 
this as soon as convenient. Good bye. Yours respectfully J. W. Dungy. 

Brantford, C. W., January 11th, 61. 

Mr. Wm. Still, Dear Sir :— I take this opportunity to drop you a few lines to let you 
hear from me. I am well at this time, hoping this will find you the same. 

I acknowledge my great neglectness of you with great regret that I have not answered 
your letter before this, I hope you will excuse me as I have succeeded in getting me a 
wife since I wrote to you last. 

My mind has been much taken up in so doins; for several months past. Give my com- 
pliments to your wife and your family, and Mr. Gibbs, also hoping they are all well. 
Tell Mrs. Still to pray for me that I may grow in grace and the knowledge of the truth 
as it is in Jesus. 

I often think of you all. I pray that the time may come when we will all be men in 
the United States. We have read here of the great disturbance in the South. My 
prayer is that this may be a deathblow to Slavery. Do you ever have any Underground 
Rail Road passengers now? Times have been very prosperous in Canada this year. 

The commercial trade and traffic on the railways has been very dull for these few 






A UNT HANNAH MOORE. g^-jr 

months back. Business on the Buffalo and Lake Huron railway has been so dull that a 
great number of the hands have been discharged on account of the panic in the South 

Canada yet cries, Freedom ! Freedom I Freedom I 

I must now say a little about my friend and brother Stepney Brown he lived about six 
months at the Niagara Falls and is now going to school here in Brantford he sends his 
best respects to you all. He and I often sit together at night after the labor of the day 
IS over talking about our absent friends wishing we could see them once more 

Mr Brown and myself have been wishing for one-or two of your slavery standards and 
would be much obliged to you if you would send some of the latest 

Please let me hear from you as soon as possible. I must now bring my letter to a close 
and remain your affectionate friend, j y^ Dungy 

P. S. May the Lord be with you, j ^ Dongt 

Address your letter to John W. Dungy, Brantford, C. W. 



"AUNT HANNAH MOORE." 

In 1854 in company with her so-called Mistress (Mary Moore) Aunt 
Hannah arrived in Philadelphia, from Missouri, being en route to California, 
where she with her mistress was to join her master, who had gone there 
years before to seek his fortune. The mistress having relatives in this 
city tarried here a short time, not doubting that she had sufficient con- 
trol over Aunt Hannah to keep her from contact with cither abolitionists 
or those of her own color, and that she would have no difficulty in 
taking her with her to her journey's end. If such were her calculations 
she was greatly mistaken. For although Aunt Hannah was destitute 
of book-learning she was nevertheless a woman of thought and natural 
ability, and while she wisely kept her counsel from her mistress she took 
care to make her wants known to an abolitionist. She had passed many 
years under the yoke, under diffi^rent owners, and now seeing a ray of 
hope she availed herself of the opportunity to secure her freedom. She 
had occasion to go to a store in the neighborhood where she was stopping, 
and to her unspeakable joy she found the proprietor an abolitionist and 
a friend who inquired into her condition and proffii'red her assistance. 
The store-keeper quickly made known her condition at the Anti-sla- 
very Office, and in double-quick time J. M. McKira and Charles Wise as 
abolitionists and members of the Vigilance Committee repaired to the stop- 
ping-place of the mistress and her slave to demand in the name of hu- 
imanity and the laws of Pennsylvania that Aunt Hannah should be no longer 
held in fetters but that she should be immediately proclaimed free. In the 
eyes of the mistress this procedure was so extraordinary thnt she became 
very much excited and for a moment threatened them with the "broom- 
stick," but her raving had no effect on Messrs. McKim and Wise, who 
^id not rest contented until Aunt Hannah was safely in their hands. 



548 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

She had lived u sLive in Moore's family in the State of Missouri about 
ten years and said she was treated very well, had plenty to eat, plenty to 
wear, and a plenty of work. It was prior to her eoniing into the possession 
of Moore that Aunt Hannah had been made to drink the bitter waters of 
oppression. From this point, therefore, we shall present some of the inci- 
dents of her life, from infancy, and very nearly word for word as she re- 
lated them : 

" Moore bought me from a man named McCaully, who owned me 
about a year. I fared dreadful bad under McCaully. One day in a rage 
he undertook to beat rae with the limb of a cherry-tree ; he began at me 
and tried in the first place to snatch my clothes oif, but he did not succeed. 
After that he beat the cherry-tree limb all to pieces over me. The first 
blow struck me on the back of my neck and knocked me down ; his 
wife was looking on, sitting on the side of the bed crying to iiim to lay on. 
After the limb was worn out he then went out to the yard and got a lath, 
and he come at me again and beat me with that until he broke it all to 
pieces. He was not satisfied then ; he next went to the fence and tore oif 
a paling, and with that ho took both hands, 'cursing' me all the time as 
hard as he could. With an oath he would say, ' now don't you love me?' 
'Oh master, I will pray for you, I would cry, then he would 'cuss' harder 
than ever.' He beat me until he was tired and quit. I crept out of doors 
and throwed up blood ; some days I was hardly able to creep. With this 
locating I was laid up several weeks. Another time Mistress McCaully got 
very angry. One day she beat me as bad as he did. She was a woman 
who would get very mad in a minute. One day she began scolding and 
said the kitchen wasn't kept clean. I told her the kitchen was kept as 
clean as any kitchen in the |)lace ; she spoke very angry, and said she didn't 
go by other folks but she had rules of her own. She soon ordered me to 
come in to her. I went in as she ordered me; she met me with a mule-rope, 
and ordered me to cross my hands. I crossed my hands and she tied me to 
the bedstead. Here her husband said, ' my dear, now let me do the fightin";.' 
In her mad fit she said he shouldn't do it, and told him to stand back and 
keep out of the way or I will give you the cowhide she said to him. He 
then 'sot' down in a 'cheer' and looked like a man condemned to be hung; 
then she whippwl me with the cowhide until I sunk to the floor. He then 
begged her to quit. He said to his wife slie has begged and begged and you 
have whipped her enough. She only raged ' wus ;' she turned the butt end 
of the cowhide and struck me five or six blows over my head as hard as she 
could ; she then throwed the cowhide down and tohl a little girl to untie me. 
The little girl was not able to do It ; Mr. McCaully then untied me himself 
Both times that I was beat the blood run down from my head to my foQi. 

" They wouldn't give you anything to eat hardly. IMcCaully bore the 
name of coming by free colored children without buying them, and selling 



A UNT HANNAH MOORE. 549 

them afterwards. One boy on the place always said that he was free bat 
had been kidnapped from Arkansas. He could tell all about how he was 
kidnapped, but could not find anybody to do anything for him, so he had 
to content himself. 

" McCaully bought me from a man by the name of Landers. While in 
Landers' hands I had the rheumatism and was not able to work. He was 
afraid I was going to die, or he would lose me, and I would not be of any 
service to him, so he took and traded me off for a wagon. I was something 
better when he traded me oiF; well enough to be about. My health remained 
bad for about four years, and I never got my health until Moore bought me. 
Moore took me for a debt. McCaully owed IVIoore for wagons. I was not 
born in Missouri but was born in Virginia. From my earliest memory I 
was owned by Conrad Hacklcr; he lived in Grason County. He was a very 
poor man, and had no otlier slave but me. He bought me before I was quite 
four years old, for one hundred dollars. Hacklcr bought me from a man 
named William Scott. I must go back by good rights to the beginning and 
tell all : Scott bought me first from a young man he met one day in the 
road, with a bundle in his arms. Scott, wishing to know of the young man 
what he had in his bundle, was told that he had a baby. ' What are you 
going to do with it?' said Scott. The young man said that he was going to 
tiike it to his sister ; that its mother was dead, and it had nobody to take 
care of it. Scott offered the young man a horse for it, and the young man 
took him up. This is the way I was told that Scott came by me. I never 
knowed anything about my mother or father, but I have always believed 
that my mother was a white woman, and that I was put away to save her 
character ; I have always thought this. Under Hackler I was treated more 
like a brute than a human boing^ I was fed like the dogs; had a trough 
dug out of a piece of wood for a i)lato. After I growcd up to ten years old 
they made me sleep out in an old house standing off some distance from the 
main house where my master and mistress lived. A bed of straw and old 
rags was made forme in a big trough called the tan trough (a trough having 
been used for tanning purposes). The cats about the place came and slept 
with me, and was all the company I had. I had to work with the hoe in 
the field and help do everything in doors and out in all weathers. The 
place was so poor that some seasons he would not raise twenty bushels of 
corn and hardly three bushels of wheat. As for shoes I never knowed what 
it was to have a pair of shoes until I was grown up. After I growed up 
to be a woman my master thought nothing of taking my clothes off, and 
would whip me until the blood would run down to the ground. After I 
was twenty-five years old they did not treat me so bad ; they both jn'ofessed 
to get religion about that time ; and my master said he would never lay the 
weight of his finger on me again. Once after that mistress wanted him to 
whip me, but he didn't do it, nor never whipped me any more. After awhile 



m} 



Till'. UMn:ii<;i{()if\n i:ail ho ad. 



my rniiMlvr ilird ; if (hey li;i(l <^i>\n' •.u-ctrnWiv^ (o law I would liiivo Ixjcii hired 
Old. or Hold, lull my mislrc.sM wmiiIciI |o keep nir to carry on the |»!ac(' lor licr 
Hii|i|ior(. So I was k('|)r lor ,sc\ rii or ci;;!!! years all"!' Iiisdealli. 1 1 was 
iiiidcrHlctod iM'lweeii my mislresM, and lier eliildren, and lier friends, who all 
niel afler masler died, (hal. I was lo lalve <'are (A' mistress, and after iniHtross 
died I Nlionid nol serve anylxxly else. I don<' my best to keep my mi.strcss 
from snlVerin;;. After a few years they all beeanx' dissatislied, and moved 
to Missouri. They Heallercd, and look up <.n)vernmeut laud. Without 
means ihey lived as poor |»eople commonly li\c, on small farms in the wooilrt. 
I slill livctl willi mv mislresH. Some of (he heirs <:;ot dissatislied, and HUed 
lor iheii' rii'liH or a selllement; (hen I was sold wl(h my child, a hoy." 

'i'hus AiMit Hannah reviewed her slave-life, showini^ ihal she had been in 
(he hands of hi\ ililfcrcnl owiui:, and had seen <;i-«'a( (ribuIa(ioii under 
«>aeh of (hem, exee|»( tin- las! ; that she had never known a mother's or a 
father's care; (hat Slavery had i;i\en her one child, but no husband as a 
pi-otcetor or a filher. Tlie hall' of what she passed (lirou^h in (lie way of 
Huneriuj:; has seared \- been hinted a( in this sketch. I'ifly-seveu years were 
passed in boudaj;<' belbre she reaclu'd IMiiladel|>hia. Huder ihen'ood Provi- 
dence (hrou^h which .'he came in possession of her iVeedom, she found a 
kind honu< with a family of Ab(»li(ionisls, (Mi\s. ( lillini;ham's\ w hos(^ hearts 
had been in dee|» sympatln- with (he slave for many years. In (his silua- 
(ion Aunt llannah remaincil several years, honest, t'aithlul, and olilining, 
(akin;;- care of her earnin<.!,s, which wcic put ou( at int«'rest lor lit r by her 
friends. llci' mind was dee|»lv ind)ucd with rcliL;it>us Icelini:;, and ail 
unshaken eonliilcn<'t> in ( ioil as her only trust ; .^he connected hers(>lf with 
(he A. M. Iv r.clliel CiiiHcli, of riiiiadclphia. wlua-c she has walked, 
blameless an«l cxcmplaiy up to this day. I'robably (here is not a uu-ui- 
b*M" ii\ (hat larL:,'(> c(Mii:;i'eii,a(io!. whose simple faith and whose walk and 
conversalion are more connucuilable than Aunt llannah's. AlthoUL:,h she 
has passed (hroui;h so many hanlships she is a woman ot" puul judgment 
and more than avcrai'M' intellect; enjoys ^ood hcallh, viuor, .and |ieacc 
of mind in her old da\s, with a small income iu>t sulliiieul (o mce( her 
hund>lt> wan(s wi(hon( haviiiL:,' to li\(> at sta\ice. Allci' li\iu^ in IMiila- 
• lelphia tor se\ ci-al vcars, sln> was mariicd to a man o{' about her ow n ai^c, 
poHS(>ssint;' all lui' '.';ihH\ (pialitics; had s(M'\i'd a lite-lime in a hii!,hly 
respectable (Quaker tamilv ol' this eitv, .and had so won (he estciau ol his 
kind tMuploycr that at his death he left him a comtorlabic houst> t"t>r life, so 
that he was nol uiuha" the necessity of stM'viii!:,' anotlua". I'hc name of the 
rcci|)icnt ol" the !;ood (Quaker iVicud's bounl\ and Aunt llannah's coai- 
panion, was Thomas Todd. Alter a few years ol" wcddctl lite. Aunt Han- 
nah was called upon io be Icl'l alone a^ain in the woi'ld by tht> death of her 
husband, whov(' |o>;s was n\onrucd bv manv iVicnds, both colored and white, 
who knew and rcspccli>d him. 



KIDXAPPIXG RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER. 551 



KIDXAPPIXG OF RACHEL AXD ELIZABETH PARKER- 
MURDER OF JOSEPH C. MILLER IX ISol AXD 1852. 

Those who were interested in the Anti-Slavery cause, and who kept 
posted with reference to the frequent cases of kidnapping occurring in differ- 
ent Free States, especially in Pennsylvania, during the twenty years previous 
to emancipation, cannot fail to remember the kidnapping of Rachel and 
Elizabeth Parker, and the murder of Joseph C. Miller, who resided in "West 
Nottingham township, Chester county, Pennsylvania, in the latter part of 
1851, and the beginning of 1852. 

B(jth the kidnajjpiug and the murder at the time of the occurrence 
shocked and excited the l>etter thinking and humane classes largely, not 
only in Pennsylvania, but to a considerable extent over the Northern States. 
It may be said, without contradiction, that Chester county, at least, was 
never more aroused by any one single outrage that had taken place 
within lu.T borders, than by these occurrences. For a long while the in- 
terest was kept alive, and even as lately as the past year (1870), we find 
the case still agitating the citizens of Chester county. Judge Benjamin I. 
Passmore, of said county, in defence of truth in an exhaustive article 
publi.lied in the ''Village Record," West Chester, Oct. 12th, 1870, gives 
a reliable version of the matter, from beginning to end, which we feci con- 
strained to give in full, as possessing great historical value, bearing on 
kidnapping in general, especially in Pennsylvania. 

TOM m'creaky. 

Friend Evans: — I noticed in the "Village Record," a short time since, 
an article taken from the Delaware " Transcript," an obituary notice of the 
death of the noted cliaracter, whose name heads this article, in which false 
statements wen; niadf, rfflative to tiie outrage he committed in kidnapping 
Rachel and ElizafKjth I'arker, two colored girls who were then, 1851, resid- 
ing in the southern j)ortion of Cliester county. In your paper of the 13th 
ult., I also read an answer to the charges and insinuations made in the 
" Traiiscrii)t," against Joseph C. Miller, (whose life was basely destroyed), 
and other citizens of Chester county ; as the occurrence took place in my 
immediate neighborhood, and I was familiar with all the facts and circum- 
stances, I propose to give a truthful history of that vile and wicked transac- 
tion. 

In the winter of 1851, the said McCreary in some unexplained way, took 
Elizabetli J*;irker, one of the said colored girls, from the house of one 
Donally (not McDonald), in the townslii|) of East Nottingham, where she 
was living; but little was said about it by Donally, or any one else. Soon 
ifter, McCreary with two or three others of like proclivities, called at the 



552 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

house of Joseph C. Miller, in West Nottingham, where Rachel was living;, 
and seized her, gagged her, and placed her in a carriage and drove off. The 
screams of Mrs. Miller and her children, soon brought the husband and 
father to the rescue ; he pursued them on foot, and at a short distance over- 
took them in a narrow private road, disputing with James Pollock, the 
owner of the land, whose wagon prevented them from passing. They turned 
and took another road, and came out at Stubb's INIill, making for the Mary- 
land line with all possible speed; they arrived at Perryvillo bef<jre the train 
for Baltimore. Eli Haines and a young man named Wiley, who lived near 
Rising Sun, Maryland, about two miles from Joseph C. Millcr^s, arrived at 
the same place soon after, intending to go to Philadelphia. Mr. Haines 
knew Rachel, and seeing McCreary there, and her so overwhelmed in 
sorrow, at once guessed the situation of uffiiirs, and he and Wiley changed 
their intentions of going to Philadelphia, and went in the same car with 
McCreary and his victim, to Baltimore, and quietly watched what disposi- 
tion Avould be made of her, as they felt certain pursuit would be made. 

As soon as possible, after ^IcCreury had escaped from West Nottingham, 
Joseph C Miller, William Morris, Abner Richardson, Jesse B. Kirk, and 
H. G. Coates, started in pursuit on horseback ; when they arrived at Perry- 
ville, the train had gone, M'ith the kidnapper and tlie girl ; they followed in 
the next train. Soon after they arrived in Baltimore, they were met by 
Haines and Wiley, who had been on the lookout for a pursuing party, and 
they gave the information that Rachel was deposited in Campbell's slave- 
pen. They were directed by an ticquaintance of one of the party, to Francis 
S. Cochran, a prominent member of the Society of Friends. Francis informed 
them he was well acquainted with Campbell, and he at once accorapained 
them. Campbell assured Friend Cochran that whilst he approved of 
Slavery and catching runaway slaves, he despised kidnapping and kidnap- 
pers; and on the arrival of McCreary, he ordered him to remove Rachel 
forthwith, which he proceeded to do. Friend Cochran insisted on going 
with them, and saw the girl deposited in jail to await a legal investigation. 
By this time it was evening, and the Chester county men all went home 
with Cochran, where they had their suppers ; the excitement being great, 
Friend Cochran did not consider it safe for them to go to the depot direct; 
he procured their tickets and had them driven by a circuitous route to the 
depot, charging them to keep together, and take their seats in the cars at 
once. Soon after they were seated and before the cars started. Miller stepped 
out on the platform to smoke, against the expostulations of his friends. 
Jesse B. Kirk, his brother-in-law and Abner Richardson followed immedi- 
ately, and although they were right at his heels, he was gone; they called 
him by name, and stepped down into the crowd, but soon became alarmed, 
for their own safety, and returned to their seats. A consultation was held, 
and it was agreed that Wiley, who was least known, and not directly identi- 



I 



KIDNAPPING RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER. 553 

fied with the affair, should pass tlirough the train wlien it started, and see if 
Miller had not mistakenly got into another car. At Stemen's Kun station, 
Wiley returned to the party with the sad tidings that Joseph C. Miller was 
not in that train. On consultation, it was agreed that Jesse B. Kirk and 
Abner Richardson should return from Perryville in the next train, and pros- 
ecute further search for Miller. They did so return, and McCreary also 
returned to Baltimore in the same car, he having left Baltimore in the car in 
the evening with the Chester county men ; they arrived late in the night, 
and locked themselves up in a room in the first hotel they came to. Their 
search was fruitless, and they were forced to return home with the sad 
tidino-s that Miller could not be found. This intelligence aroused the whole 
neio-hborhood ; public meetings were held to consult about what was best to 
be done. The writer presided at one of those meetings, which was largely 
attended, and it was with difficulty that the people could be restrained from 
organizing an armed force to kidnap and lynch McCreary. Bettor counsels, 
however, finally prevailed and it was resolved to send a party to Baltimore to 
prosecute further the search for Miller. About twenty men volunteered for 
the service; I went to the house of Joseph C. Millei-, the niorniug they 
were to start, but they had met at 'Lewis Mellrath's, a brother-in-law of 
Miller. I was there endeavoring to console the aged mother and distracted 
wife and children of Joseph C. Miller, Avhen word came that he had been 
found hanging to a limb in the bushes near Stemen's Run station, and such 
a scene of distress I hope may never again be my lot to witness; it was 
heart-rending in the extreme. 

The party went to Baltimore, and such was the excitement that it was 
considered unsafe for the party to go out in a body in day-time. Levi K. 
Brown, who then resided in Baltimore, went with them by moonlight, and 
they disinterred the body, which they found about two feet under ground, in 
a rough box, with a narrow lid that freely admitted the dirt to surround his 
body in the box. No undertaker in Baltimore could be found that would 
allow the body left at his place of business whilst a coffin was prepared, and 
it was deposited in "Friends'" vault; a coffin was finally procured and 
William Morris and Abner Richardson started with it for his home. When 
they arrived at Perryville no one would render them any assistance, and 
they were compelled to leave the corpse in an old saw mill, and walk up to 
Port Deposit, a distance of five miles, in the night, the weather being ex- 
tremely cold, and a deep snow on the ground. There they procured horses 
and a sled and started with the body, but when within a short distance of 
the Pennsylvania line they were overtaken by a messenger with a requisi- 
tion from the Governor of Maryland to return the body to Baltimore county, 
in order that an inquisition and post-mortem examination might bo held in 
legal form. With sorrowful hearts they turned back ; (one of these young 
men told me that at no place south of Port Deposit could they get any one 



554 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

to assist them in handling the corpse). By this time the affair had created 
a great excitement, both in Chester county and the City of Baltimore, llev. 
John M. Dickey, Hon. Henry S. Evans, then a member of the Senate. Brin- 
ton Darlington, then Sheriff of Chester county, and very many of the 
leading men took a deep interest in the matter; we all did our part. The 
Society of Friends in Baltimore took the matter in hand, and many other 
wortljy citizens belonging to the Presbyterian Church and others lent their 
aid and iniluence. Hon. Henry S. Evans, wlio was then in the Senate of 
Pennsylvania, brought the matter before the Legislature, and the result was 
that the Governor appointed Judges Campbell and Bell, the latter of our 
county, to defend these two poor colored girls thus foully kidnapped. 

The body of Miller underwent a post-mortem examination in Baltimore 
county, at which a great number of rowdies attended, who occupied their 
time drinking whisky and cursing the Pennsylvania Abolitionists ; the 
body finally reached its distressed home for interment. Drs. Hutchinson 
and Dickey were called upon to make an examination, at which I was pre- 
sent, and all were clearly of opinion that he had been foully murdered. His 
wrists and ankles bore the unmistakable marks of manacles; across the abdo- 
men was a black mark as if made by a'ropc or cord; the end of his nose bore 
marks as if held by some instrument of torture. His funeral took })lace, and 
his remains were followed to the grave by an immense concourse of sympa- 
thizing friends and neighbors. 

Such, however, was the excitement, that the public demanded a further 
examination; he M'as disinterred again, and the same two eminent physicians 
made a thorough post-mortem examination, and one of them told the writer 
that there were not two ounces of contents in his stomach and bowels, and 
that there was abundant evidence of the presence of arsenic. His remains 
were again interred and suffered to remain undisturbed. 

The theory of his friends was that he had been suddenly snatched from 
the platform of tlio car in tlie Baltimore Dc[)ot, gagged, stripped, and lashed 
down l)y tiie atikles and wrists, and a rope across his abdomen, that his nose 
had been held by some instrument, and that he was in this situation 
drenched with arsenic, and puked and purged to death, and that INIcCreary, 
or some one for him, had heard Wiley repeat at Stemen's Run Station, that 
he was not on the train, conceived the idea of taking his body there and 
hanging it to a tree to convey the idea that he had committed suicide at that 
place, and such was the statement published by some of the Maryland news- 
papers. His companions said he eat a very hearty supj)er that evening at 
Francis S. Cochran's, which with the other facts that his clothing were not 
soiled, and his stomach and bowels were empty, goes strongly to substantiate 
the theory that he had been stripped and foully murdered, as above indi- 
cated. Never was there a more false assertion than that the 'Miroad brimmed 
Quakers in Pennsylvania were accomplices of McCreary," as it is well 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1S54. 555 

known that opposition to slavery has been a cardinal principle of the Society 
of Friends for a century. And that Joseph C. Miller committed suicide 
because of his being implicated in the kidnapping is a base fabrication. I 
knew Joseph C. Miller from boyhood intimately, and I here take pleasure 
in saying that he was an honest, unassuming man, of good moral character 
and stern integrity, and would have spurned the idea of any complication, 
directly or indirectly, with slavery or kidnapping. 

It appears his foul murder was not suliicient to satisfy the friends of 
slavery and kidnapping, but an attempt is now made, after the victim has 
slumbered near twenty years in the grave, to blast his good name by insinu- 
ating that he was a party, or implicated in the vile transactions here nar- 
rated. 

Rachel remained in jail; Elizabeth, who had been sold to parties in New 
Orleans, was sent for by Campbell, ample security having been given that 
she siiould be returned if proved to be a slave. Their trial finally came on, 
and after a long and tedious investigation they were both proven, by hosts 
of respectable witnesses to be free. They returned to their mother, in 
Chester county, who was still living. 

The Grand Jury of Chester county found a true bill against McCreary for 
kidna])ping, a requisition was obtained, and B. Darlington, Esq., then High 
Sheriff, proceeded with it to Annapolis; but the Governor of Maryland re- 
fused to allow McCreary to be arrested in that State. 

Thus terminated this terrible affair, which cost the State of Pennsylvania 
nearly $3000, as well as a heavy expense to many citizens of Baltimore, and 
those of this county who took an active part, and whilst it is to be hoped 
that the principal actor in this sad transaction fully atoned for his evil deeds, 
whilst living, and his friends may have had a right to eulogize him after 
death, they should not have gone out of their M'ay to traduce other parties, 
dead and alive, whose reputations were known by living witnesses, to be 
beyond reproach. Justice. 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854. 

TUCKER WHITE. 

Tucker reported that he fled from Major Isaac Roney, of Dinwiddle 
Court-House, Virginia, in the Christmas week prior to his arrival ; that he 
reached Petersburg and then encountered difficulties of the most trying 
nature ; he next stopped at City Point, and was equally unfortunate there. 
From exposure in the cold he was severely frost-bitten. While suffering 
from the frost he was ke\A in the poor-Jiouse. After partial recovery he 
made his way to Baltimore and thence to Philadelphia. Once or twice he 



556 THE UNDERGROUXD HAIL ROAD. 

was captured and carried back. The Committee suspected that he was a 
cuaninj^ impostor who had learned how to tell a tale of suffering simply 
to excite the sympathies of the benevolent; yet, with the map of Virginia 
before them, he proved himself familiar with localities adjacent to the 
neighborhood in which he was raised. Although not satisfied with his 
statement, the Committee decided to aid him. 

Passmore Williamson, who had tiiken a deep interest in the examination 
of his case, in order to ascertain the facts, addressed the following note to 
Major Rouey, using as his signature the name of his friend, W'm. J. 

Canby : 

Philadelphia, Juue 24, 1854. 
Major Isaac Roney : 

Dear Sir : — Within a few days past a colored man has been traversing the streets of 
this city, exciting the sympathies of the benevolent by the recital of a tale of the hard- 
ships he has lately passed through. He represents himself to be Tucker White, your 
slave, a carpenter by trade, and that he escaped from your service last Christmas. He is 
quite dark in complexion, rather over the medium size, and a little lame ; the latter, pro- 
bably, from the effects of frost on his feet, from which, he alleges, he suffered severely. 

He seems to be well acquainted with the adjoining localities, but altogether his narra- 
tive is almost incredible, and I am therefore induced to make the inquiry whether such a 
man has escaped from your service or lately left your neighborhood. We are perfectly 
flooded with such vagrants. It would be a great relief if some measures could be resorted 
to to keep them under legal restraint. An answer addressed to No. 73 South 4th Street, 
above Walnut, will reach me, and oblige. Yours, &c. Wm. J. Canby. 

Weeks passed, but no answer came from the Major. All hope w^as aban- 
doned of obtaining a more sntisfactory clue to the history of Tucker White. 
About three months, however, after Mr. William.son had written, tiie ap- 
pended note came as an answer : 

Mr. Canby : 
Major Roney received a letter from you relative to his boy, Tucker White, and has sent 
me here to inquire of you his whereabouts now. If you know anything concerning him 
and will give me such information so I can get him, you will be rewarded for your trou- 
ble. You will please address, 

No. 147 American Hotel. 

The Major would have sent on sooner but he has been sick, and the letter laid in 
Office several days. 

Mr. Canby was at tlie time ill, and no attention w^as paid to the com- 
munication. After a day's delay the following note came to hand, but, as 
in the former instance, no answer was returned. 

Mb. Canby : 
You will confer a great favor on me by writing me whether you were really the author 
of a letter to Major Isaac Roney, of Dinwiddie Court House, Va., relative to his boy 
Tucker White, and if you were the author, please let me know when you last saw him, 
and where. I called at your office yesterday to see you, but your cousin (I think he said 
he was) told me you had the cholera, and if you felt well enough you were going to the 



I 



ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854, 557 

country to-morrow. I hope you will excuse my writing to you to-day, on that account. 
I would not know where to direct a letter if I were to wait until to-morrow. If you 
know anything concerning him and will let me know it, so that I can find and arrest him, 
you will very much oblige Yours, &c., I. M. Tucker, 

No. 147 American Hotel. 
Please write me an answer to-day, so I may know how to proceeed to-morrow. If I 
find him I will be very happy to see you before I leave iu behalf of Major Roney, in 
whose busmess I am now engaged. I. M. T. 

Some one, however, who had a hand in the first letter, referred tlic Major 
to Passmore Williamson, Seventh and Arch Streets. To Mr. Williamson's 
surprise the individual who had addressed Mr. C. appeared at his office with 
the identical letter in his hand that had been addressed him by Mr. W. (with 
W. J. C.'s signature.) On addressing; Mr. W. he held out the letter and in- 
quired : "Are you the author of this letter, sir?" Mr. W. looked at it and 
remarked that it appeared to have been written by a man named Canby. 
" My name is Williamson, but if you will walk in and take a seat I will 
attend to you in a few moments." Accordingly, after occupying a little time 
iu adjusting some papers, he signified to the stranger that he was ready to 
answer any of his questions. Said Mr. W., " I say frankly that I am the 
author of that letter." He then paused for a reply. The stranger then said, 
"I have come from Virginia in behalf of Major Roney, in search of his 
boy, Tucker White; the Major was very anxious to recover him, and he 
would gladly reward IMr. W. or anybody else who would aid him in the 
matter." He then asked Mr. W. if he knew anything of his whereabouts. 
Mr. W. replied : " I do not at present ; for a long time I have heard 
nothing of him. I must tell you that I am very sorry that Major 
Roney gave himself the trouble to send all the way to Philadelphia to 
re-capture his ' boy Tucker White,' and with regard to giving information 
or assistance, I know of but one or two men in this city who would be 
mean enough to stoop to do such dirty work. Geo. F. Albert!, a notorious 
kidnapper, and E. D. Ingraham, equally as notorious as a counsel of slave- 
hunters whom everybody here despises, might have served you in this mat- 
ter. I know no others to recommend; if anybody can find the 'boy,' they 
can. But should they find him they will be obliged to take legal steps in 
arresting him before they can proceed. In such a case, instead of assisting 
Major Roney, I should feel bound to assist Tucker White by throwing every 
obstacle that I possibly could in the way of his being carried back to Vir- 
ginia ; and to close the matter I wish it to be understood that I do not de- 
sire to hold any further correspondence with jNIajor Roney, of Dinwiddie, 
Virginia, about his ' boy,' Tucker White." 



558 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 




ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK. 

MARY MILLBURN, alias LOUISA F. JONES, ESCAPED IN MALE ATTIRE. 

Neither in personal appearance, 
manners, nor language, were any 
traces of the Peculiar Institution 
visible in Mary Millburn. On 
the contrary, she represented a 
young lady, with ii passable edu- 
cation, and very refined in her 
deportment. She had eaten the 
white bread of Slavery, under 
the Misses Chapman, and they 
had been singularly kind to her, 
taking special pains with her in 
regard to the company she should 
keep, a point important to young 
girls, so liable to exposure as were 
the unprotected young females of 
the South. She being naturally of a happy disposition, obliging, competent, 
there was but little room for any jars in the household, so far as Mary -was 
concerned. Notwithstanding all this, she was not satisfied ; Slavery in its 
most dreaded aspect, was all around her, continually causing the heart to 
bleed and eyes to weep of both young and old. The auction-block and 
slave-pen were daily in view. Young girls as promising as herself, she 
well knew, had to be exposed, examined, and sold to the vilest slave-holders 
living. 

With her knowledge of the practical wickedness of the system, how could 
she be satisfied ? It was impossible ! She determined to escape. She could 
be accommodated, l)ut with no favored mode of travel. No flowery beds of 
ease could be provided in her case, any more than in the case of others. 
Mary toolc the Underground Rail Road enterprise into consideration. Tiie 
opjiortunity of a passage on a steamer was before her to accept or refuse. 
The spirit of freedom dictated that she should accept the offer and leave 
by the first boat. Admonished that she could reach the boat and also travel 
more safely in male attire she at once said, "Any way so I succeed." It 
is not to be sui)j)osed for a moment, that the eflbrt could be made without 
encountering a great " fight of affliction." When the hour arrived for the 
boat to start, Mary was nicely secreted in a box (place), where she was 
not discovered when the officers made their usual search. On arriving in 
Philadelphia, she mingled her rejoicings with the Committee in testifying 
to the great advantage of the Underground Rail Road, and to the care- 



ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK. 559 

fulness of its agents in guarding against accidents. After remaining a 
short time in Philadelphia, she made choice of Boston as her future resi- 
dence, and with a letter of introduction to William Lloyd Garrison she 
proceeded thitherward. How she was received, and what she thouo-ht 
of the place and people, may be gleaned from this letter (written by herself.) 

Boston, May 15th, 1858. 

Dear Fbiend : — I have selected this oppotunity to write you a few lines, hopeing thay 
may find you and yours enjoying helth and happiness. I arrived hear on Thirsday last, 
and had a letter of intoduction giving to me by one of the gentlemen at the Antoslavery 
office in New York, to Mr. Garrison in Boston, I found him and his lady both to bee very 
clever. I stopped with them the first day of my arrivel hear, since that Time I have been 
living with Mrs. Hilliard I have met with so nienny of my acquaintances hear, that I all 
most immagion my self to bee in the old country. I have not been to Canaday yet, as 
you expected. I had the pleasure of seeing the lettor that you wrote to them on the sub- 
ject, I suffored much on the road with head ake but since that time I have no reason to 
complain, please do not for git to send the degarritips in the Shaimpain basket with Dr. 
Lundys, Mr. Lesley said he will send them by express, tell Julia kelly, that through 
mistake, I took one of her pocket handkerchift, that was laying on the table, but I shall 
keep it in remembrano of the onner. I must bring my lettor to a close as I have nothing 
more to say, and believe me to be your faithfull friend. Louisa F. Jones. 

P. S. Remember me to each and every member of your familly and all Enquiring 
Friends. 

Being of an industrious turn she found a situation immediately, and from 
that day to the present, she has sustained an excellent character in every 
respect, and as a fashionable dressmaker does a good business. 



ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA. 

PER SCHOONEK — TWICE SEARCHED— LANDED AT LEAGUE ISLAND. 

ISAAC FORMAN, HENRY WILLIAMS, WILLIAM SEYMOUR, HARRIET TAYLOR, 
MARY BIRD, MRS. LEWEY, SARAH SAUNDERS, SOPHIA GRAY, HENRY 

GRAY, MARY GRAY, wiNFiELD SCOTT, and three children. 

About the 4th of July, 1856, a message reached the Secretary that a 
schooner containing fifteen Underground Rail Road passengers, from Nor- 
folk, Virginia, would be landed near League Island, directly at the foot of 
Broad street, that evening at a late hour, and a request accompanied the 
message, to the eifect that the Committee would be on hand to receive them. 
Accordingly the Secretary procured three carriages, with trustworthy drivers, 
and between ten and eleven o'clock at night arrived on the banks of the 
Schuylkill, where all was quiet as a " country grave-yard." The moon was 



560 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

shiniiif and soon the mast of a schooner was discovered. No sign of any 
other vessel was then in sight. On approaching the bank, in the direction 
of the discovered mast, the schooner was also discovered. The hearts of 
those on board were swelling with unutterable joy; yet even at that dead 
hour of night, far away from all appearance of foes, no one felt at liberty 
to give vent to his feelings other than in a whisper. The name of the cap- 
tain and schooner being at once recognized, the first impulse was to jump 
down on the deck. Upon second view it was seen that the descent was too 
great to admit of such a feat. In a moment we concluded that we could 
pull them up the embankment from the deck by taking hold of their hands 
as they stood on tip toe. 

One after another was pulled up, and warmly greeted, until it came the 
turn of a large object, weighing about two hundred and sixty pounds, full 
large enough to make two ordinary women. The captain, who had experi- 
enced much inconvenience with her on the voyage, owing to the space she 
required chuckled over the fact tiiat the Committee would have their hands 
full for once. Poor Mrs. Walker, however, stretched out her large arms, 
we seized her hands vigorously ; the captain laughing heartily as did the 
other passengers at the tug now being made. W^e pulled with a will, 
but Mrs. Walker remained on the deck. A one horse power was needed. 
The pullers took breath, and again took hold, this time calling upon the 
captain to lay-to a helping hand ; the captain prepared to do so, and as 
she was being raised, he having a good foot-hold, placed himself in a })o.si- 
tion for pushing to the full extent of his j)Owcrs, and thus she was safely 
landed. All being placed in the carriages, they were driven to the station 
and comfortably provided for. 

On tlie voyage they had encountered more than the usual dangers. In- 
deed troubles began with them before they had set sail from Norfolk. The 
first indication of danger manifested itself as they stood on the bank of the 
river awaiting the arrival of a small boat which had been engaged to row 
them to the schooner. Although they had sought as they supposed a safe 
place, sufficiently far from the bounds usually traversed by the police; still, 
in the darkness, they imagined they heard watchmen coming. Just on the 
edge of tlie river, opposite where they were Avaiting, a boat under 
repairs was in the stocks. In order to evade the advancing foe, they 
all marched into the river, the water being shallow, and with tlie vessel 
for a breastwork hiding them from the shore, there they remained f)r an 
hour and a half. They were thorouglily soaked if nothing more. However, 
about ten o'clock a small oyster boat came to their relief, and all were soon 
])]aced aboard the schooner, which was loaded with corn, etc. All, with 
the exception of the large woman above referred to, and one otiier female, 
were required to enter a hole apparently leading through the bottom of 
the boat, but in reality only a department which had been expressly con- 



ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VA. 561 

structed for the Underground Rail Road business, at the expense of the 
captain, and in accordance with his own plan. 

The entrance was not sufficiently large to admit Mrs. Walker, so she with 
another female who was thought " too fat" to endure the close confinement, 
was secreted behind some corn back of the cabin, a place so secluded that 
none save well-experienced searchers would be likely to find it. In this 
way the Captain put out to sea. After some fifteen hours he deemed it safe 
to bring his passengers up on deck where they could inhale pure air which 
was greatly needed, as they had been next-door to suffocation and death. 
The change of air had such an effect on one of the passengers (Scott) that, 
in his excitement, he refused to conform to the orders required; for prudential 
reasons the Captain, threatened to throw him over-board. Whereupon 
Scott lowered his tone. Before reaching the lock the Captain supposing that 
they might be in danger from contact with boats, men, etc., again called 
upon them "to go into their hole" under the deck. Not even the big 
woman was excused now. She pleaded that she could not get through, 
her fellow-sufferers said that she must be got through urging the matter on 
the ground that they would have great danger to face. The big woman 
again tried to effect an entrance, but in vain. Said one of the more resolute 
sisters " she must take off her clothes then, it will never do to have her 
staying up on deck to betray all the rest ; " thus this resolute stand being 
unanimous, the poor woman had to comply, and except a single garment 
she was as destitute of raiment as was Mother Eve before she induced 
Adam to eat of the forbidden fruit in the garden of Eden. With the help 
of passengers below, she was squeezed through, but not without bruising 
and breaking the skin considerably where the rub was severest. All were 
now beneath the deck, the well-fitting oil-cloth was put over the hole 
covering the cabin-floor snugly, and a heavy table was set over the 
hole. They are within sight of the lock, but no human beings are visible 
about the schooner save the Captain, the mate and a small boy, the son of 
the Captain. At the lock not unexpectedly three officers came on board 
of the boat and stopped her. The Captain was told that they had received 
a telegraphic dispatch from Norfolk to the effect that his boat was suspected 
of having slaves secreted thereon. They talked with the Captain and mate 
separately for a considerable while, and more closely did they examine the 
boy, but gained no information except that " the yellow-fever had been 
raging very bad in Norfolk." At this fever-news the officers were not a 
little alarmed, and they now lost no time in attending to their official 
errand. They searched the cabin where the two fat women were first 
secreted, and other parts of the boat pretty thoroughly. T.hey then com- 
menced taking up the hatchways, but the place seemed so shockingly per- 
fumed with foul air that the men started back and declared that nobody 
could live in such a place, and swore that it smelt like the yellow-fever ; 
36 



562 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the Captain laughed at them, and signified that they were perfectly welcome 
to search to their hearts' content. The officer concluded that there were 
no slaves on that boat, that nobody could live there, etc., etc., asked for their 
charges ($3), and discharged the Captain. The children had been put under 
the influence of liquor to keep them still, so they made no noise ; the others 
endured their hour of agony patiently until the lock was safely passed, and 
the river reached. Fresh air was then allowed them, and the great danger 
was considered overcome. The Captain, however, far from deeming it 
advisable to land his live cargo at the wharves of Philadelphia, delivered 
them at League Island. Tlie passengers testified that Captain B. was very 
kind. They were noticed thus: 

Isaac, was about fifty years of age, dark, tall, well-made, intelligent, and 
was owned by George Brown, who resided at Deep Creek. Isaac testified 
that said Brown had invariably treated him cruelly. For thirty years 
Isaac had hired his time, found himself in food, clothing, and everything, 
yet as he advanced in years, neither his task, nor his hire was diminished, 
but on the contrary his hire of late years had been increased. He winced 
under the pressure, and gave himself up to the study of the Underground 
Rail Road. Wiiile arrangements for fleeing Avere pending, he broke the 
secret to his wife, Polly, in whom he trusted ; she being true to freedom, 
although sorrowing to part with him, threw no obstacle in his way. Besides 
his wife, he had also two daughters, Amanda A. and Mary Jane, both 
slaves. Nevertheless, having made up his mind not to die a slave, he re- 
solved to escape at all hazards. 

Henderson belonged to the estate of A. Briggs, which was about to be 
settled, and knowing that he was accounted on the inventory as personal 
property, he saw that he too would be sold with the rest of the movables, 
if he was not found among the missing. 

He began to consider wiiat he had endured as a slave, and came to the 
conclusion that he had had a " rugged road to hoe all the way along " and 
that he might have it much worse if he waited to be sold. The voice of 
reason admonished him to escape for his life. In obeying this call he suf- 
fered the loss of his wife, Julia, and two children, who were fortunately 
free. Henderson was about thirty-one years of age, stout, and of healthy 
appearance, worth in cash perhaps $1200. 

Wii.LiAM was thirty-four years of age, of a chestnut color, substantial 
physical structure, and of good faculties. The man who professed to own 
him he called William Taylor, and "he was a very hanl man, one of the 
kind which could not be pleased, nor give a slave a pleasant answer one 
time in fifty." Being thoroughly sick of William Taylor, he fell in love 
with the Underground Rail Road and Canada. 

Mrs. Walker, the big fat woman, was thirty-eight years of age, and a 
pleasant-looking person, of a very dark hue. Besides the struggles already 



I "1 

I 



ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VA. 563 

alluded to, she was obliged to leave her husbaud. Of her master she de- 
clared that she could " say nothing good." His name was Arthur Cooj)er, 
of Georgetown ; she had never lived with him, however; for twenty years 
she had hired her time, paying five dollars per month. When young she 
scarcely thought of the gross wrongs that were heaped upon her ; but as she 
grew older, and thought more about her condition, she scouted the idea that 
God had designed her to be a slave, and decided that she would be one to 
leave Dlxey in the first Underground Rail Road train that might afford 
her the chance. She determined not to remain even for the sake of her 
husband, who was a slave. With such a will, therefore, she started. 
Upon leaving Philadelphia, she went with the most of her company to 
Boston, and tlience to New Bedford, where she was living when last heard 
from. 

Rebecca Lewey was the wife of a man, who was familiarly known by 
the name of " Blue Beard," his proper name being Henry Lewey. For a 
long time, although a slave himself, he was one of the most dexterous 
managers in the Underground Rail Road agency in Norfolk. No single 
chapter in this work could be more interesting than a chapter of his 
exploits in this respect. 

The appearing of Mrs. Lewey, was a matter of unusual interest. 
Although she had worn the yoke, she was gentle in her manners, and 
healthy-looking, so much so that no life insurance agent would have had 
need to subject her to medical examination before insuring her. She was 
twenty-eight years of age, l)ut had never known personal abuse as a 
slave; she was none the less anxious, however, to secure her freedom. Her 
husband, Blue Beard, judging from certain signs, that he was suspected 
by slave-holders, and might at any time be caged, (indeed he had recently 
been in the lions' den, but got out) ; in order to save his wife, sent her on 
in advance as he had decided to follow her soon in a similar manner. Re- 
becca was not without hope of again meeting her husband. This desire was 
gratified before many months had passed, as he was fortunate enough to 
make his way to Canada. 

Mary Knight was a single woman, twenty-six years of age, dark, stout, 
and of pleasing manners ; she complained of having been used hard. 

Sarah Saunders had been claimed as the property of Richaixl Gate- 
M'ood, a clerk in the naval service. According to Sarah ho was a very 
clever slave-holder, and had never abused her. Nor was she aware that 
he had ever treated any of his servants cruelly. Sarah, however, had not 
lived in Gatewood's immediate family, but had been allowed to remain 
with her grandmother, rather as a privileged character. vShe was young, 
fair, and prepossessing. Having a sister living in Philadelphia, who was 
known to the agent in Norfolk, Sarah was asked one day if she would not 
like to see her sister. She at once answered "Yes." After further conver- 



564 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

sation the agent told her that if she would keep the matter entirely private, 
lie would arrange I'or her to go by the Underground Hail Road. Being 
wiilin;'- and anxious to go, she promised due obedience to the rules; she 
vas not told, however, how much she would have to pass through on the 
way, else, according to her own admission, she never would have come as 
she did ; her heart Mould have failed her. But when the goal was gained, 
like all others, she soon forgot her sufferings, and rejoiced heartily at 
getting out of Slavery, even though her condition had not been so bad as 
that of many othei-s. 

Sophia Gray, with her son and daughter, Henry and Mary, was from 
Portsmouth. The mother was a tall, yellow woman, with well cut features, 
about thirty-three years of age, with manners indicative of more than 
ordinary intelligence. The son and daughter were between twelve and four- 
teen years of age ; well-developed for their age, modest, and finely-formed 
mulattoes. All the material necessary for a story of great interest, might 
have readily been found in the story of the mother and her children. 
They were sent with others to New Bedford, Massachusetts. It was not 
long after being in New Bedford, before the boy was put to a trade, and 
the daughter was sent to Boston, where she had an aunt (a fugitive), living 
in the family of the Hon. George S. Hilliard. Mr. and Mrs. Hilliard were 
so impressed by Mary's intelligent countenance and her aj^pearance gene- 
rally, that they decided that she must have a chance for an education, and 
opened their hearts and home to her. 

On a visit to Boston, in 1859, the writer found Mary at Mr. Ililliard'sj 
and in an article written for the " Anti-Slavery Standard," upon the con- 
dition of fugitive slaves in Boston and New Bedford, allusion was made 
])articularly to her and several others, under this hospitable roof, in the 
following paragraj)h : 

"On arriving in Boston, the first pei*sons I had the pleasure to converse 
with, were four or five uncommonly interesting Underground Kail Road 
j)assongers, who had onlv been out of bondage between three and five year?. 
Their intelligent appearance contradicted the idea that they had ever been 
an hour in Slavery, or a mile on an Underground Rail Road. Two of them 
were filling trustworthy posts, where they were respected and well paid for 
their services. Two others were young people (one two, and the other three 
years out of Slavery), a girl of fifteen, and a boy of twelve, whose interest- 
ing appearance induced a noble-hearted Anti-Slavery lady to receive them 
into her own family, expressly to educate them ; and thus, almost ever since 
their arrival, they have been enjoying this lady's kindness, as well as the 
excellent equal Free School privileges of Boston. The girl, in the Gram- 
mar School (chiefly composed of whites), has already distinguished herself, 
having received a di])lorna, with an excellent certificate of character; aad 
the boy, naturally very apt, has made astonishing progress. 



ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VA. 565 

jli The "boy of twelve," alluded to, was not Mary's brother. He was quite 
a genius of his age, who had escaped from Norfolk, stowed away in a 
schooner and was known by the name of " Dick Page." 

■ On arriving in Philadelphia, Dick was delivered, as usual, into the hands 
of the Committee. The extraordinary smartness of the little fellow (only 
ten years old), astonished all wiio saw him. The sympathies of a kind- 
hearted gentleman and his wife, living in Philadelphia, had been deeply 
awakened in his behalf, through their relative and friend, Mrs. Hilliard, 
in whose family, as has been already stated, the boy's aunt lived. So much 
were these friends interested to secure Dick's freedom, that they often con- 
templated buying him, although they did not like the idea of buying, as the 
money would go into the pocket of the master, who they considered had no 
just right to deprive any individual of his freedom. So when Dick arrived 
the Committee felt that it was .as little as tliey could do, to give these friends 
the pleasure of seeing the little Underground Rail Road passenger. He 
was therefore conveyed to the residence of Prof. J. P. Lesley. He could 
not have been sent to a house in the great city of Brotherly Love, where he 
would have found a more cordial and sincere reception. After passing an 
hour or so with them, Dick was brought away, but he had been so touched 
by their kindness, that he felt that he must see them again, before leaving 
the city; so just before sundown, one evening, he was missed; search was 
made for him, but in vain. Great anxiety was felt for him, fearing that 
he was lost. During the early part of the evening, the writer, with a bell 
in hand, passed up one street and down another, in quest of the stranger, 
but no one could give any information of him. Finally about ten o'clock, 
the mayor's office was visited with a view of having the police stations 
telegraphed. Soon the mystery was solved ; one of the policemen stated 
that he had noticed a strange colored boy with Professor Lesley's children. 
Hastening to the residence of the professor, sure enough, Dick was there, 
Ihappy in bed and asleep. 

, From that time to this, it has been a mystery to know how a boy, a 
iperfect stranger, could make his way alone, (having passed over the route 
but once), without getting lost, so circuitous was the road that he had to 
travel, in order to reach Professor Lesley's house. Having said this much, 
:he way is now ojien to refer to him again, in Boston at school He was 
generously assisted through his education and trade, and was prepared to 
commence life at his majority, an intelligent mechanic; and a man of 
promise. 



566 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS, 

CLAIMED AS A FUGITIVE SLAVE UNDER THE FUGITIVE SLAVE-LAW AFTER HAVING 
LIVED IN PENNSYLVANIA FOR MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS. 

Scarcely had the infamous statute been in existence six months, ere the 
worst predictions of the friends of the slave were fulfilled in different 
Northern States. It is hardly too much to say, that Pennsylvania was 
considered wholly unsafe to nine-tenths of her colored population. The 
kidnapper is fully shown in the case of Rachel and Elizabeth Parker as he 
api)eared on the soil of Pennsylvania, doing his vile work in the dead of 
niglit, entering the homes of unprotected females and children, therefore: 

The case of Eupheraia Williams will serve to represent the milder form 
of kidnaj>ping in open day, in the name of the law, l)y professed Christians 
in the city of Brotherly Love, and the home of William Penn. 

February 6, 1851, Euphemia Williams, the mother of six children, the 
youngest at the breast, was arrested in the upper part of the city (Phila- 
delphia), and hurried before Edward D. Ingraham, a United States commis- 
sioner, upon the charge of being a fugitive from labor. She was claimed by 
William T. J. Purnell, of Worcester county, Maryland, who admitted that 
she had been away from him for twenty-two years, or since 1829. Her off- 
spring were born on the soil of Pennsylvania, and the eldest daughter was 
seventeen years of age. 

EuPiiEMiA was living in her own house, and had been a member of 
church, in good and regular standing, for about seventeen years, and was 
about forty years of age. When the arrest was made, Euphemia had just 
risen from her bed, and was only partly dressed, when a little after daylight, 
several persons entered her room, and arrested her. Murder ! murder ! was 
cried lustily, and awakened the house. Her children screamed lamentably, 
and her eldest daughter cried " They've got my mother ! they've got my 
mother!" " For God's sake, save me," cried Euphemia, to a woman in the 
second story, who was an eye-witness to this monstrous outrage. But 
despite the piteous ai)peals of the mother and children, the poor woman was 
hastened into a cab, and borne to the marshall's office. 

Through the vigilance of J. M. McKim and Passmore Williamson, a 
writ of habeas corpus returnable forthwith was obtained at about one o'clock. 
The heart-broken motlier was surrounded by five of her children, three of 
whom were infants. It was a dark and dreadful hour. When her children 
wt^re brought into the room where she was detained, great drops of sweat 
standing on her face plainly indicated her agony. 

By mutual arrangement between the claimants and the prisoner's counsel 
the hearing was fixed fi)r the next day, at the hour of three o'clock. Accord- 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 507 

ing to said arrangement, at three o'clock Euphemia was brought face to face 
with her claimant, William T. J. Purnell. The news had already gone 
out that the trial would come off at the time fixed ; hence a multitude were 
on hand to witness the proceedings in the case. The sympathy of anti- 
slavery ladies was excited, and many were present in the court-room to 
manifest their feelings in behalf of the stricken woman. The eloquent 
David Paul Brown (tlie terror of slave-hunters) and William S. Pierce, 
Esqrs., appeared for Euphemia, R. C. McMurtrie, Esq., for the claimant. 

Mr. McMurtrie in the outset, arose and said, that it was with ext)-eme 
regret that he saw an attempt to influence the decision of this case by 
tumult and agitation. The sympathy shown by so many friendly ladies, 
was not a favorable sign for the slave-holder. Notwithstanding, Mr. 
McMurtrie said that he would "prove that Mahala, sometimes called 
Mahala Purnell, was born and bred a slave of Dr. George W. Purnell, of 
Worcester county, Maryland, who was in the habit of hiring her to the 
neighbors, and while under a contract of hiring, she escaped with a boy, 
with whom she had taken up, belonging to the person who hired her." The 
present claimant claimed her as the administrator of Dr. George W. 
Purnell. 

In order to sustain this claim many witnesses and much positive swearing 
were called forth. Robert F. Bowen, the first witness, swore that he knew 
both Mahala and her master perfectly well, that he had worked as a car- 
penter in helping to build a house for the latter, and also had hired the 
former directly from her owner. 

Definite time and circumstances were all harmoniously fixed by this lead- 
ing witness. One of the important circumstances which afforded him 
ground for being positive was, as he testified on cross-examination, that he 
was from home at a camp-meeting (when she run away); "our camp-meet- 
ings," said the witness, " are held in the last of August or the first of Sep- 
tember ; the year I fix by founding it upon knowledge ; the year before she 
ran away, I professed religion; I have something at home to fix the year; 
she was with me a part of a year. I hired her for the year 1848 as a house 
servant ; I hired her directly from Dr. George W. Purnell. When she ran 
away I proceeded after her. I advertised, in Delware in written advertise- 
ments, in Georgetown, Milford and Millsborough, and described her and the 
boy ; her general features. I have not the advertisement and can't tell how 
she was described ; Dr. George Purnell united with me in the advertisement. 
I followed her to Delaware City ; that's all I have done since, about inquir- 
ing after them. I came, after twenty-two years' absence, to seek my own 
rigiits, and as an evidence for my friend. I have not seen her more than 
once since she ran away, until she was arrested ; I saw her two or three 
times in court. I saw her first in a wretched-looking room, at Fifth and 
Germantown Road; it was yesterday morning ; it was the evening before at 



568 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Congress Hall ; I arrived here last Tuesday a week ; a man told me where 
she was " — '* I beg the court/' — here INIr. McMurtrie interposed an objection 
to his mentioning the person. The court, however, said the question could 
be put. 

Witness. — I was pledged not to tell the name; the person signed her name 
Louisa Truit ; the information was got by letter ; the reason I did not tell, 
because I thought she might be murdered ; I have not the letters, and can't 
tell the contents ; the letter that I received required a pledge that I would 
not tell : I was directed to send my letter to the post-office without any 
definite place ; the representative of Louisa Truit was a man ; I saw him in 
Market street between Third and Fourth, at Taylor and Paulding's store, 
in the course of last week; I was brought into contact witii the representa- 
tive of Louisa by appointment in the letter, to get the information ; I never 
heard him tell his name; he was neither colored nor white; we call them 
with us mixed blood ; (I should take you to be colored, said the witness to 
Mr. Brown.) I suppose he lives somewhere up there; I saw him at my 
room the next morning ; I did not learn from him who wrote the letter ; he 
did not describe the person of the woman in the letter written to rae, only . 
her general aj>pearance ; PurncU said he burnt the letter. ) 

Mr. Brown demanded the letter, or the proof of its destruction. 

I never wrote myself, but my friend, Mr. Henry did ; he said so ; T never 
received a letter ; it was written to Robert J. Henry ; part of the letter was 
written to me, but not directed to me ; the Louisa Truit, who wrote, stated, 
that for the information he wanted $100 for one of the fugitives; he was 
referral to the store of Taylor & Paulding, and Mr. Henry would meet him 
there ; when I got to the store, some of the concern let Mr. Henry know 
that a man wanted to see him; I heard this at the store, the man was there; 
he was a mulatto man, middle-aged, and middling tall ; he is not here, that I 
know of^; can't tell when I last saw him. His name I understood to be 
Gloucester. 

Under the severe cross-examination that the witness had been subjected to 
under D. P. Brown, he became very faint, and called for water. Large 
drops of sweat stood upon his forehead, and he was obliged to sit down, lest 
he should fall down. "Take a seat," said Mr. Brown tauntingly, "and 
enjoy yourself, while I proceed with my interrogations." But the witness 
was completely used up, and was allowed to withdraw to another room, 
where frosh air was more plentiful. The cause of tlie poor slave woman 
was greatly strengthened by this failure. 

Another witness, named Zachariah Bowen, for the claimants, swore pos- 
itively that he know the prisoner well, that she had been hired to his 
brother for three years by Dr. Purnell, whose slave she was; also he swore 
that he knew her parents, who were slaves to the said Doctor P. ; that he 
last saw her in 1827, etc. On croas-examination he swore thus : " I last saw 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 5G9 

her in 1827, she was about sixteen or seventeen; she was about an ordinary 
size, not the smallest size, nor the largest ; she was neither tliiclc nor thin ; 
there was nothing re^narkable in her more than is common ; nothing in her 
speech ; she was about the same color as the woman here ; I never saw a 
great deal of change in a nigger, from sixteen to thirty-five or forty, some- 
times they grow fatter, and sometimes leaner. As to recognizing her in 
Philadelphia, he had not the slightest difficulty. He went on to swear, that 
he first saw her in a cab, in the city ; I knew her yesterday ; if you could 
see the rest of the family you could pick her out yourself in thirty : I knew 
her by her general favor, and have no particular mark ; I would not attempt 
to describe features ; her favor is familiar to me ; I never saw any marks 
upon her." 

Here Mr. Brown said he would not examine this witness further until he 
had concluded the examination of the witness, who had become sick. The 
court then adjourned till nine o'clock the next morning. 

The avenues to the court were filled with anxious persons, and in the 
front and rear of the state house the crowd was very great. 

The next morning, at an early hour, the court-room, and all the avenues 
to it were densely crowded by people interested in behalf of the woman 
whose case was under trial. A large number of respectable ladies formed a 
part of the large gathering. 

Robert F. Bowen, the witness, who became sick, was recalled. 

Witness. — " I saw the colored person, who gave the information, the next 
evening ; after I saw him in Market street, at Congress Hall, in our room ; 
the gentleman who keeps the hotel we did not wish to place under any 
responsibility, as he might be accused of cr.rrying on the business. (Of kid- 
napping, suggested Mr. Brown.) No, said witness, that is what you call it; 
the woman would have run away if it had gone out ; I heard his natne was 
Gloucester, that gave the information ; I saw him three times ; once on the 
street ; I have never been in his house ; I have been to a house where I 
heard he lived ; I gave a pledge not to disclose the matter ; I made a per- 
sonal pledge to Gloucester in our room last week at Congress Hall ; he said 
he was afraid of being abused by the population of his own color for telling 
that this girl run away from Dr. Purnell ; I understood that Louisa Truit 
was Gloucester's wife. 

Under this searching cross-examination, Mr. Brown constrained him not 
only to tell all and more than he knew in favor of his friend, the claimant, 
but wrung from him the secrets which he stood pledged never to disclose. 

Witness. — I know no marks; she was in the condition of a married woman 
when she left me ; it was the particular fiivor of her father and mother that 
made me recognize her ; nothing else ; she was pretty well built for her 
size." 

While this witness remembered every thing so accurately occurring in re- 



570 'THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

lation to the life and escape of the girl of sixteen, and was prepared to 
swear to her identity simply *' by her lavor," as he termed it, he was found 
sadly deficient in memory touching the owner, whom he had known much 
longer, and more intimately than he had the girl, as will be seen irom the 
following facts in this witness' testimony : 

Witness. — "I don't know when Dr. P. died; I can't tell the year; I 
should suppose about fourteen years ago ; I was at the funeral, and helped 
to make his coffin ; it was in the fall, I think ; it was after the camp-meet- 
ing I spoke of; at that time I went regularly, but not of late; I have no 
certain recollection of the year he died; I kept a record of the event of my 
conversion, and have referred to it often. It has been a reference every 
year, and perhaps a thousand times a year; it was in the Bible, and I was 
in the liabit of looking into it ; I was in the habit of turning over the leaves 
of this precious book; I think it was eighteen years ago ; can't say I'm cer- 
tain ; can't say it was more than twelve years ; Dr. P. left six children ; two 
remain in our country, and one in Louisiana, and the one, who is here, 
making four; I have no interest in the fugitive; I made no contract in 
regard to this case; there was an oifer ; are you waiting for an answer? the 
offer was this, that I was to come on after my fugitive, and if I did not get 
him they were to pay my expenses; I hesitated about coming; it was a 
long time before I made up my mind ; they said they would pay my 
expenses if I didn't succeed in getting mine out of prison." 

In this way the above witness completely darkened counsel, and added to 
the weakness of his cause in a marked degree. 

THE OVERSEER "IS NOAV EXAMINED. 

Zachnriah Boioen recalled. — " I didn't come here on any terms ; I hardly 
understand what you mean by terms ; I made no contract ; I came upon my 
own hook; there was no contract; I have no expectations; I don't know 
that Dr. P. ever manumitted any female slaves ; I never knew that she was 
in the family way when she ran away; I heard of it about that time; she 
ran off in the fall of 1828. Dr. P. told me so; in the fall of 1828 ; in 1825, 
'26, '27, she lived with my brother; in 1825 I lived there; in 1827 and '28 
I lived with Dr. P. I moved there and was overseer for him ; I was over- 
seer for fifteen years for him ; two years at his house; I ceased to be his 
overseer in 1841, I think; he was living in 1841; I am certain of that 
year, I think ; Dr. Purnell died in 1844, I feel certain ; 1 said to Mr. Pur- 
nell that I did not know what ailed the other Mr. Bowen, for the doctor 
died in 1844 ; he died in the latter part of the Spring of 1844 ; Mr. Bowen 
made a mistake in saying it w;is eighteen years ago; if you recall him he 
will rectify the mistake, I think; several slaves escaped from Dr. Purnell; 
a boy, that lived with my brother, ran away in 1827; the others were not 
hired to my brother ; I don't know that I could tell the exact time, nor the 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 571 

year ; the doctor used to say to us, there is another of my niggers ran away; 
the reason that I can tell when Mahala ran away, is because she took a 
husband and ran away; I was married that year; the reason I cannot tell 
about tlie others is, because they went at different times in five years; the 
first who ran away before Mahala, was named Grace ; she went in 1827 ; I 
don't know when the last went, or who it was. 

****** * * 

Gloucester said they had raised a mob on him, on account of this case, and 
he would have to leave the city ; the case of this woman or these proceed- 
ings was not spoken of there ; he staid but a short time ; he said one of the 
witnesses had betrayed him in court, yesterday, and they attacked him last 
night ; I asked him how he escaped from so many ; he said very few were 
in the city who could outrun him ; I asked him where he was going, he 
replied he had a notion to put for Canada ; some of the gentlemen proposed 
his going to Baltimore ; lie said that would not do, as the laws of Maryland 
would catch him ; he was going to get a boat and go to New Jersey, and 
then to New York ; Mr. Purnell gave him just thirty-five dollars last night; 
he paused a while, and Mr. P. told him to hand it back ; he then took out 
his money and put some more to it, and said : " Here is fifty dollars." Mr. 
P. said that if he got the slave he would leave fifty dollars more with a per- 
son in the city. 

Question by the judge. — "You have spoken of a conversation in which 
Mr. P. told you of certain letters or correspondence, and that they had 
reference to this alleged fugitive. I want you to give me, to the best of 
your recollection, everything he said the letters contained." 

Witness. — Mr P. told me when he first mentioned it to me, he said that he 
was going to mention something to me, that he did not want anything said, 
in regard to some negroes that had run away from his father ; he said he 
wanted me to come on here, and he did not want me to tell any person 
before wc left our county ; that if the negroes heard of it, they could get 
information to the parties before he could get here; I told him I would not 
tell any person except my wife ; he then said he had correspondence with a 
person here, for a month or two, and he had no doubt but that several of his 
negroes were here, from what he had heard from his correspondent ; he 
asked me if I could recognize the favor of this Mahala ? I told him I 
didn't know ; he then said if anybody would know her, I would, as she had 
lived with ray brother three years ; he then said that he would want to start 
the next week, but he would see me again at that time ; that was all he said 
at that time, only we turned into a hotel, and he said don't breathe this to 
anybody ; on Saturday before we left home, he came to my house, and said : 
well, I shall want you to start for Philadelphia, on Monday morning ; I 
suppose you will go ? I told him I would rather not, if he could do with- 



572 THE UNDERGROUXD RAILROAD, 

out me; but as I told him before, I would go, if he still requested it. I 
would go; that's all, sir, except that I said I would be along in the stage. 
******** 

J. T. Hammond was then called, a young man who admitted he had 
never seen the respondent till he came to the court-house, but was ready to 
swear that he would have known her by her resemblance to Dr. Purnell's 
set of negroes. "His whole set?" said Mr. Brown. "■ Yes, sir." (Derisive 
laughter). 

******** 

Mr. McMurtrie offered to prove, by persons who had known the two 
witnesses who had testified in this case, from their youth, that thov were 
respectable and worthy men. D. P. Brown, said that if the gentleman 
found it necessary to sustain his witnesses' reputation, in consequence of the 
peculiar dilemma they had got into, he would object, and if he suj)posed 
that he was about to contradict them in some point in the defence, he 
certainly was right, but as the case could not be concluded to-day, he would 
like to have the matter adjourned over until Tuesday next. 

Mr. McMurtrie objected, by saying, that his client was anxious to have 
the matter disposed of as soon as possible, as he had been subjected to 
numerous insults since the matter had been before the court. 

Judge Kane intimated that no weight was to be attached to this consider- 
ation, as the full power of the court was at his disposal for the purpose of 
protecting his client from insult. 

JNIr. McMurtrie replied that he did not know whether words spoken came 
within the meaning of the act of Congress, in such matters. 

The court took a recess until a quarter to three o'clock. 

The court met again at a quarter to three o'clock. 

Mr. McMurtrie asked that the witnesses for the defence be excluded from 
the court room, except the one upon the stand. 

This was obje(!ted to by INIr. Brown, as the witnesses for the prosecution 

had not been required so to do ; but he afterwards withdrew his objections, 

and notified Mr. ]\IcMurtric that he would require any witnesses he might 

have in addition, should retire also; as he would object to any of them being 

.heard if they remained. 

The Defence. — Mr. Pierce opened i\\Q case by saying that the testimony for 
the defence would be clear and conclusive; that the witnesses for the pro- 
secution are mistaken in the identity of the alleged fugitive. That at 
the time they allege her to hav^e been in Maryland, on the plantation of Dr. 
Purnell, she was in Chester county, and in the year Lafayette visited this 
country, she was in this city. He woidd confine the testimony exclusively 
to these two counties, and show that she is not the alleged slave. 

Henry C Cornish, sworn. I live in this city, and am a shoemaker ; I 
came here in the year 1830 ; before that I lived in Chester county, East 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 573 

Whitelaad township, with Win. Latta ; my father lived with Mr. Latta six 
or eight years ; I lived there three years before that time, and was familiar 
with the place for more than six years before 1830; I saw the alleged fugi- 
tive some five years before 1830, at George Amos', in Uwchland township, 
some eight or ten miles from our house; I fix the time from a meeting being 
held on the Valley Hill by a minister, named Nathan D. Tierney ; that 
must have been in 1825; I am positive it was before the beginning of the 
year 1828 ; I have not the least doubt; I joined church about that time; it 
was the first of my uniting with the church; it was in 1825; I joined the 
Methodist Episcopal Church ; before they built a church they held meetings 
alternately at people's houses ; I met her at Amos' house, I recollect my 
father going to dig the foundation of the church : I saw her there before the 
church was built ; I knew her before she was married ; and since I left 
there I have met her at the annual meetings of the church; I have kept up 
the acquaintance ever since ; I knew that she had two children, that were 
buried as long as twenty-one or twenty-two years ago; if the boy had lived 
he would have been twenty-three or twenty-four years old; he was the oldest; 
she was not married when I first saw her in 1827 ; she did not a[)pear to be 
anything but a girl, and was not married, and she of course could not bo in 
the condition of a married woman; I was not at her wedding; if I had not 
continued to know her, I would not now know her ; she was then a small 
person ; age and flesh would change her a little ; her complexion has not 
changed ; I think she worked for Mrs. Amos; a church record is now kept 
very correct; but when I first went into the church, colored men could not 
read and write ; I acted as the clerk of the church ; I united with the church 
after I first saw her; I have seen her very often since I left Chester; five 
hundred times to speak safely ; I worship down town and she up in Brown 
street; to the best of my recollection they moved over Schuylkill about 
twelve 3'ears ago; she has lived here about nine years; she has six children, 
I have heard ; I have seen five ; the oldest is eighteen or nineteen ; the 
youngest a sucking babe; I have visited her house since I have been here; 
I was not sent for by my uncle, who was employed by Joseph Smith & Co., 
next to the Girard Bank ; I was with Edward Biddle for four years, until 
he was elected President of the Morris Canal and Banking Company, and 
then I went to learn shoemaking under instructions, since which time I have 
been in business for myself; my father burnt limestone for Mr. Latta ; he 
and his wife are dead ; I was there a day or two ago for witnesses to testify 
in this case. 

Cross-examined. — I was born in 1814, and am thirty-seven years of age; 
when I first knew her I suppose she was fifteen years old ; she was married 
about three years afterwards; her husband's name is Micajah Williams; 
I heard he was in prison for stealing; her name before marriage was Phamie 
Coates ; I didn't know her husband before they were married ; don't know 



574 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

whether thev came from Maryhind ; I never knew of Mahala Richardson 
before last evening in court ; the difference in her appearance is a natural 
one, that every body is acquainted with ; I mean that a little boy is not a 
man. and a growing girl is not a woman ; age and flesh and size make a 
difference ; if I had not conversed with her during the twenty-one yeai-s, I 
would not have known her ; I never changed a word with her about the 
case, except to say I was sorry to see her here ; I knew her the moment 
I saw her; her arrest could not have been in the newspapers of the morning 
as she was not arrested until seven o'clock that day ; I went to Chester to 
look for witnesses ; I came to the court because I am a vigilant man, and 
mv principle is to save any person whose liberty is in danger; I had heard 
that a woman was arrested ; her business is to get work wherever she can. 

Deborah Ann Boyer, sworn. I was thirty-three last January ; I live 
within one mile of West Chester ; I am a married woman ; I have lived 
there since 1835. I went there with my mother; I can read; I have seen 
the alleged fugitive before this; I first knew her at Downingtown, when she 
came to my mother's house ; that was before I had gone to West Chester 
with mv mother; you can tell how long it was, for it was in 1826 ; my 
brother was born in that year ; I Avas quite small then ; don't know how 
she came there ; she was with my mother during her confinement ; my 
brother is dead ; it is written down in our Testament ; and I took an epitaph 
from it to put on the tombstone; the last time I saw it was when the fellow 
killed the school-mistress. I looked because about 1830, a man killed a 
woman, and was hung, and I wanted to see how long ago it was. I have seen 
her more or less ever since, until within two years. I don't remember when 
she went from mother, but I saw her at Mr. Latta's afterwards. I have no 
doubt she is the woman ; she was then a slim, tall girl, larger than myself; 
she is not darker now, but heavier set every way. 

*** * **** 

Sarah Gayly affirmed. — I am between forty-seven and forty-eight years 
of age. I live in the city at this time. I was raised in Chester county, in 
1824, and have been here about five years. I lived in Downingtown nine or 
ten years. I lived awhile in West Chester, and lived in Chester county 
until about five years ago. I know the alleged fugitive. I first saw 
her in the neighborhood of Downingtown, at a place they call Down- 
ing's old stage office ; she worked in the house with me ; it was some- 
where near 1824, just before Lafayette came about; she worked off 
and on days' w'ork, to wash dishes; she was a small girl then, very thin, 
and younger than me. I met with her, as near as I can tell you, down in 
the valley, at a place called the Valley Inn. I used to see her off and on 
at church, in 1826. 1 visited her at Mr. Latta's, after she lived at the 
Valley Inn. I don't know when she left that county. I know the alleged 
fugitive is the same person; she belonged to the same church, Ebenezer. I 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 575 

know the brothers Cornish, and have whipped them many a time. I lived 
with Latta myself, and the Cornish, who is now a minister, lived there ; he 
lived there before I did, and so did the alleged fugitive. I was then 
between twenty-three and twenty-five years old ; she was a strip of a girl ; 
she was not in the family way when she came there. 

Cross-examined. — I have not seen her since 1826, until I saw her here in 
the court-room ; I recognized her when I first saw her here without any- 
body pointing her out, and she recognized me ; I have reason to know her, 
because she has the same sort of a scar on her forehead that I have ; we 
used to make fun of each other about the marks ; she went by the name of 
Fanny Coates. I know nothing about her husband ; she did not do the 
work of a woman in 1826 ; she washed dishes, scrubbed, etc. I heard her 
say her father and mother were dead, and that they lived somewhere in that 
neighborhood ; she at that time made her home with a family named Amos. 

The Judge asked to see the scar on the witness' forehead and that on the 
forehead of the respondent. They were brought near the bench, and the 
marks inspected, which were plainly seen on both. During this time the 
infant of the respondent was entrusted to another colored woman. The 
child, who, up to this time, had been quiet, raised a piteous cry aud would 
not be pacified. The whole scene excited a great sensation. 

Mr. Brown then rose in reply to the plaintiff's counsel, and said : If I 
consulted my own views, I should not say one syllable, in answer to the 
arguments of the learned counsel upon the other side, and relying as I do 
upon the evidence, and out of respect to the convenience of your honor, I 
shall say very little as it is. The views of the counsel it appears to me, are 
most extraordinary indeed. He seems to take it for granted that every- 
thing that is said on the part of the witnesses for the claimant is gospel, and 
that what is said on the part of the witnesses for the respondent, is to be 
considered matter of suspicion. Now I rate no man by his size, color, or 
position, but I appeal to you in looking at the testimony that has been pro- 
duced here, on the different sides of the question, and judging it by its 
intrinsic worth, whether there is the slightest possible comparison between the 
witnesses on the part of the plaintiff, and those of the defendant, either in 
intelligence, memory, language, thought, or anything else. This is a fine 
commentary upon the disparagement of color! Looking at the men as they 
are, as you will, I say that the testimony exhibited on the part of the 
respondent would outweigh a whole theatre of such men as are exhibited on 
the part of the complainant. I say nothing here about their respectability. 
It would have been proper for the learned counsel on the part of the ]ilain- 
tiff, if he thought the witnesses on the part of the respondent unworthy of 
belief, to have proved them so; but instead of that, he attempts to bolster 
up men, who, whether respectable or otherwise, from their inconsistency, 



576 THE UXDErMROUyD RAIL ROAD. 

involutions and tcri^iversations in regard to this case, produce no possible 
cH'ect upon the judicial mind, but that which is unfavorable to themselves. 
Impartial men, are they? How do they appear before you? They appear 
under cover from first to last; standing upon their right to resist inquiries 
legitimately propounded to them ; burning up letters since they have 
arrived, calculated to shed light upon this subject ; and before they come 
here, corresponding with and deriving information from a man, an evident 
kidnapper, who dare not sign his name and gets his wife to sign hers. This 
is the character these men exliibit here before you ; clandestinely meeting 
together at the tavern, and that to consult in regard to the identity of a 
person about whom they know nothing. Can they refer to any marks by 
which to identify this person? Nothing at all of the kind. Do they, with 
the exception of the first witness examined, state even the time when she 
left? Have they produced the letter written by this kidnapper, showing 
how he described her? Why, let me ask, is not the full light allowed to 
shine on this case? But even with the light they have shed upon it, I would 
have been perfectly content to have rested it, relying upon their testimony 
alone, for a just decision. 

Now, what man among them, professes to have seen this woman for 
twenty-one years ? Not one. The learned gentleman attem])ts to sustain 
his case, because one of our witnesses, certainly not more than one, has not 
seen this woman for about the same length of time : but don't you perceive, 
that in this case they all lived in the same State, if not In the same county — 
they had intercourse with persons mutually acquainted with her, and three 
out of four of them, met her for several months at the same chuich ; and 
one witness, who had long been in her society, and in close association with 
her, knew she had a mark upon her forehead corresponding to the one she bore 
on her own. And by dint of all these matters, this long continued acquain- 
tance only reviving the impressions received in early life, they had no doubt 
of the identity of the person. Was there ever a more perfect train of 
evidence exhibited to prove the identity of a person, than on the present 

occasion ? 

**♦**♦** 

We have called witnesses on this point alone, and have more than counter- 
poised the evidence produced upon the opposite side. And we liu\e not 
only made it manifest that she was a free woman, but we have confirmed 
her charter by separate proof. What does the gentleman say further ? Do 
I understand him to say we have no right to determine this matter judi- 
cially? Now what is all this about? Why is it before you, taking your 
time day after day ? According to this argument, you have nothing to do 
but to give the master the flesh he claims. But you are to be satisfied that 
you have sufficient reason to believe that these claims are well founded. And 



4\ 



I 



I 



THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. ^'J'J 

if you leave that matter in a state of doubt, it does not require a single wit- 
ness to be called on the part of the respondent, to prove on the opposite side 
of the question. But we have come in with a weight of evidence demolish- 
ing the structure he has raised, restoring the woman to her original position 
in the estimation of the law. " Well," says the gentleman, *' it is like the 
case of a fugitive from justice." But it is not, and if it were, it would not 
benefit his case. Tlie case of a fugitive from justice is one in which the 
prisoner is remanded to the custody of the law, handed over for legal pur- 
poses. The case of a fugitive from labor is a case in which the individual is 
handed over sometimes to a merciless master, and very rarely to a charitable 
one. Does the counsel mean to say that in the case of a fugitive from justice 
he is not bound to satisfy the judge before whom the question is heard? He 
should prove our witnesses unworthy of belief. As Judge Grier said, upon 
a former occasion, '^ You can choose your own time ; you have full and 
abundant opportunities on every side to prepare against any contingency." 
Why don't they do so ? He is not to come here and force on a case, and 
say, I suppose you take every thing for granted. He is to come prepared to 
prove the justice of his claim before the tribunal who is to decide upon it. 
That he has not done successfully, and I would, therefore, ask your Honor, 
after the elaborate argument on the part of the plaintiif, to discharge this 
woman: for after such an abundance of testimony unbroken and incontesta- 
ble as that we have exhibited here, it would be a monstrous perversion of 
reason to suppose that anything more could be required. 

Mr. McMurtrie replied by reasserting his positions. It was a grave ques- 
tion for the court to consider what evidence was required. He thought that 
this decision might be the turning case to show whether the act of Congress 
would be carried out or whether we were to return in fact to the state of 
affairs under the old laws. 

Judge Kane said, in reference to the remarks at the close of Mr. McMur- 
trie's speech : So long as I retain my seat on this bench, I shall endeavor to 
enforce this law without reference to my own sympathies, or the sympathies 
and opinions of others. I do not think, in the cases under this act of 
Congress, or a treaty, or constitutional, or legal provision for the extradition 
of fugitives from justice, that it is possible to imagine that conclusive proof 
of identity could be established by depositions. From the nature of the 
case and the facts to be proved, proof cannot be made in anticipation of the 
identity of the party. That being established, it is the office of the judge, 
to determine whether a prima facie case indicates the identity of the party 
charged, with the party before him. 

******** 

On the other hand, the evidence of the claimant has been met, and 
regarding the bearing of the witnesses for the respondent, met by witnesses 
who testified, with apparent candor and great intelligence. If they are 
37 



578 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

believed, then the witnesses for the claimant are mistaken. The question is, 
Avhother two witnesses for the claimant, who have not seen the respondent 
for twenty-three, one for twenty-four years, are to be believed in preference 
to four witnesses on the other side, three of whom have seen her frequently 
since 1826, and known her as Eupheraia Williams, and the fourth, who has 
not seen her for a quarter of a century, but testifies that when they were 
children, they used to jest each other about scars, which they still bear upon 
their persons ; I am bound to say that the proof by the four witnesses has 
not been overthrown by the contrary evidence of the two who only recog- 
nized her when they called on her with the raarshall. One says he called 
her Mahala Purnell as soon as he saw her. He might be mistaken. He 
inferred he would find her at the place to which he went. There were three 
persons in the room, one was Mahala Richardson, whom he knew, a young 
girl, and the prisoner. If she had been alone, his recognition would have 
been of no avail. The fact is obvious to this court, that the respondent has 
no peculiar physiognomy or gait. It has been shown she has no peculiarity 
of voice ; I cannot but feel that the fact alleged by the claimant is very 
doubtful, when the witnesses, without mark or peculiarity, testify that they 
can readily recognize the girl of fifteen in the woman of forty. The prisoner 
is therefore discharged. 

A slight attemjit at applause in the court room was promptly suppressed. 
The intelligence of the discharge of the woman, was quickly spread to those 
without, who raised shouts of joy. The woman, with her children, were 
hurried into a carriage, which was driven first to the Anti-slavery office and 
then to the Philadelphia Institute, in Lombard Street above Seventh. 
Here she was introduced to a large audience of colored people, who hailed 
her appearance with lively joy ; several excited speeches were made, and 
great enthusiasm was manifested in and outside of the building and the 
adjacent streets. When Euphemia came out, the horses were taken out of 
the carriage, and a long rope was attached, which was taken by as many 
colored people as could get hold of it, and the woman and her children 
thus conveyed to her home. 

The procession was accompanied by several hundreds of men, women and 
boys. They dragged the carriage past the residence of the counsel for the 
respondent, cheering them by huzzas of the wildest kind, and then took the 
vehicle and its contents to the residence of the woman, Germantown Koad 
near Fifth street, beguiling the way with songs and shouts. The whole 
scene was one of wild, ungovernable excitement, produced by exuberance 

of joy- 

The masterly management of abolitionists in connection with the counsel, 
saved poor Eu]ihemia from being dragged from her children into hopeless 
bondage. While the victory was a source of great momentary rejoicing on 
the part of the friends of the slave it was nevertheless quite manifest that 



THE CASE OF ErPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 579 

[ she was only released by tlie "skin of her teeth." "A scar on her forehead" 
saved her. llelative to tins imjwrtant uiaric, a few of Euphemia's friends 
enjoyed a very pleasiiiii: aneedoto, wliicli, at tlie time, they were obliged to 
withhold from the piiblic;; it is too good to be kept any longer. For a time, 
Eujiliemia was kept iu durance vile, up in the dome of Independence Hall, 
partly in the custody of Lieutenant Gouldy of the Mayor's police, (who was 
t!ic right man in the right place), whose sympathies were secretly on the 
siie of the slave. While his pitying eyes gazed on Euphemia's sad face, 
lie observed a very large scar on her forehead, and was immediately struck 
with the idea that that old scar might be used with damaging eflFect by the 
witnesses and counsel against her. At once he decided that the scar must 
be concealed, at least, until after the examination of the claimant's witnesses. 
Accordingly a large turban was procured and placed on Euphemia's head in 
such a manner as to hide the scar completely, without exciting the least 
suspicion in the minds of any. So when the witnesses against her swore 
that she had no particular mark, David Paul Brown made them clinch this 
part of their testimony irrevocably. Now, when Sarah Gayly affirmed (on 
the part of the prisoner) that " I have reason to know her because she has 
the same sort of a scar on her forehead that I have, we used to make fun of 
each other about the marks," etc., if it was not evident to all, it was to 
some, that she had "stolen their thunder," as the "chop-fallen" countenances 
of the slave-holder's witnesses indicated in a moment. Despair was depicted 
on all faces sympathizing with the pursuers. 

With heavy pecuniary losses, sad damage of character, and comfort- 
less, the unhappy claimant and his witnesses were compelled to retnrn to 
Maryland, wiser if not better men. The account of this interesting trial, 
we have condensed from a very careful and elaborate report of it published 
in the "Pennsylvania Freeman," January 13th, 1857. 

Apparently, the vigilance of slave-hunters was not slackened by this 
defeat, as the records show that many exciting cases took place in Philadel- 
phia and Pennsylvania, and if the records of the old Abolitionist Society 
could be published, as they should be, it would appear that many hard- 
• fought battles have taken place between Freedom and Slavery on this soil. 

Here in conclusion touching the Fugitive Slave Law, arrests under it, etc., 
as a fitting sequel we copy two extracts from high authority. The first is 
from the able and graphic pen of James Miller McKim, who was well 
known to stand in the front ranks of both the Anti-slavery Society and the 
Underground Rail Road cause through all the long and trying contest, 
during which the country was agitated by the question of immediate eman- 
ci]iation, and shared the full confidence and respect of Abolitionists of all 
classes throughout the United States and Great Britain. 

The letter from which we have made this extract was written to Hon. 



580 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

Georsre Thompson, the distinguished aboh'tionist of England, and speaks 
for itself. The other (juotation is from the pen of a highly respeetable and 
intelligent lady, belonging to the Society of Friends, or Quakers, and a most 
devoted friend of the slave, whose statement obviously is literally true. 



From Mr. McKiM to George Thompson, 1851. 

" The accompanying parcel of extracts will give you a foil account of the 
different slave cases tried in this city, under the new Fugitive Slave Law up 
to this time. Full and accurate as these reports are, they will afford you 
but a faint idea of the anguish and confusion that have been produced in 
this part of the country by this infamous statute. It has turned South- 
eastern Pennsylvania into another Guinea Coast, and caused a large portion 
of the inhabitants to feel as insecure from the brutal violence and diabolical 
acts of the kidnapper, as are the unhappy creatures who people the shores 
of Africa. Ruffians from the other side of the Slave-line, aided by profes- 
sional kidnappers on our own soil, a class of men whose 'occupation ' until 
lately, had been 'gone/ are continually prowling through the community, 
and every now and then seizing and carrying away their prey. As a speci- 
men of the boldness, though fortunately, not of the success always with 
which these wretches prosecute their nefarious trade, read the enclosed 
article, which I cut from the Freeman, of January 2d, and bear in mind 
that in no respect are the facts here mentioned over-stated. 

This affair occurred in Chester county, one of the most orderly and intel- 
ligent counties in the State, a county settled principally by Quakers. A 
week or two after this occurrence, and not far from the same place, a farm- 
house was entered by a band of armed ruffians, in the evening, and at a time 
when all the able-bodied occupants, save one, were known to be absent. 
This was a colored man, who was seated by the kitchen fire, and in the act 
of taking off* his shoes. He was instantly knocked down and gagged ; but, 
still resisting, he was beaten most unmercifully. There was a woman, and 
also a feeble old man, in the house, who were attracted to the spot by the 
scuffle ; but they could neither render any assistance, nor (the light being 
put out), could they recognize the parties engaged in it. The unhappy 
victim being fairly overcome, was dragged like a slain beast to a wagon, 
which was about a hundred yards distant, waiting to receive him. In this 
he was placed, and conveyed across the line, which was about twenty miles 
further south ; and that was the last, so far as I know, that has ever been 
heard of him. The alarm was given, of course, as soon as possible, and the 
neighbors were quickly in pursuit ; but the kidnappers had got the start of 
them. The next morning the trail between the house, and the place where 
the wagon stood, was distinctly visible, and deeply marked with blood. 



KIDNAPPING. 581 

About a fortnight since, a letter was brought to our office, from a well- 
known friend, the contents of which were in substance as follows : A case of 
kidnapping had occurred in the vicinity of West Cain Township, Chester 
county, at about half past one on Sunday morning, the 16th March. A 
black man, by the name of Thomas Hall, an honest, sober, and industrious 
individual, living in the midst of a settlement of farmers, had been stolen 
by persons who knocked at his door, and told him that his nearest neighbor 
wanted him to come to his house, one of his children being sick. Hall, not 
immediately opening his door, it was burst in, and three men rushed into 
his house ; Hall was felled by the bludgeons of the men. His wife received 
several severe blows, and on making for the door was told, that if she at- 
tempted to go out or halloo, she would have her brains blown out. She, 
however, escaped through a back window, and gave the alarm ; but before 
any person arrived upon the ground, they had fled with their victim. He 
was taken without any clothing, except his night clothes. A six-barrelled 
revolver, heavily loaded, was dropped in the scuffle, and left ; also a silk 
handkerchief, and some old advertisement of a bear bait, that was to take 
place in Emmittsburg, Maryland. In how many cases the persons stolen 
are legally liable to capture, it is impossible to state. The law, you know, 
authorizes arrests to be made, with or without process, and nothing is easier 
under such circumstances than to kidnap persons who are free born. 

The very same day that I received the above mentioned letter, and while 
our hearts were still aching over its contents, another was brought us from 
Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, Delaware, announcing the abduction, a 
night or two before, of a free colored man of that city. The outrage was 
committed by an ex-policeman, who, pretending to be acting under the com- 
mission which he had been known to hold, entered, near the hour of mid- 
night, the house of the victim, and alleging against him some petty act of 
disorder, seized him, handcuffed him in the presence of his dismayed family, 
and carried him off to Maryland. The cheat that had been practised was 
not discovered by the family until next evening; but it was too late, the 
man was gone. 

At the time Mr. Garrett's letter was handed to me, narrating the foregoing 
case of man stealing, I was listening to the sad tales of two colored women, 
who had come to the office for advice and assistance. One of them was an 
elderly person, whose son had been pursued by the marslial's deputies, and 
who had just escaped with ' the skin of his teeth.' She did not come on 
her own account, however ; her heart was too full of joy for that. She came 
to accompany the young woman who was with her. This young woman 
was a remarkably intelligent, lady-like person, and her story made a strong 
appeal to my feelings. She is a resident of Washington, and her errand 
here was, to procure the liberation of a sister-in-law, who is confined in that 
city, under very peculiar circumstances. The sister-in-law had absconded 



582 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

from her mistress about nine months since, and was secreted in the room of 
an acquaintance, who was cook in a distinguished slave-liohling family in 
Washington; her intention being, there to wait until all search should be 
over, and an opportunity oifer of escape to the North. But, as yet, no such 
opportunity had presented itself; at least none that was available, and for 
nine long months had that poor girl been confined in the narrow limits of 
the cook's chamber, watched over day and night by that faithful friend with 
a vigilance as sleepless as it was disinterested. The time had now come, 
however, when something must be done. The family in whose house she is 
hid is about to be broken up, and the house to be vacated, and the girl must 
either be rescued from her peril, or she, and all her accomplices must be ex- 
posed. What to do under these circumstances was the question which 
brought this woman to Philadelphia. I advised her to the best of my 
ability, and sent her away hopeful, if not rejoicing. 

But in many of these cases we can render no aid whatever. All we can do 
is to commend them to the God of the oppressed, and labor on for the day 
of general deliverance. But, oh ! the horrors of this hell-born system, and 
the havoc made by this, its last foul offspring, the Fugitive Slave law. The 
anguish, the terror, the agony inflicted by this infjimous statute, must be wit- 
nessed to be fully appreciated. You must hear the tale of the broken-hearted 
mother, who has just received tidings that her son is in the hands of man- 
thieves. You must listen to the impassioned appeal of the wife, wliose 
husband's retreat has been discovered, and whose footsteps are dogged by 
the blood-hounds of Slavery. You must hear the husband, as I did, a few 
weeks ago, himself bound and helpless, beg you for God's sake to save his wife. 
You must see such a woman as Hannah Dellam, with her noble-looking boy 
at her side, pleading in vain before a pro-slavery judge, that she is of right 
free; that her son is entitled to his freedom; and above all, that her babe, 
about to be born, should be permitttKJ to open its eyes upon the light of 
liberty. You must hear the judge's decision, remorselessly giving up i\\Q 
woman with her children born and unborn, into the hands of their claim- 
ants — by them to be carried to the slave prison, and thence to be sold to a 
returnless distance from the remaining but scattered fragments of her once 
happy family. These things you must see and hear for yourself before 
you can form any adequate idea of the bitterness of this cup which the 
unhapi)y children of oppression along this southern border are called upon 
to drink. Manifestations like these have we been obliged either to witness 
ourselves, or hear the recital of from others, almost daily, for weeks together. 
Our aching hearts of late, have known but little respite. A shadow has 
been cast over our home circles, and a check been given to the wonted cheer- 
fuhiess of our families. One nifrht, the ni<rht that the woman and the boy 
and the unborn babe received their doom, my wif;, long after midnight, 
literally wept herself to sleep. For the last fortnight we have had no new 



KIDNAPPING. 583 

cases ; out even now, when I go home in the evening, if I happen to look 
more serious than usual, my wife notices it, and asks : " Is there another 
slave case?" and my little girls look up anxiously for my reply. 



From Miss Mary B. Thomas. 

Daring outrage! burglary and kidnapping! The following letter tells its 
own startling and most painful story. Every manly and generous heart 
must burn with indignation at the villainy it describes, and bleed with 
sympathy for the almost broken-hearted suiferers. 

" DowNiNGTOWN, 19th, 4th mo., 1848. 
"My dear Friexd: — This morning our family was aroused by the 
screams of' a young colored girl, who has been living with us nearly a year 
past; but we were awakened only in time to see her borne off by three 
white men, ruffians indeed, to a carriage at our door, and in an instant she 
was on her way to the South. I feel so much excited by the attendant 
circumstances of this daring and atrocious deed, as scarcely to be able to 
give you a coherent account of it, but 1 know that it is a duty to make it 
known, and, I therefore write this immediately. 

"As soon as the house was opened in the morning, these men who were 
lurking without, having a carriage in waiting in the street, entered on their 
horrid errand. They encountered no one in their entrance, except a colored 
boy, who was making the fire ; and who, being frightened at their approach, 
ran and hid himself; taking a lighted candle from the kitchen, and carrying 
it up stairs, they went dii'ectly to the chamber in which the poor girl lay in 
a sound sleep. They lifted her from her bed and carried her down stairs. 
In the entry of the second floor they met one of my sisters, who, hearing aa 
unusual noise, had sprung from her bed. Her screams, and those of the 
poor girl, who was now thoroughly awakened to the dreadful truth, aroused 
my father, who hurried undressed from his chambet, on the ground floor. 
■My father's efforts were powerless against the three ; they threw him off, 
and with frightful imprecations hurried the girl to the carriage. Quickly as 
possible my father started in pursuit, and reached West Chester only to 
learn that the carriage had driven through the borough at full speed, 
ibout half an hour before. They had two horses to their vehicle, and there 
ivere three men besides those in the house. These particulars we gather 
Tom the colored boy Ned, who, from his hiding-place, was watching them 
n the road. 

"Can anything be done for the rescue of this girl from the kidnappers? 
vV^e are surprised and alarmed ! This deliberate invasion of our house, is a 
hing unimagined. There must be some informer, who is acquainted with 
lur house and its arrangements, or they never would have come so boldly 



584 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

through. Truly, there is no need to preach about Slavery in the abstract, 
this individual case combines every wickedness by which human nature can 
be degraded. Truly, thy friend, 

Mary B. Thomas." 

In a subsequent letter, our friend says : " As to detail, the whole transac- 
tion was like a flash to those who saw the niiseral)le ending. I was 
impelled to write without delay, by the thought that it would be in time for 
the ' Freeman,' and that any procrastination on my part, might jeopard 
others of these suffering people, who are living, as was this poor girl, in 
fancied security. Our consternation was inexpressible ; our sorrow and 
indignation deepen daily, as the thought returns of the awful announcement 
with which we were awakened : they have carried Martha to the South. 
To do what will be of most service to the cause — not their cause — ours — 
that of our race, is our burning desire." 



HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD- 
INTERESTING LETTERS. 

The necessities of the Committee for the relief of the destitute and way- 
worn travelers bound freedom-ward, were met mainly by friends of the 
cause in Philadelphia. Generous- hearted abolitionists nobly gave their 
gold in this work. They gave not only material, but likewise whole-souled 
aid and sympathy in times of need, to a degree well worthy of commemo- 
ration while the name of slave is remembered. The Shipleys, Hoppers, 
Parrishes, Motts, Whites, Copes, Wistars, Pennocks, Sellers, Davis, 
Prices, Hallowells, Sharpless, Williams, Coates, Morris, Browns, Towns- 
ends, Taylors, Jones, Grews, Wises, Lindseys, Barkers, Earlcs, Puglis, 
Rogers, Whartons, Barnes, Willsons, Wrights, Peirces, Justices, Smiths, 
Cavenders, Stackhouses, Nealls, Dawsons, Evans, Lees, Childs, Clothiers, 
Harveys, Laings, Middletons, etc., are among the names well-known in 
the days which tried men's souls, as being most true to the bondman, 
whether on the Underground Rail Road, before a Fugitive Slave-Law 
Court, or on a rice or cotton plantation in the South. Nor would we pass 
over the indefatigable labors of the Ladies' Anti-slavery Societies and 
Sewing Circles of Philadelphia, whose surpassing fidelity to the slave in 
the face of prejudice, calumny and reproach, year in and year out, should 
be held in lasting remembrance. In the hours of darkness they cheered 
the cause. While we thus honor the home-guards and coadjutors in 
our immediate neighborhood, we cannot forget other earnest and faithful 
friends of the slave, in distant parts of the country and the world, who 



HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS. 585 

volunteered timely aid and sympathy to the V^igilance Committee of Phila- 
delphia. Not to mention any of this class would be to fail to bestow 
honor where honor is due. We have only to allow the friends to whom 
we allude, to speak for themselves through their correspondence when their 
hearts were stirred in the interest of the escaping slave, and they were 
practically doing unto others as they would have others do unto them. 

Here, truly, is pure philanthropy, that vital Christianity, that True and 
Undefiled Religion before God and the Father, which is to visit the father- 
less and widow in their affliction, and to undo the heavy burden, and let 
the oppressed go free. The posterity of the oppressed at least, will need 
such evidences of tender regard and love as here evinced. In those days, 
such expressions of Christian benevolence were cheering in the extreme. 
From his able contribution to Anti-slavery papers, and his fearless and 
eloquent advocacy of the cause of the down-trodden slave in the pulpit, on 
the platform, and in the social circle, the name of Rev. N. R. Johnston, 
Reformed Presbyterian (of the old Covenanter faith), will be familiar to 
many. But we think it safe to say that his fidelity and devotion to the 
slave are nowhere more fully portrayed than in the appended Underground 
Rail Road letters. 

ToPSHAM, Yt., September 1st, 1855. 

"Wm. Still, my Dear Friend : — I have the heart, but not the time, to 
write you a long letter. It is Saturday evening, and I am preparing to 
preach to-morrow afternoon from Heb. xiii. 3, " Remember them that are in 
bonds as bound with them." This will be my second sermon from this 
text. Sabbath before last I preached from it, arguing and illustrating the 
proposition, deduced from it, that " the great work to which we are now 
called is the abolition of Slavery, or the emancipation of the slave," showing 
our duty as philanthropists. To-morrow I intend to point out our duty as 
citizens. Some to whom I minister, I know, will call it .a political speech ; 
but I have long since determined to speak for the dumb what is in my heart 
and in my Bible, let men hear or forbear. I am accountable to the God of 
the oppressed, not to man. If I have his favor, why need I regard man's 
disfavor. Many besides the members of ray own church come out regularly to 
hear me. Some of them are pro-slavery politicians. The consequence is, I 
preach much on the subject of Slavery. And while I have a tongue to speak, 
and lips to pray, they shall never be sealed or silent so long as millions of 
dumb have so few to speak for them. 

But poor Passmore Williamson is in bonds. Let us also remember him, 
as bound with him. He has many sympathizers. I am glad you did not 
share the same fate. For some reasons I am sorry you have fallen into the 
hands of thieves. For some others I am glad. It will make you more 
devoted to your good work. Persecution always briglitens the Christian, 



586 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and gives more zeal to the true philanthropist. I hope you will come off 
victorious. I pray for you and your co-laborers and co-sufferers. 

My good brother, I am greatly indebted to you for your continued kind- 
ness. The Lord reward you. 

I have a soholai-ship iii an Ohio College, Geneva Hall, which will entitle 
me — any one I may send — to six years tuition. It is an Anti-slavery insti- 
tution, and wholly under Anti-slavery control and influence. They want 
colored students to prepare them for the great field of labor open to men of 
talent and piety of that class. When I last saw you I purposed talking to 
you about this matter, but was disapjxtinted very much in not getting to 
take tea with you, as I partly promised. Have you a son ready for college? 
or for the grammar school ? Do you know any promising young man who 
would aeoept my scholarship? Or would your brother's son, Peter or 
Levin, like to have the benefit of it ? If so, you are at liberty to promise it 
to anv one whom you think I would be willing to educate. Write me at 
your earliest convenience, about this matter. 

******** 

I presume the Standard will contain full accounts of the Xorristown 
meeting, the Williamson case, and your own and those connected. If it does 
not, I will thank you to write me fully. 

******** 

What causes the delay of that book, the History of Peter Still's Family, 
etc.? I long to see it. 

The Lord bless you in your labors for the slave. 

Yours, etc., X. R. Johnston. 

ToPSHAM, Yt., December 2Gth, 1855. 

Wm. Still, "My Dear Friend : — I wrote to you some two or three 
weeks ago, enclosing the letter to the care of a friend in Philadelphia, whom 
I wished to introduce to you. I have had no answer to that letter, and I 
am afraid you have not re».'eived it, or that you have written me. and I have 
not recvived youi-s. In that letter I wished to receive information resj>ect- 
ing the best way to expend money for the aid of fugitives. Lest you may 
not have received it, I write you again, though brietly. 

A few of the Anti-slavery friends, mostly ladies, in our village have 
formeil an Anti-slavery Society and sewing circle, the proc^eeds of which are 
to go to aid needy or destitute fugitive slaves. They have appointoil me 
corresponding secretary. In obedience to my instructions, and that I may 
fulfill ray promises, I want to find out from you the desired iuformation. 
We want to give the little money raised, in such a way that fugitives who 
ai\' really ucihIv will be benefiteti by it. Write me :\s soon as |xissible, where 
and to whom we should send the tunds when raiseil. I have thought that 
you of the Yigilance Committee, iu Philadelphia had need of it. Or, if not, 



HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS. 587 

you can tell us where money is needed. Probably you know of some one in 
Canada who acts for the needy there. So many impositions have been 
pahned off upon charitable abolitionists, I am afraid to act in such a case 
without the directions of one who knows all about these things. Is money 
needed to help those escaping-? If so, should we send to New York, Phila- 
delphia, or where else? When I was in New York last, a young man fro.n 
Richmond, Va., assuming the name of Ri)bert Johnston, who had come by 
steamboat to Philadelphia, and whom you had directed to the Anti-slavery 
office in New York, had only one dollar in money. His fare had to be 
paid by a friend there, the treasurer of the fund being absent. I know that 
they nearly all need money, or clothing. We want to send our money 
wherever it is most needed, to help the destitute, or those in danger, and 
wdiere it will be faithfully applied. Write me fully, giving specific direc- 
tions ; and I will read your letter to the society. And as I have been wait- 
ing anxiously, for some two weeks or more, for an answer to my previous 
letter, but am disappointed unless you have written very recently, I will 
be much obliged if you will write on the reception of this. Any informa- 
tion you may communicate, respecting the doing of your section of the 
Underground Railway will be read before the society with much interest. 
If you know the address of anyone in Canada, who would be a good 

correspondent respecting this matter, please give me his name. 

******** 

My dear brother, go on in your good work ; and the God of the oppressed 
sustain and reward you, is my earnest prayer. 

Yours, fraternally, in our common cause, N. R. Johnston. 

ToPSiiAM, Vt., December 18th, 1856. 

Wm. Still, Very Dear Friend : — I will be much pleased to hear from 
you and our common cause in Pennsylvania. I am so far removed, away 
here in Yankeedom, that I hear nothing from that quarter but by the public 
prints. And as for the Underground Railway, of course, I hear nothing, 
except now and then. I would be greatly pleased if you would write me 
the state of its funds and progress. Whatever you write will be inter- 
esting;. 

The Topsham Sewing Circle has begun its feeble operations again. Owing 
to much opposition, a very few attend, consequently little is made. The 
ladies, however, have some articles on hand unsold, which will bring some 
money ere long. I wish you would wTite me another long letter in detail of 
interesting fugitives, etc., such as you wrote last winter, and I will have it 
read before the circle. Your letter last winter was heard by the ladies with 
great interest. You are probably not aware that fugitives are never seen 
here. Indeed the one half of the people have never seen more than a half- 
dozen of colored people. There are none in all this region. 



588 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

I am lending Peter Still — the book — to my neighbors. It is devoured 
with great interest. It does good. I think, however, if I had been writing 
such a book, I woukl have wedged in mueh more testimony against slavery 
and its horrid accompaniments and consequences. 

I would be glad to hear iiow Peter and his family are prospering. 

Do you see my friends, Mr. Orr and Rev. Willson, now-a-days ? Do they 
help in the good cause ? 

If the ladies here should make up fine shirts for men, or children's clothes 
of various kinds, would they be of use at Philadelphia, or New York, to 
fugitives? Or would it not be advisable to send them there? The ladies 
here complain that they cannot sell what they make. 

My dear brother, be not discouraged in your work, your labor of love. 
The prospect before the poor slave is indeed dark, dark ! But the power 
shall not always be on the side of the oppressor. God reigns. A day of 
vengeance will come, and that soon. 

Mrs. Stowe makes Dred utter many a truth. Would that God would 
write it indelibly on the heart of the nation. But the people will not hear, 
and the cup of iniquity will soon fill to overflowing; and whose ears will 
not be made to tingle when the God of Sabaoth awakes to plead the cause 
of the dumb ? Yours, very sincerely, N. R. Johnston. 

P. S. When I was in New York last Fall, October, I was in the Anti- 
Slavery office one day, when a friend in the office showed me a dispatch just 
received from Philadelphia, signed W. S., which gave notice of "six parcels" 
coming by the train, etc. And before I left the office the " parcels" came 
in, each on two legs. Strange parcels, that would run away on legs. 

My heart leaped for joy at seeing these rescued ones. O that God would 
arise and break the yoke of oppression ! Let us labor on and ever, until our 
work is done, until all are free. 

Since the late Republican farce has closed I hope to get some more sub- 
scribers for the Standard. Honest men's eyes will be o]iened after a while, 
and the standard of right and expediency be elevated. Let us " hope on 
and ever." Yours, for the right, N. R. J. 

TopsHAM, Vt., April 3d, 1858. 

Dear Friend Still : — I entreat you not to infer from my tardiness or 
neglect, that I am forgetful of my dear friend in Philadelphia. For some 
time past I have done injustice to many of my friends, in not paying ray 
debts in epistolary correspondence. Some of my dearest friends have cause 
to censure me. But you must pardon me. I have two letters of yours on 
hand, unanswered. One of them I read to the Sewing Circle; and part of 
the other. For them I most heartily thank you. You are far kinder to me 
than I deserve. May God reward you. 

I long to see you. My head and heart is full of the cause of the slave. 



HELPERS AND S YMPA THIZERS. 589 

I fear I give the subject too much relative importance. Is this possible? 
I preach, lecture, and write for the slave continually. And yet I don't do 
enough. Still I fear I neglect the great concerns of religion at home, in my 
own heart, in ray congregation, and in the community. 

I wish we were located near to each other. We are far separated. I am 
almost isolated. You are surrounded by many friends of the cause. Still 
we are laboring on the same wall, though far apart. Are we not near in 
spirit? 

You see by the papers that we have been trying to do something in our 
Green Mountain State. The campaign has fairly begun. We will carry 
the battle to the gate. 

I see our friend, Miss Watkins, is still pleading for the dumb. Noble 
girl ! I love her for her devotedness to a good cause. Oh, that her voice 
could be heard by the millions ! I hope that we can have her again in Ver- 
mont. 

Give my kind regards to our mutual friend, Miller McKim. Will I not 
see him and you at the anniversary in New York ? 

Do you ever see Rev. Willson ? Is he doing anything for the cause ? I 
wish I could peep into your house to-night, and see if there are any " pack- 
ages" on hand. God bless you in your labors of love. 

Yours, truly, for the slave, 

N. R. Johnston. 

While it was not in the power of Mr. Johnston and his coadjutors, to 
render any great amount of material aid to the Committee, as they had not 
been largely blessed with this world's goods, nevertheless, the sympathy 
shown was as highly valued, as if they had given thousands of dollars. 
Not unfrequently has the image of this singularly faithful minister entered 
the writer's mind as he once appeared when visiting the Synod of his 
church in Philadelphia. Having the Underground Rail Road cause at 
heart, he brought with him — all the way from Vermont — his trunk well 
filled with new shirts and under-clothing for the passengers on that Road. 
It was characteristic of the man, and has ever since been remembered with 
pleasure. 

From another quarter, hundreds of miles from Philadelphia, similar 
tokens of interest in the cause of the fleeing bondmen were manifested by a 
Ladies' Anti-slavery Society, in Western New York, which we must here 
record. As the proffered aid was wholly unsolicited, and as the Committee 
had no previous knowledge whatever of the existence of the society, or 
any of its members, and withal, as the favors conferred, came at times when 
the cause was peculiarly in need (the Committee oft-times being destitute 
of clothing or money), the idea that the Underground Rail Road was 
providentially favored, in this respect, was irresistible. 



590 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

AVe tlieroforc take great pleasure in coniraeinorating tlie good deeds of the 
society, by copying the following letters from its president, Mrs. Dr. Brooks: 

Ellington, Nov. 21st, 1859. 

Mr. William Still: — Dear Sir: — In the above-named place, some five 
years since there was formed a Ladies' Anti-slavery Society, which has put 
forth its feeble 'endeavors to aid the cause of " breaking every yoke and 
letting the oppressed go free," and we trust, through our means, others have 
been made glad of heart. Every year we have sent a box of clothing, bed- 
ding, etc., to the aid of the fugitive, and wishing to send it where it would 
be of the most service, we have it suggested to us, to send to you the box 
we have at present. You would confer a favor upon the members of our 
society, by writing us, giving a detail of that which would be the most 
service to you, and whether or no it would be more advantageous to you 
than some nearer station, and we will send or endeavor to, that which would 
benefit you most. 

William Wells Brown visited our place a short time since, recommending 
us to send to you in preference to Syracuse, where we sent our last box. 

Please write, letting me know what most is needed to aid you in your 
glorious work, a work which will surely meet its reward. Direct, Ellington, 
Chautauqua county, N. Y. Your sister, in the cause, 

Mrs. M. Brooks. 
Ellington, Chautauqua Co., N. Y., Dee. 7th, 1859. 

Mr. Still: — Dear Sir: — Yours of the 29th, was duly and gratefully 
received, although the greater portion of your epistle, of a necessity, 
portrayed the darker side of the picture, yet we have great reason to be 
tliankful for the growing interest there is for the cause througliout the free 
States, for it certainly is on the increase, even in our own locality. There are 
those who, five years since, were (ashamed, must I say it!) to bear the appel- 
lation of " Anti-slavery,'' who can now manfully bear the one then still 
more repellant of Abolitionist. All this we wish to feel thankful for, and 
wish their number may never grow less. 

The excitement relative to the heroic John Brown, now in his grave, has 
affected the whole North, or at least every one who has a heart in his breast, 
particularly this portion of the State, Avhich is so decidedly Anti-slavery. 

At a meeting of our Society, to-day, at which your letter was read, it was 
thought best that I should reply to it, a request with which I cheerfully 
comply. AVe would like to hear from you, and learn the directions to be 
given to our box, which will be ready to send as soon as we can hear from 
you. Please give us all necessary information, and oblige our Society. 

You have the kind wishes and prayers of all the members, that you may 
be the instrument of doing much good to those in bonds, and may God 
speed the time when every yoke shall be broken, and let the oppressed go 
free. Yours, truly, Mrs. Dr. Brooks. 



, HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS. 591 

P. S. I have just learned that John Brown's body passed tlirough Du:]- 
kirk, a few miles from this place, yesterday. A funeral sermon is to bo 
preached in this place one week from next Sabbath, for the good old man. 

Mrs. Dr. B. 

Ellington, ^an. 2(1, 18G0. 

William Still: — Dear Sir: — Enclosed are $2,00, to pay ireighlago on 
the box of bedding, wearing apparel, etc., that has been sent to your adtlress. 
It has been thought best to send you a schedule of the contents of said box. 
Trusting it will be acceptable, and be the means of assisting the poor fugitive 
on his j)crilous way, you have the prayers of our Society, that you may bo 
prospered in your work of mercy, and you surely will meet with your 
reward according to your merciful acts. 

Two bed quilts, 32, $8,00; five bed qnilLs, 24, $15,00 ; one bed quilt, 28, 
$3,50; two pairs cotton socks, 3, 75 cents; three pairs cotton stockings, 4, 
$1,50; one pair woolen stockings, 6, 75 cents; one pair woolen stockings, 
4, 50 cents; three pair woolen socks, 2, 75 cents; five pair woolen socks, 
3, $1,88; eight chemise, 32, $4,50; thirteen men's shirts, QQ cents, $8,58 ; 
one pair pants, 12, $1,50; six pair overall pants, 80 cents, $4,80; three pair 
pillow cases, $1,00; three calico aprons, 2, 75 cents; three sun-bonnets, 2, 
75 cents ; two small aprons, 1, 25 cents; one alpaca cape, 8, $1,00; two 
capes, 1, 25 cents; one black shawl, 4, 50 cents. Total, $56,51. 

The foregoing is a correct list of tlie articles and the apjjraisal of the same. 
Please acknowledge the receipt of the letter and box, and oblige the Anti- 
slavery Society of Ellington. Mrs. Dr. Brooks. 

The road was doing a flourishing business during the short time tliat this 
station received aid and sympathy from the Ladies' Anti-slavery Society of 
Ellington, and little did we dream that its existence would so soon be ren- 
dered null and void by the utter overthrow of Slavery. 

We have great pleasure in stating that beyond our borders also, across the 
ocean, there came help to a laudable degree in the hour of need. The num- 
bers of those who aided in this special work, hov/ever, were very few and far 
between, a hundred per cent, less (so far as the receipts of the Philadelphia 
Committee were concerned), than was supposed by slave holders and their 
sympathizers, judging from their oft repeated allegations on this subject. 

It is true, that the American Anti-slavery Society and kindred associations, 
received liberal contributions from a few warm-hearted and staunch aboli- 
tionists abroad, to aid the great work of abolishing Slavery. In reference to 
the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, we are safe in saying, that, except 
from a few sources, no direct aid came. How true this was of other stations, 
we do not pretend to know or speak, but in the directions above alluded to, 
we feel that the cause was placed under lasting obligations. The Webbs of 



592 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Dublin, and the Misses Wighams, of Scotland, representatives of the Edin- 
burgh Ladies' Emancipation Society, were constantly in correspondence with 
leading abolitionists in diiferent parts of the country, manifesting a deep 
interest in the general cause, and were likewise special stockholders of the 
Underground Hail Road of Philadelphia. In common with stockholders 
at home, these trans-atlantic investors were willing to receive their shares of 
dividends in the answer of a good conscience, or, in other words, from the 
satisfaction and pleasure derivable from a consciousness of having done what 
they could to alleviate the sufferings of the oppressed struggling to be free. 
Having thus shown their faith by their works it would be unjust not to 
make honorable mention of them. 

Last, though not least, at the risk of wounding the feelings of one who 
preferred not to let the left hand know what the right hand doeth, we may 
contemplate the philanthropic labors of one, whose generosity and benevo- 
lence knew no bounds ; whose friendship devotion and liberality, were felt 
in all the principal stations of the Underground Rail Road; whose heart 
went out al'tcr the millions in fetters, the fleeing fugitive, the free, proscribed, 
the ignorant deprived of education; whose house was the home of the advo- 
cate of the slave from the United States, especially if he wore a colored skin 
or had been a slave. We would not venture to say how many of the 
enslaved this kind hand helped to purchase (Frederick Douglass and many 
others, being of the number.) 

How many were assisted in procuring an education, how many who pined 
in slave prisons were aided, how many fleeing over the perilous Under- 
ground Rail Road were benefited, the All-seeing Eye alone knoweth; 
nevertheless, we are happy to be able to give our readers some idea of 
the unwearied labors of the friend to whom we allude. Here again we 
are compelled to resort to private correspondence which took place when 
Cotton was King, and the Slave-power of the South could boastingly say, 
in the language of the apocalyptic woman, "I sit as a queen, and shall 
see no sorrow," when that power was maddened to desperation, by the hero- 
ism of the martyr, John Brown, and the fettered bondmeu were ever and 
anon traveling over the Underground Rail Road. In this " darkest hour, 
just before the break of day," the heart of the friend of whom we speak, 
was greatly moved to consider the wants of the oppressed in various 
directions. 

How worthily and successfully her labors gave evidence of an earnest 
devotion to freedom, the mode and measures adopted by her, to awaken 
sympathy in the breast of the benevolent of her own countrymen, and how 
noble her example, may be learned from a small pamphlet and explanatory 
letters which, when written, were intended especially for private use, but 
which we now feel constrained to copy from a sense of justice to disinterested 
philanthropy. 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. 593 

PAMPHLET, AND LETTERS 

FROM MRS. ANNA H. RICHARDSON, OF NEWCASTLE, ENGLAND. 

To THE Friends of the Slave. 

Dear Friends — For some months past my dear husband and I have 
wished very gratefully to thank you for having so kindly assisted us in vari- 
ous Anti-Slavery efforts, and we now think it quite time to give an account 
of our stewardship, and also to lay before you several items of interesting 
intelligence received from different parts of the United States. We will 
thank you to look upon this intelligence as private, and must request you to 
guard against any portion of it being reprinted. 

William S. Bailey. — We have had great pleasure in forwarding X222 
to our valued correspondent, William S. Bailey, of Newport, Kentucky ; 
<£160 of this sum in response to a circular issued at Newcastle in the sum- 
mer of last year, and received by our friend, David Oliver, who acted as 
treasurer, and the remainder chiefly collected by our dear young friends 
in England and Ireland, after reading the account of his little daughter, 
"Laura." This money has been very thankfully acknowledged, with the 
exception of the last remittance jnst now on the road. 

Most of our readers will be aware that W. S, Bailey's printing-office and 
premises were again ruthlessly attacked after the Harper's Ferry outbreak, 
on the unfounded assumption that he was meditating a similar proceeding, 
and that it was unsafe for a free press to be any longer tolerated in Ken- 
tucky. His forms and type were accordingly dragged through the streets of 
Newport, and a considerable portion of them flung by a mob (of " gentle- 
men ") into the Ohio lliver. A few extracts from his own letters will pretty 
fully explain both his past and present position. The subscription list on 
his behalf is still open, and any further assistance for this heroic man and his 
noble-hearted family will be very gratefully received and forwarded. 

"Newport, Kentucky, Nov. 19th, 1859. 
" From my letter of the Tth inst. you will have learned the sad intelli- 
gence that my printing-office has been destroyed by a brutal mob of Pro- 
Slavery men. Through the money I received from you and other friends 
in this country I was moving the cause of freedom in all parts of Kentucky. 
The people seemed to grasp our platform with eagerness, and the slave- 
holders became alarmed to see their wish to read and discuss its simple 
truths. Hence they plotted together to devise a stratagem by which they 
could destroy The Free South, and in the meantime the Harper's Ferry dif- 
ficulty, by Mr. Brown, was seized upon to excite the people against me, and 
the most extravagant lies were told about rae, as trying to excite slaves to 
38 



594 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

rebellion; intending to seize the United States barracks at this place, arm the 
negroes, and commence war npon slave-holders. All these lies were told as 
profound secrets to the peoi)le by the tools of the slave-power. But these lies 
have already exploded, and the people are resuming their common sense again. 
" I tried your plan of non-resistance with all ray power. I pleaded with 
all the earnestness of my soul, and so did my wife and daughters, but though 
I am certain many were moved in conscience against the savage outrage, 
and did their work with a stinging heart, yet they felt that they must stick 
to their party, and complete the destruction. Slavery, indeed, makes the 
most hardened savages the world ever knew. The savage war-whoop of the 
Indian never equalled their dastardly cry of 'shoot him,' 'cut his throat,' 
'stab him,' and such like words most maliciously spoken." * * 

" Slavery is the cause of this devilish spirit in men ; but this outrage has 
gained me many friends, and will do much towards putting down Slavery in 
the state. It will also add many thousand votes to the republican presi- 
dential candidate in 1860. God grant it may work out a great good!" * 
* * * "I want to get started again as soon as I possibly can. 
As soon as I can raise 1,000 dollars, I can make a beginning, and soon after 
you wjll see The Free South again, and I trust a nmch handsomer sheet than 
it was before." 

NEwroRT, January 6th, 1860. 

"Yours of 12mo. 17th, 1860, is received, containing a draft for £50, and 
another of the ' Little Laura ' books, which, thank God, is doing some good 
in Newport and Covington, in the hands of two Christian friends. The re- 
newed obligations under which the good people of England, through your 
instrumentality, place me and my abused people, call for expressions of grati- 
tude from both me and them beyond my abilit}^ to pen. But you can 
imagine how we ought to feel in our trials and wants to such kind friends 
as you. Neither I nor my Anti-Slavery friends here can express our thank- 
fulness in the elegant language your better educated countrymen may feel 
we should use, but, by the Omnipotent Judge of all hearts, I trust our feeble 
effort will be accepted, and you and yours be blessed and protected now and 
for ever. Such encouragement strengthens me in the belief that the Spirit 
of God is abroad in the hearts of the people, moving them to sympathize 
with the poor, subjected slave." * * * * "I have the 
promise of abler pens to aid me when I get started again ; and I am glad to 
see that a poor working-man and his family have been the means of calling 
the attention of men of letters to assist in raising from the dust a crushed 
race of men ; and although the red clouds of war hover thick around us, and 
vengeance lurks in secret places, I trust, through the guidance of an All-wise 
Director, to steer safely through the angry tide that now so often ebbs and 
flows around me; but should I fall, I trust, dear lady, that my dear wife 
and family may be remembered by the good and true." 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FBIENDS OF THE SLAVE. 595 

"Newport, May 25tli, 18G0. 
"I am glad to tell you that we feel it a great victory over the slave power 
to be able to rise again from our ruins, and in the face of slave-owning 
despots denounce their inhumanity and their sins. I trust that Almighty 
God will continue to be with me and my dear family in this good work." 
* * * "You cannot but see, I think, by the southern press, that 
slave-holders begin to fear and tremble for the safety of their 'peculiar insti- 
tution.' Tiie death of John Brown is yet to be atoned for, l)y the slave- 
holding oligarchy. His undying spirit haunts them by day and by night, 
and in the midst of their voluptuous enjoyments, the very thought of John 
Brown chills their souls and poisons their pleasures. Their tarring and 
feathering of good citizens; their riding them upon rails, and ducking them 
in dirty ponds; their destruction of liberty presses, and the hanging of John 
Brown and his friends, to intimidate men from the advocacy of freedom, 
will all come tumbling upon their own heads as a just retribution for their 
outrageous brutality. Only let us persevere, and oppressed humanity, bent 
in timid silence throughout the south, will rise and throw off the yoke of 
Slavery and rejoice in beholding itself //tc/" 

"Newport, August 18. 

"I send you three copies of my paper. Since receiving your letter, I and 
my family have done all in our power to get it out, but we had to get old 
type from the foundry and sort it, to make the sheet the size vou now see it. 
We hate to be put down by the influence of tyranny, and you cannot 
imagine our sorrow, anxiety, necessity and determination." * * * 
"I have received, since the press was destroyed, 700 dollars in all, which 
has been spent in repairing and roofing our dwelling house, and repairing 
the breaches made upon the office, together with mending the presses and 
procuring job type and some little for the paper, but nearly all the latter is 
old type. Our kindest thanks to the liberty-loving people of your country, 
Scotland, and Ireland, and tell them I shall never surrender the cause of 
freedom. A little money from all my friends, woulil soon reinstate me, and 
when they see my paper I trust it will cheer tlieir hopes, and cause a new fire 
for liberty in Kentucky. 

"I cannot but sometimes ask in my closet meditations: O God of mercy 
uid love, why permittest Thou tliese things? But still I hope for a change 
3f mind in my enemies, and shall press onward to accomplish the great task 
seemingly allotted to me upon Kentucky soil." 

The Persecuted Bereans. — There is another call connected with Ken- 
uck}^, which we wish to bring before our friends. At a village in that State, 
ailed Berea, (situated in Madison county), a little band of Christian men 
tnd women, had been pursuing their useful labors for some years past. 



596 THE UyDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

They avowedly hekl Anti-slavery sentiments, but this was the beginning j 
and end of their offending. They possessed a farm and saw-mill, etc., and ' 
had established a flourishing school. These good people were quietly fol- 
lowing their usual employments, when, in the early part of last winter, 
sixty-two armed Kentuckians rode upon horseback to their cottage doors, 
and summarily informed them that they must leave the State in ten days' 
time, or would be expelled from it forcibly. All pleading was" hopeless, and 
any attempt at self-defence out of the question. They bowed before the 
storm, and hastily gathering up their garments, in three days' time were on 
their road to Ohio. Their three Christian pastors took the same course. 
One of the latter has since returned to Kentucky, to bury his youngest little J 
boy, in a grave-yard attached to one of the churches there. He was enabled / 
to preach to the people who assembled ou the occasion, but was not allowed 
to remain in his native State. 

Another of the exiles ventured to go back to Berea, but this immediately 
led to an outbreak of popular feeling, for his saw-mill was set on fire by the 
mob, and presently destroyed. The exiles are consequently still in Ohio, or 
wandering about in search of employment. We have been privileged in 
receiving two letters respecting them, from one of their excellent pastors, 
John G. Fee. This gentleman is himself, the son of a slave-holder, but 
gave up his earthly patrimony many years since for conscience' sake, 
and has since made it the business of his life to proclaim the gospel in its 
purity, and to use every available means for directing all to Christ. 

When speaking of Berea, Mr. Fee remarks: "The land was poor, but 
the situation beautiful, with good water, and a favorable location, in some 
respects. We could have had locations more fertile and more easy of access, 
but more exposed to the slave-power. It was five miles from a turupike 
road, M'ith quite a population around it for a slave State." 

In one of Mr. Fee's letters he introduces a subject which we wish 
especially to bring before our friends, feeling almost sure that many of them 
will respond to its im})ortance: 

" You ask, he says, if there are not noble-hearted young people in slave- 
holding families? There is one whom I desire to commend to your special 
prayer and regard, Elizabeth Rawliiigs, daughter of John H. Rawlings, of 
Madison county, Kentucky. He v/as once a slave-holder, but has twice been a 
delegate to our Free-soil National Conventions, and is a strong friend of 
freedom. His daughter has had small o])j>ortiuiities for acquiring know- 
ledge, but was in our school at Berea, and making rapid progress. Our 
school was not only Anti-slavery, but avowedly Anti-caste. This made it 
the more odious. When Mr. Rogers and others were about to be driven 
away, she announced that she would continue the school on the same princi- 
ples. Accordingly she went into the school-room after a few days, with a 
little band of small scholars, and has perseveringly kept it up. This noble 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLAVE. 597 

: and brave-hearted young woman is about twenty-two years of age ; has a 
very vigorous mind; acquires knowledge very rapidly; is very modest; and 
is, I trust, a true believer in Christ. I desire to see her fitted for the post 
of teacher. One year's study would greatly benefit her. She has not gone 
beyond gramiuar and arithmetic. I have not means or would at once give 
her those advantages she needs. I once had a small patrimony, but 
expended it in freedom's cause, and now live on the small salary of a [Home] 
Missionary. I have a daughter of fifteen, a,s far advanced as Miss liawlings. 
I want to train and educate them both for teaching, and had thought to 
educate the latter, and suggest to some one to educate the other. I do not 
urge, but simply suggest. This might be another cord binding the two con- 
tinents. Lewis Tappan, of New York, would receive to transmit, and I 
would report." 

Now if we may lay before you, dear friends, our hearts' inquiry, it is this: 
" Cannot we in England, raise =£50 or £Q0 for one year's schooling for these 
two dear girls, Elizabeth Rawlings and J. G. Fee's daughter?" It seems to 
us, that the one deserves it from l^r noble daring, the other as a little 
tribute to her father's virtues. How delightful it would be if these two 
young people could become able teachers of our own rearing, and in days to 
come, be looked to as maintaining schools of an elevated character upon 
their native soil ! We have laid the case before a few kind friends, -iind 
already had the pleasure of forwarding <£8 to Mr. Fee's care, on behalf of 
his valued young friend, Elizabeth Rawlings. 

Cornelia Williams. — The next person to be referred to is Cornelia 
Williams, a bright young niece of our friend, Henry H. Garnet's, whom 
many of our friends kindly assisted- to redeem from Slavery, in North Caro- 
lina, about three years since. We rejoice to say this dear girl is going on 
very satisfactorily. She has been diligently pursuing her studies in a school 
at Nantucket, and appears to be much esteemed by all who know her. She 
kindly sends us a little letter now and then, again returning her glowing 
thanks to all who assisted in procuring her freedom. Her mother, Dinah 
Williams (also a slave a few years since, and redeemed in part by the sur- 
plus of 'the Weims Ransom Fund),' has married an estimable Baptist 
minister within the last year, and Cornelia resides under their roof. 

Frederick Douglass. — It is known that our much-valued friend, 
Frederick Douglass, left this country suddenly for America last si)ring, 
chiefly on account of the decease of a most beloved little girl. Till quite 
recently he was intending to return to England very soon, but this is for 
the present delayed, on account of increasing and pressing engagements 
in the United States. We take the liberty of quoting an extract from one 
of his letters : 



598 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

" Rochester, July 2d, 1860. 

" You hold up before me the glorious promises contained in the sacred 
Scriptures. These are needed by none more than by those who have })re- 
sumed to put themselves to the work of accomplishing the abolition of 
Slavery in this country. There is scarcely one single interest, social, moral, 
religious, or physical, which is not in some way connected with this stupend- 
ous evil. On the side of the oppressor there is power, now as in the earlier 
days of the world. I find much comfort in the thought that I am but a 
passenger on board of this ship of life. I have not the management com- 
mitted to me. I am to obey orders, and leave the rest to the great Captain 
whose wisdom is able to direct. I have only to go on in His fear and in His 
spirit, uttering with pen and tongue the whole truth against Slavery, leav- 
ing to Him the honor and the glory of destroying this mighty work of the 
devil. I long for the end of my people's bondage, and would give all I 
possess to witness the great jubilee; but God can wait, and surely I may. 
If He, whose pure eyes cannot look upon sin with allowance, can permit 
the day of freedom to be deferred, I certainly can work and wait. The 
times are just now a little brighter; but I will walk by faith, not by sight, 
for all grounds of hope founded on external appearance, have thus fur 
signally failed and broken down under me. Twenty years ago. Slavery did 
really seem to be rapidly hastening to its fall, but ten years ago, the Fugitive 
Slave Bill, and the efforts to enforce it, changed the whole aj)pcarance of the 
struggle. Anti-slavery in an abolition sense, has been ever since battling 
against heavy odds, both in Church and State. Nevertheless, God reigns, 
and we need not <lcspair, and I for one do not. I know, at any rate, no 
better work for me during the brief period I am to stay on the earth, than 
is found in pleading the cause of the down-trodden and the dumb. 

" Since I reached home I have had the satisfaction of passing nearly a 
score on to Canada, only two women among them all. The constant meet- 
ing with these whip-scarred brothers will not allow me to become forgetful 
of the four millions still in bonds." 

Our friends may, perhaps, remember that the cost of Frcderich Douglass 
paper is but five shillings per annum (with the exception of a penny per 
month at the door for postage.) It is a very interesting publication, and 
amply repays the trifling outlay. F. D. would be glad to increase the num- 
ber of his British readers. He also continues gratefully to receive any aid 
from this country for the assistance of the fugitives who are so often taking 
refuge under his roof. Another letter of his remarks, when sj)eaking of 
them : " They usually tarry with us only during the night, and are forwarded 
to Canada by the morning train. We give them supper, lodging, and break- 
fast ; pay their expenses, and give them a half dollar over." 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. 599 

Fugitive Slaves. — We next turn to the communication of another 

warm friend to the fugitives in the State of . The following is au 

extract from a recent letter of his : 

"We have had within the last week just nineteen Underground passen- 
gers. Fifteen came last Saturday, between the hours of six in the morning 
and eleven at night. Three only were females, wives of men in the ])arties, 
the rest were all able-bodied young nien. That they were all likely-looking 
it needed no southern eye to decide, and tiiat their hearts burned within 
them for freedom was apparent in every look of their countenances. But it 
is only of one arrival that my time will allow me to speak on the present 
occasion. 

This consisted of two married couples, and two single young men. They 
had been a week on the way. To accomplish the desired object they could 

see no way so feasible as to cross the Bay. By inquiry they gained 

instructions as to the direction they should steer to strike for the lighthouse 
on the opposite shore. Consequently they invested six dollars in a little 
boat, and at once prepared themselves for this most fearful adventure. To 
the water and their little bark they stealthily repaired, and otT they started. 
For some distance they rowed not far from the sliore. Being in sight of 
land, they were spied by the ever-watchful slave-holder or some one not 
favorable to their escape. Hence a small boat, containing four white men, 
soon put out after the fugitives. On overhauling them, stern orders were 
given to surrender. The boat the runaways were in was claimed, if not the 
party themselves. With determined words the fugitives declared that the 
boat was their own property, and that they would not give it up ; they said 
they would die before they would do so. At this sign of resistance one of 
the white men, with an oar, struck the head of one of the fugitives, which 
knocked him down. At the same moment another white man seized the 
chain of their boat, and the struggle became fearful in the extreme for a few 
moments. However, the same spirit that prompted the effort to be free, 
moved one of the heroic black bondmen to apply the oar to the head of one 
of their pursuers, which straightway laid him prostrate. The whites, like old 
Apollyon in the Pilgrim's Progress, at this decided indication that their 
precious lives might not be spared if they did not avail themselves of an 
immediate retreat, suddenly parted from their antagonists. Not being con- 
tented, however, thus to give up the struggle, after getting some yards off, 
they fired a loaded gun in the midst of the fugitives, pep})ering two of them 
considerably about the head and face, and one about the arms. As the shot 
was light they were not much damaged, however, at any rate not discour- 
aged. Not forgetting which way to steer across the bay, in the direction of 
the lighthouse, they rowed for that point with all possible speed, but their 
bark being light, and the wind and rough water by no means manageable, 



600 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ere they reached the desiretl shore they were carried a considerable distance 
off' their course, in the immediate vicinity of a small island. Leaving their 
boat they went upon the island, the women sick, and there reposed without 
food, utterly ignorant of where they were for one whole day and night, with- 
out being able to conjecture when or where they should find free land for 
which they had so long and fervently prayed. However, after thus resting, 
feeling compelled to start on again, they set off" on foot. They had not 
walked a mile ere, providentially, they fell in with an oyster man and a 
little boy waiting for the tide. With hira they ventured to converse, and 
soon felt that he might be trusted with, at least, a hint of their condition. 
Accordingly tliey made him acquainted in part with their piteous story, and 

he agreed to bring thera within fifteen miles of for twenty-five dollars, 

all the capital they had. Being as good as his word, he did not leave them 
fifteen miles oif the city, but brought them directly to it." * * * * 
" How happy they were at finding themselves in the hands of friends, and 
surrounded with flattering prospects of soon reaching Canada you may ima- 
gine, but I could not describe."* 

Thanks to the benevolent bounty of several kind donors, we had lately 
the pleasure of sending a few pounds to the writer of the foregoing letter. 
\ye omit his name and residence. He belongs, like Douglass, to tlie pro- 
scribed race. Who would not help these generous-hearted men, M'ho are 
devoting their whole energies to the well-being of the crushed and down- 
trodden? We are the more encouraged to send out this little sheet, made 
up of thanks and requisitions, because occasional inquiries arc reaching us 
of" What can we do for the slave? We are hearing but little about him, 
and do not know how to work on his behalf." Allow us to say to one and 
all, who may be thus circumstanced, that we do not look for great things, 
but that if they can levy a shilling a year from all who feel for the injured 
bondman, these little sums would soon mount up and prove of incalculable 
service to those who are struggling for freedom. As to the special destiny 
of these shillings or half-crowns, let the subscribei's choose for themselves, 
and their kind aid will be sure to be truly welcome to tlie party receiving it. 
We do not ask for such contributions to be forwarded through Newcastle un- 
less this be a matter of convenience to those concerned. If there be other 
modes of sending to the United States within the reach of the friends, who 
receive this paper, let them by all means be used. We are always happy to 
receive aid for the fugitives or for any other Anti-slavery cause, and consider 
it no trouble at all to send it on, but do not wish to be monopolizing. As 
far as Kentucky is concerned, that State being distant, and mob-law ram- 

* In those (lays the writer in giving information enjoined the utmost secresy, considering that 
tho cause might be sadly damaged simply by being inadvertently exposed even by friends, thousands 
of miles away. The Pro-slavcry-mob spirit at that time tfjis also very rampant in Philadelphia and 
other northern cities, threatening abolitionists and all concerned in the work of aiding the slave. 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. 601 

pant there, we sliall continue gratefully to receive assistance on its behalf, 
and to avail ourselves of the accustomed mode of reaching it, this havino- 
been proved to be both safe and easy. 

Free Labor Produce. — And lastly, as to the long-prized principle, to 
our minds the very alphabet of Anti-Slavery action, the importance of 
encouraging the growth and consumption of Free produce rather than that 
raised by the sweat and blood of the bondman. Our convictions of the 
righteousness of this course are as strong as they ever were ; but perhaps we 
hoped too much, relied too fondly on the conscientiousness of the British Anti- 
Slavery public, in supposing that a sufficient number of individuals could be 
found prepared to make a slight sacrifice for humanity's sake, and to keep 
the oppressed continually in mind by a little untiring pains-taking. We 
hardly supposed that the most strenuous efforts in this direction would be 
enough to affect the British market ; but we did believe, and believe still, 
that not only is there a consistency in a preference for free produce, but that 
this preference is encouraging to the free lal)orer, and that humanly speaking 
nothing is more calculated to nerve his hand and heart for vigorous effort. 
The principle of abstinence from slave produce may be smiled at, but wo are 
quite sure it is an honest one, and, as a good old proverb observes, " It takes 
a great many bushels full of earth to bury a truth." 

But while this self-denying protest has been going on in a few limited 
circles, how great is the advance that free labor has been making within the 
last two years ! Who is to say whether some of those quiet testimonies may 
not have contributed to erect that mighty machinery that is now adding to 
its wheels and springs from day to day, and which bids fair at no distant 
period to supersede slave labor and its long train of sorrow and oppression ? 

Earnest lectures have just been delivered in Newcastle by our colored 
friend. Dr. M. R. Delany, lately engaged in a tour of observation in West 
Africa, where he longs to establish a flourishing colony of his people, whose 
express object shall be to put down the abominable Slave-trade and to culti- 
vate free cotton and other tropical produce. We wish this brave man every 
encouragement in his noble enterprise. He has secured the confidence of 
"The African Aid Society," in London, one of whose earliest measures has 
been to assist him with funds. The present Secretary of the society is Frede- 
rick W. Fitzgerald, 7 Adam Street, Strand, London. 

And who need speak of the Zambesi and Dr. Livingston, or of Central or 
Eastern Africa ; of India, or Australia, or of the prolific West India Islands? 

As we prepare this little sheet, a kind letter has come in from Stephen 
Bourne, for many years a stipendiary magistrate in Jamaica, and now the 
ardent promoter of a cotton-growing company of that island. He says to 
us, when writing from London, on the 19th inst., " Our scheme embraces 
more than meets the eye, and to illustrate this, I send a map (with pros- 
pectus) of the proposed estate, by which you will see that we reckon on 



602 THE UXDERGROUND HAIL BO AD. 

obtaininjij cotton by free labor and by mechanical agency from Januiica, at a 
price so far below that at which it can be })roduced by slave labor, that if 
we succeed, wc shall put an end to the whole system, as no one will be able 
to afford to carry it on in competition with free labor." * * * 
"Jamaica is much nearer and easier of access for fugitives from Cuba and 
Porto Kiico, than Canada is to Georgia, Virginia, or Louisiana. If, there- 
fore, we can offer them an asylum and profitable employment on the estate, 
we shall open up a new Underground Rail lload, or rather enable the 
slaves to escape from Cuba by getting into a boat, and in one night finding 
their way to freedom." * * * « There is no doubt they could do 
this at much less risk than slaves now incur, in order to obtain liberty 
in America." 

The proposed estate in Jamaica consists of about one thousand acres, and 
the shares in this company are XlO each, <£! only to be called up immedi- 
ately, the rest by instalments. The liability is limited. Full infonnation 
may be obtained by addressing Stephen Bourne, Esq., 55 Charing Cross, 
London, or the Secretary of the "Jamaica Cotton-growing Company," C. 
W. Streatfield, Es(i[. We rejoice to see that this new company is being sup- 
ported not only by benevolent philanthropists and capitalists in London, 
but by experienced Manchester manufjicturers ; among the rest by the 
excellent Thomas Clegg, so well known for his persevering efforts in West 
Africa, and by Thomas Bazlcy, M. P. for Manchester, and a most extensive 
cotton spinner. Their mills would alone, consume the cotton grown on 
three such estates as that which it is proposed to cultivate. There is abundant 
room, therefore, for cultivation of cotton by the emancipated freeholders. 

Communications have also reached us from Demerara. Charles Rattray, 
a valuable Scotch missionary in that colony, was in England last spring, 
and went back to his adopted country with his mind full fraught with the 
importance of cotton growing within its borders. He happened to have 
small samples of Demerara cotton with him. These were shown to cotton- 
brokers and manufa(;turers in Liverj^ool and Manchester, and were pro- 
nounced to be most excellent — so much so, that specimen gins and a sup])ly 
of cotton-seed were kindly presented to him at the latter place, before he 
left England. jSIr. Rattray is now bringing the subject before his people, 
and is also intending to plant with cotton some ground belonging to the 
Mission station. 

But we will not further enlarge. Commending our cause to Ilim, who has 
promised never to forgot the poor and needy, and that in His own good time 
He will arise for their deliverance and "break every yoke." 
I remain, sincerely and respectfully, your friend, 

Anna H. Richardson. 

54 Westmoreland Terrace, 

Newcastle-on-Tyne, 9 7no., 22, 1860. 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLAVE. 603 

P. S. Since writing the above, we have seen it stated in the Principia, a 
New York paper, that William S. Bailey has been arrested on a charge of 
publishing an incendiary paper, and held to bail in the sum of $1,000, to 
appear before the Circuit Court, in November next. It is further stated tiiat 
one of the two magistrates by whom W. S. Bailey was examined, and held 
to bail on this charge, was the chosen leader of the mob that destroyed his 
type and printing press. 

We have yet to see what will be the end of this cruel conflict. Let us 
not desert our suffering friend and his noble-hearted family. 

LETTERS TO THE WRITER. 

Westmoreland Teebace, December 28, 18G0. 

My Esteemed Friexd: — I received thy touching letter of the 10th inst. 
a few days since, and hasten to assure thee of our heart-felt sympathy, and 
most lively interest in the present tremendous state of things around vou. 
At the same time, I cannot tell thee how glad and thankful we feel, that 
with God's help thou art determined to persevere and not in any way flinch 
in this day of sore trial. " Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee 
a crown of life." " Be strong, fear not." " In the fear of the Lord is strong 
confidence; and his children shall have a place of refuge." One thing, too, 
is sure, " that all things will work together for the good " of those who love 
their Lord, that He will never, never forsake them whatever their outward 
trials may be. 

I think, dear friend, thou shouldst be careful not to be about alone, par- 
ticularly in the evening. We heard from W. S. Bailey the other day, and 
he spoke of the advantage of several kind friends sticking close to him under 
recent circumstances at Alexandria, when he was exposed to the spite and 
rage of slave-holding bullies. Would it not be well to make a habit, in the 
evening in particular, of you, who are marked men, going about in little 
companies? Wicked men are generally cowards ; and I think would hesi- 
tate more to do a bad act in the presence of observers. I think thou wouldst 
receive a little letter from me a day or two after thine was written, through 
our friend Saml. Rhoads, enclosing £7 for the fugitives, X5 for thy own use, 
and ^£2 for the Vigilance Committee. This letter of mine was sent off about 
the 24th ult., but I conclude was not delivered till just after thine was 
written. It is well to keep us fully informed of your circumstances, whether 
favorable or more appalling. I do not intend to put anything of a private 
character into print ; but private confidence is the creed in England, and 
thou needst not fear ray abusing it. I enclose the only pa[)er that we have 
printed that thou mayest see there was nothing to fear. Thou wilt observe 
there is no reference either to thy own name or to Philadelphia, and people 
here are not very familiar with American to{)ography. I am sending W. S. 
Bailey one of the same papers by to-day's mail. We have merely a limited 



GOi THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

number of tlieni printed. I cannot very well obtain money from my friends, 
(with numerous home claims constantly pressing on them), without havino- 
something to show. Some fugitives are now beginning to reach England. 
A gentleman in London wrote to me, a day or two ago, to know if we could 
find a berth for a tiue fellow, who had just applied to him. He had arrived 
by steamer from New York, after residing there for three years. A police- 
man, in the street, good-naturedly whispered to him his own name, and then 
that of ills masters. He was sure that peril was at hand, and that, having 
been branded for escajMng before, he should be whipped to death if taken 
again, so he packed up his little wardrobe and embarked for England im- 
mediately. 

Another poor fellow is in this town, recently from Charleston, whence 
he escaped, among some cotton bales to Greenock. He is getting fair 
wages in a saw-yard, and likes England very well, if it were not for the 
thought of his poor wife and children still in Slavery, We invited him, the 
other day to a working-men's tea party, where I had been asked to make tea 
for them; and he gave us quite an able account of his travels. The men 
kindly invited him to join their " Benefit Club," and told him they would 
like to have " a colored brother " amongst them. 

Art thou not thinking, dear friend, of asking your people to emigrate to 
the Afi'ican Coast, or the West India Islands ? Two gentlemen in London 
are writing most warmly about this. I wrote Mr. Fitzgerald's address on 
the enclosed paper. Instead of being colonizationists, in the objectionable 
sense, he and Mrs. Bowen are burning with love to your people, and are 
fervently desirous of doing them all the good they can. I cannot see why 
little united parties should not promptly emigrate under the wing of these 
gentlemen. Assure those who thiidv and feel with thee, dear friend, and 
are nobly determined to suffer rather than to sin, that according to our very 
small ability we will not desert them in their hour of trial and danger. We 
commend them to Him mIio can do for them a thousand times more, and 
better than we can either ask or think. With our united kindest remem- 
brance, sincerely, Anna H. Richardson. 

Westmobeland Tep.kace, Newcastle-on-Tyne, ]\Iarch 16, 1860. 
We have lately read the life of thy brother and sister (Peter and Vina 
Still), dear friend, with the deepest interest. It is a most touching and 
beautiful book, and we think should be either reprinted in England or sent 
over here very largely. My husband and I are hardly acquainted with a 
volume more calculated to stir up the British mind on the snbject of Slavery. 
Great Britain is just now getting really warm on the Anti-slavery subject, 
and is longing to shake herself from being so dependent as hitherto, on slave 
produce. Why, Oh ! why should not the expatriated blacks go to free 
countries and grow produce for themselves and for everybody who requires 



PAMPHLET- TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. 605 

it? AViiJ not, in time, become "merchants and princes," in those countries? 
I am told (as a secret) that this subject is likely, ere long, to be taken up in 
hiii-h quarters in England, We are feeliug hopeful, dear friends, about thy 
crushed and persecuted people, for surely God is working for them by ways 
and means that we know not. I have been careful to keep it to private 
circles, but thy valuable letter of last July, has been read by many with 
the deepest interest. A dear young lady from Dublin is by my side, and has 
but this minute returned it to me. It is but a little, but I have gathered <£43 
by its perusal here and there. I am not able to forward so small a sum in 
this letter, but some way wish to send £2 of this amount for thy own use, 
and the other £2 to your Vigilance Committee. It so liappens that we 
have not anything for the better from our own Anti-slavery Association this 
year. Very sincerely thy friend, my dear husband uniting in kind regards, 

Anna- H. Richardson. 

Wood Hottse, near Newcastle, May 3, 18G0. 
[An occasional rural residence of ours, five miles from home.] 

To \YiLLiAM Still : — I have again to thank thee, dear friend, for a 
kind letter and for the perusal of three letters from thy fugitive friends. It 
must be truly cheering to receive such, and their warm and aifcctionate 
gratitude must be as rich reward for many anxieties. I conclude that it is 
not necessary for those letters to be returned, but should it be so, let me 
know, and I will be on the lookout for some private opportunity of return- 
ing them to Philadelphia. Such occur now and then. We like to see such 
letters. They assist us to realize the condition of these poor wanderers. I 
am sorry for not having explained myself distinctly in my last. The 
promised £4 were for the fugitives, Ijeing gathered from various Christian 
friends, who gave it me for their particular use. But we wished half of 
that sum to be laid out (as on a previous occasion), at thy own discretion, 
irrespective of the Vigilance Committee. I have now another £1 to add to 
the latter half, and would gladly have enclosed a £5 note in this envelope, 
but we are rather afraid of sending the actual money in letters, and our 
London bankers do not like to remit small sums. I shall continue to watch 
for the first opportunity of forwarding the above. 

Our valued friend, Samuel Rhoads, has been lately in heavy sorrow. I 
send this through his medium, but fear to add more lest I should make his 
letter too heavy. With our united kind regards, very truly, thy friend, 

Anna H. Richardson. 

54, Westmoreland Terrace, June 8, 1860. 

Dear Friend : — William Still : — It is a good plan to send me these 

interesting communications. The letter to your coadjutor at Elmira, 

reached us a few days since. That depot must not be allowed to go down if 

it be possible for this to be prevented. Perhaps J. W. Jones might be 



606 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

encouraged by a gift from England, tluit is, by a little aid from this country, 
expressly for the fugitives, being put into his hands. If you think so, I am 
sure my friends would approve of this, and you can use your own discretion 
in giving him our gifts in one sum or by detached remittances. The 
greatest part of the money on hand, has come in from the private ])crusal of 
thy interesting letters, and my friends simply gave my husband and me their 
money for the fugitives, leaving the exact disposal of it to our own discre- 
tion. It has struck me of late, that if I may be allowed to print occasional 
extracts from thy letters (with other Anti-slavery information), it would 
greatly facilitate the obtaining of pecuniary aid. As it is, I can lend a 
private letter to a trustworthy friend, but if by any chance, this letter got 
lost, it would be awkward, and it is also impossible, of course, to lend the 
original in two quarters at once. Then, again, the mechanical trouble of 
making copies of letters, is not convenient ; much sedentary employment 
does not suit my health, and I cannot manage it. I have been thinking of 
late, that if my friends in various parts of the country, could be supplied 
with a small quarto, an occasional printed paper, for j)rivatc circulation, it 
would save a great deal of trouble, and probably bring in considerable aid. 
My husband and I have long been accustomed to preparing tracts and small 
periodicals for the press, so that I think we know exactly what ought to be 
made public and what not. If thou likcst to give me this discretionary 
power, do so, and I will endeavor to exercise it wisely, and in a way that I 
feel almost certain would be in accordance with thy wishes. 

The sum now remitted through our friend, Samuel Rhoads, is <£8 (eight 
pounds). Of this, we should like £3 to be placed at thy own discretion, for 
the benefit of the fugitives, <£3 (if you approve it) in a similar way, to be 
handed to J. W. Jones, and X2 as formerly, to be handed to the Philadel- 
phia Vigilance Committee. The latter is not, however, as in past times, 
from the Newcastle Anti-slavery Society, for, I am sorry to say, it is not a 
sufficiently pains-taking and executive little body, but more apt to Avork by 
fits and starts, but from our private friends, who kindly place their money 
in our hands as their Anti-slavery stewards. ]\Iy friend S. R. will therefore 
kindly hand for us: <£3 for William Still, for fugitives; £.^ for J. W. Jones, 
for fugitives ; £2 for Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, for fugitives. 
Total £8. 

"SVe are very sorry for thee to have to incur so much persecution. Be of 
good cheer, the right will eventually triumph, if not in this Avorld, in that 
day, when all shall be eventually righted on our Lord's right hand. Oh, for 
ability in the meantime, to love Him, trust Ilim, confide in Him implicitly- 

Many thanks for the "Anti-slavery Standards." No one in this town, takes 
them in, consequently we only see them occasionally. Do any tidings reach 
you of our friend, Frederick Douglass? We heard from him from Portland, 
but are anxiously looking for another letter. He always spoke of thee, my 



PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. G07 

friend, very kiudly, and one day, when some money had been given to him 
for fugitives, said : " You shall have part of this if you like, for William 
Still," but I said, "No, I will try and get some elsewhere for him." Doug- 
lass left us in April, after losing his little Annie, but wished his visit to be 
kept private, and hoped to be able to return to England in August. My 
husband and I agree with F. D. in political matters. We are not disunion- 
ists, but want to mend your corrupted government. With kind regards, 
sincerely thy friend, A. H. R. 

We are well acquainted with William and Ellen Craft. They have just 
sent us their little book. 

Newcastle, 5th mo., 2, ISGl, 

W. Still: — Deae Friend: — That poor fellow, who was so long 
secreted, had been often in my thoughts, wdicn laying this case of the 
fugitives before our friends. I should like thee to feel at liberty to replace 
the remainder of the twenty-five dollars from the accompanying ten pounds, 
which I have much pleasure in for\varding, but think it better to mention, 
that it may perhaps be the last remittance for some little time from this 
quarter, as I do not at present see any immediate opening for getting more. 
Our worthy friend, W. S. Bailey, has lately been liere, and Dr. Cheever and 
W. H. Day, are expected in a week or two. From London too, there are 
very earnest appeals to assist the " African Anti-slavery Society." Thank 
thee for the newspapers and thy last kind note. I think thou rather over- 
rates my little services. What a crisis is coming! O, what will the end be? 
With our united best wishes, thy sincere friend, 

Anna H. Richardson. 

<£7 of this money is from some personally unknown friend at Lancaster; 
£5 from two nice little children of my acquaintance. 

54 Westmoreland Tereace, 

Newcastle- on-Tyne, Oct. 10, 18(52. 

I have pleasure, dear friend, in sending you £5 for your " contrabands," 
in response to your last letter of the 17th ult. It is not much, but may be 
a little help. It will be forwarded by our valued and mutual friend, II. H. 
Garnet, to whom I am sending a remittance for his " contrabands," by the 
same mail. 

We shall be interested in any particulars you may like to send us, of these 
poor creatures, but at the same time, I dare not hold out any hopes of con- 
si(leral)]o assistance from England, for our own manufacturing districts are 
in a starving state, from the absence of the accustomed supply of cotton, and 
till this has been grown in other quarters, they will continue to have a 
strong claim on every thoughtful mind. Some of us would rather work 
with your colored people in your own cause, than with any one else, for we 
do not like the war, and do not at all approve of " the American churches " 



G08 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

committing themselves to it so fearfully. If your President bad but taken 
the step at lirst, he is taking now, Avhat rivers of blood miglit have been 
stayed ! It is remarkable, how you, as a people, have been preserved to 
each other, without having your own hands stained with blood. But as to 
expatriation, the very thought of it is foolish. You have been brought to 
America, not emigrated to it, and who on earth has any possible right to 
send you away? Some of us are almost as much displeased with the North, 
for talking of this, as with the South for holding you in Slavery. AVhat 
can we say to you, but " watch and pray," " hope and wait," and surely, in 
His own good time, the Most High will make you a pathway out of 
trouble. "We are delighted to hear of the good behaviour of your ju^ople, 
wherever they have a fair chance of acting (on the borders), as upright men 
and Christians. 

Very sincerely, your friend, 

To William Still. Anna H. Richardson. 



WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857. 

SHE WAS SPEECHLESS. 

In the winter of 1857 a young woman, who had just turned her. majority, 
was boxed up in Baltimore by one who stood to her in the relation of a com- 
panion, a young man, who had the box conveyed as freight to the depot in 
Baltimore, consigned to Philadelphia. Nearly all one night it remained at 
the depot with the living agony in it, and after being turned Ujisidc down 
more than once, the next day about ten o'clock it reached Pliiladel])hia. 
Her companion coming on in advance of the box, arranged with a hackraan, 
George Custus, to attend to having it brought from the depot to a designated 
house, Mrs. jNIyers', 412 S. 7th street, where the resurrection was to take 
place. 

Custus, without knowing exactly what the box contained, but suspecting 
from the aj^parent anxiety and instructions of the young man who engaged 
him to go after it, that it was of great importance, while the freight car still 
remaine<l on the street, demanded it of the freight agent, not willing to wait 
the usual time for the delivery of freight. At first the freight agent declined 
delivering under such circumstances. The hackman insisted by saying that 
lie wished to despatch it in great haste, said it is all right, you know me, I 
have been coming here for many years every day, and will be responsible 
for it. The freight-master told him to "take it and go ahead with it. 
No sooner said than done. It was placed in a one horse wagon at the 
instance of Custus, and driven to Seventh and Minster streets. 



il 



I 



W031AN ESCAPING IN A BOX. 609 

The secret had been intrusted to Mrs. M. by the young companion of the 
woman. A feeling of horror came over the aged woman, who had been 
thus suddenly entrusted with such responsibility. A few doors from her 
lived an old friend of the same religious faith with herself, well known as 
a brave woman, and a friend of the slave, Mrs. Ash, the undertaker or 
shrouder, whom every body knew among the colored people. Mrs. Myers 
felt that it would not be wise to move in the matter of this resurrection 
(Without the presence of the undertaker. Accordingly, she called Mrs. Ash 
in. Even her own family was excluded from witnessing the scene. The 
two aged women chose to be alone in that fearful moment, shuddering at 
the thought that a corpse might meet their gaze instead of a living creature. 
However, they mustered courage and pried off the lid. A woman was 
discovered in the straw but no sign of life was perceptible. Their fears 
seemed fulfilled. "Surely she is dead," thought the witnesses. 

" Get up, my child," spake one of the women. With scarcely life 
enough to move the straw covering, she, nevertheless, did now show signs of 
life, but to a very faint degree. She could not speak, but being assisted 
arose. She was straightway aided up stairs, not yet uttering a word. After 
a short while she said, " I feel so deadly weak." She was then asked if she 
would not have some water or nourishment, which she declined. Before a 
great while, however, she was prevailed upon to take a cup of tea. She 
then went to bed, and there remained all day, speaking but a very little 
during that time. The second day she gained strength and was able to talk 
much better, but not with ease. The third day she began to come to herself 
and talk quite freely. She tried to describe her sufferings and fears while 
in the box, but in vain. In the midst of her severest agonies her chief 
fear was, that she would be discovered and carried back to Slavery. She 
bad a pair of scissors with her, and in order to procure fresh air she had 
made a hole in the box, but it was very slight. How she ever managed 
to breathe and maintain her existence, being in the condition of becoming 
a mother, it was hard to comprehend. In this instance the utmost endur- 
ance was put to the test. She was obviously nearer death than Henry 
|Box Brown, or any of the other box or chest cases that ever came under the 
notice of the Committee. 

, In Baltimore she belonged to a wealthy and fashionable family, and had 
been a seamstress and ladies' servant generally. On one occasion when sent 
of an errand for certain articles in order to complete arrangements for the 
,Grand Opening Ball at the Academy of Music, she took occasion not to 
return, but was among the missing. Great search was made, and a large 
reward offered, but all to no purpose. A free colored woman, who washed 
for the family, was suspected of knowing something of her going, but they 
failing to get aught out of her, she was discharged. 

Soon after the arrival of this traveler at Mrs. Myers' the Committee was 
39 



610 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

sent for and learned the facts as above stated. After spending some 
three or four days in Mrs. Myers' family she remained in the writer's family 
about the same length of time, and was then forwarded to Canada. 

Mrs. Myers was originally from Baltimore, and had frequently been in 
the habit of receiving Underground Rail Road passengers; she had always 
found Thomas Shipley, the faithful philanthropist, a present help in time of 
need. The young man well knew Mrs. Myers would act with prudence 
in taking his companion to her house. 

George Custus, the hackman, a colored man, was cool, sensible, and reli- 
able in the discharge of his duty, as were the other parties, therefore every 
thing was well managed. 

With this interesting case our narratives end, except such facts of a like 
kind as may be connected with some of the sketches of stockholders. A 
large number on the record book must be omitted. This is partly owing 
to the fact that during the first few years of our connection with the Under- 
ground Rail Road, so little was written out in the way of narratives, that 
would hardly be of sufficient interest to publish ; and partly from the fact 
that, although there are exceptional cases even among those so omitted, 
that would be equally as interesting as many which have been inserted, 
time and space will not admit of further encroachment. If in any way 
we have erred in the task of furnishing facts and im})ortant information 
touching the Underground Rail Road, it has not been in overstating the 
sufferings, trials, perils, and marvellous escapes of those described, but on 
the contrary. In many instances after hearing the most painful narratives 
we had neither time nor inclination to write them out, except in the briefest 
manner, simply sufficient to identify parties, which we did, not dreaming 
that the dark cloud of Slavery was so soon to give way to the bright sun- 
light of Freedom. 



ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE. 

MEETING TO FORM A VIGILANCE COMMITTEE. 

As has already been intimated, others besides the Committee were deeply 
interested in The Road ; indeed, the little aid actually rendered by the 
Committee, was comparatively insignificant, compared with the aid rendered 
by some who were not nominally members. To this latter cltiss of friends, it 
seems meet that we should particularly allude. Before doing so, however, 
simple justice to all concerned, dictates that wc should here copy the official 
proceedings of the first meeting and organization of the Philadelphia! Vigi- 



ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE. 611 

lance Coraruittee as it existed until the very day that the ever to be 
remembered Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoliij rendered the 
services of the organization and road no longer necessary. It reads as 
follows : 

" Pennsylvania Fkeeman," December 9, 1852. 

Pursuant to the motion published in last week's " Freeman," a meeting 
was held in the Anti-slavery rooms, on the evening of the 2d inst., for the 
purpose of organizing a Vigilance Committee. 

On motion Samuel Nickless was appointed chairman, and William Still 
secretary. J. M. McKim then stated at some length, the object of the 
meeting. He said, that the friends of the fugitive slave had been for some 
years past, embarrassed, for the want of a properly constructed active, 
Vigilance Committee; that the old Committee, which used to render effec- 
tive service in this field of Anti-slavery labor, had become disorganized and 
scattered, and that for the last two or three years, the duties of this depart- 
ment had been performed by individuals on their own responsibility, and 
sometimes in a very irregular manner ; that this had been the cause of 
much dissatisfaction and complaint, and that the necessity for a remedy of 
this state of things was generally felt. Hence, the call for this meeting. It 
was intended now to organize a committee, which should be composed of 
persons of known responsibility, and who could be relied upon to act system- 
atically and promptly, and with the least possible expenditure of money in 
all cases that might require their attention. 

James Mott and Samuel Nickless, expressed their hearty concurrence in 
what had been said, as did also B. N. Goines and N. W. Depee. The 
opinion was also expressed by one or more of these gentlemen, that the 
organization to be formed should be of the simplest possible character ; with 
no more machinery or officers than might be necessary to hold it together 
and keep it in proper working order. After some discussion, it was agreed 
first to form a general committee, with a chairman, whose business it should 
be to call meetings when necessity should seem to require it, and to preside 
at the same ; and a treasurer to take charge of the funds ; and second, to 
appoint out of this general committee, an acting committee of four persons, 
who should have the responsibility of attending to every case that might 
require their aid, as well as the exclusive authority to raise the funds 
necessary for their purpose. It was further agreed that it should be tlie 
duty of the chairman of the Acting Committee to keep a record of all their 
doings, and especially of the money received and expended on behalf of 
every case claiming their interposition. 

The following persons were appointed on the General Vigilance Com- 
mittee : 



612 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 



GENEEAL VIGILANCE COMMITTEE. 



Robert Purvis, William Still, 

Charles H. Bustill, P. "Williamson, 

Samuel Nickless, B. N. Goines, 

Morris Hall, J. M. M'Kim, 

Nathaniel Depee, Isaiah C. Wears, 

Charles Wise, John D. Oliver, 

Jacob C. White, Prop. C. L. Reason, 

Cyrus Whitson, Henry Gordon, 

J. Asher, W. H. Riley. 
J. P. Burr, 

Robert Purvis was understood to be Chairman of the General Committee, 
having been nominated at the head of the list, and Charles Wise was 
appointed treasurer. The Acting Committee was thus constituted : 

William Still, chairman, N. W. Depee, Passmore Williamson, J. C 
White. This Committee was appointed for the term of one year. 

On motion, the proceedings of this meeting were ordered to be published 
in the " Pennsylvania Freeman." 

(Adjourned.) 

William Still, Secretary. Samuel Nickless, Chairman. 

The Committee having been thus organized, J. M. McKira, corresponding 
secretary and general agent of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, 
issued the subjoined notice, which was published shortly afterwards in the 
" Pennsylvania Freeman," and the colored churches throughout the city : 

" We are pleased to see that we have at last, what has for some time been 
felt to be a desideratum in Pliiladelphia, a responsible and duly authorized 
Vigilance Committee. The duties of this department of Anti-slavery labor, 
have, for want of such an organization, been performed in a very loose and 
unsystematic manner. The names of the persons constituting the Acting 
Committee, are a guarantee that this will not be the case hereafter. They 
are — 

William Still (Chairman), 31 North Fifth Street, 

Nathaniel W. Dei'EE, 334 South Street, 

Jacob C. White, 100 Old York Road, and 

Passmore Williamson, southwest cor'. Seventh and xVrch Streets. 
We respectfully commend these gentlemen, and the cause in which they 
are engaged, to the confidence and co-operation of all the friends of the 
hunted fugitive. Any funds contributed to either of them, or placed in 
the hands of their Treasurer, Charles Wise, corner of Fifth and Market 
Streets, will be sure of a faitliful and judicious appropriation. 



ESTHER MOORE. 513 



PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES. 



ESTHER MOORE. 

For many years no woman living in Pliiladelphia was better known to 
the colored people of the city generally, than Esther Moore. No woman, 
white or colored, living in Philadelphia for the same number of years, 
left her home oftener, especially to seek out and aid the weary travelers 
escaping from bondage, than did this philanthropist. It is hardly too much 
to say that with her own hand she administered to hundreds. She begged 
of the Committee, as a special favor, that she might be duly notified of every 
fugitive reaching Philadelphia, and actually felt hurt if from any cause what- 
ever this request was not complied with. For it was her delight tp see the 
fugitives individually, take them by the hand and warmly welcome them 
to freedom. She literally wept with those who wept, while in tones of 
peculiar love, sincerity, and firmness, she lauded them for their noble 
daring, and freely expressed her entire sympathy with them, and likewise 
with all in the prison-house. She condemned Slavery in all its phases, as a 
" monster to be loathed as the enemy of God and man." 

Often after listening attentively for hours together to recitals of a very 
harrowing nature, especially from females, her mind would seem to be 
filled with the sufferings of the slave and it was hard for her to withdraw 
from them even when they were on the eve of taking up their march for 
a more distant station; and she never thought of parting with them 
without showing her faith by her works putting a "gold dollar" in the 
hand of each passenger, as she knew that it was not in the power of the 
Committee to do much more than defray their expenses to the next station, 
to New York sometimes, to Elmira at other times, and now and then clear 
through to Canada. She desired that they should have at least one dollar 
to fall back upon, independent of the Committee's aid. This magnanimous 
rule of giving the gold dollar was adopted by her shortly after the passage 
of the Fugitive Slave Law, which daily vexed her righteous soul, and was 
kept up as long as she was able to leave her house, which was within a 
short time of her death. 

Not only did Esther Moore manifest such marked interest in the fugitive 
but she likevvise took an abiding interest in visiting the colored people in 
their religious meetings, schools, and societies, and whenever the way opened 
and the Spirit moved her she would take occasion to address them in the 
most affectionate manner, in regard to their present and future welfare, 
choosing for her theme the subjects of temperance, education, and slavery. 



614 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Nor did she mean that her labors in the ijitercst of the oppressed should 
cease with her earthly existence, as the following extracts from her last will 
and testament will prove : 

2d Item. I give and bequeath to ray executors, hereinafter named, the 
sum of Twelve hundred dollars, in trust to invest in ground rent, or City of 
Philadelphia Loans at their disposal or discretion to pay the interest or in- 
come arising therefrom annually. To be applied, the interest of the Twelve 
hundred dollars above mentioned, for educational purposes alone, for chil- 
dren of both sexes of color, in Canada, apart from all sectarian or traditional 
dogmas, which is the only hope for the rising generation. The application 
of this money is intended to remain perpetual. 

7th Item. I give and bequeath to my executors the sum of one hundred 
dollars, to be expended by them in educating and assisting to clothe Pl.aotnn 
and Pliny J. Lock, the sons of Ishmael Lock, deceased, and Matilda Lock 
(his wife). My will is that it shall be given out discretionally by my execu- 
tors for the purpose above mentioned. 

17th Item. I give and bequeath to Oliver Johnson, editor of the Pennsyl- 
vania Freeman, one hundred dollars, if he be living at my death ; if not 
living, to go with the remainder of my estate. My will is that if Oliver 
Johnson be not living at my death his bequest go with my estate. 

18th Item. I give and bequeath to Cyrus Burleigh, lecturer and agent for 
the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, one hundred dollars, if Cyrus be 
living at my death. If not living at my death, his bequest, Cyrus Bur- 
leigh's, I wish to go with the residue of my estate. The untiring vigilance 
of these two young men, in devoting the best of their days to tlie rescue and 
emancipation of the poor and down-trodden fugitives has obtained for thera 
a warm place in my heart. And may heaven's richest blessings reward 
them. They have ministere<l more than "the cup of water." 

Item 19th. I give and bequeath unto the Association for the care of 
Colored Or[)hans of Philadelphia, called the Shelter for the use and benefit 
of colored orphans of both sexes, to be paid into the hands of the treasurer 
for the time being, for the use of said Society all the rest and remainder of 
my estate. 

I wish my Executors or Trustees to carry ovi my views in regard to the 
education of colored children in Canada, by paying over the interest arising 
annually from the twelve hundred dollars mentioned in the second item to 
such school or schools as in tlunr judgment they may deem best. My desire 
being the benefit of such children who may be in the same neighborhood 
with them. The interest arising from the twelve hundred dollars mentioned 
in second item for tlic j)ur|)ose of educating colored children in Canada is 
intended to remain perpetual. 

******** 

I give and bequeath to William Still, of Philadelphia, now employed in 



ESTHER MOORE. 615 

the Anti-slavery office, in Fifth St., Philadelphia, February 21, the sum 
of one hundred dollars; and request my executors and trustees to pay over 
that amount out of my estate. 

Esther Moore was not rich in this world's goods, but was purely benevo- 
lent and rich in good works towards her fellow-men, hating every Ibrm of 
oppression and injustice, and an uncompromising witness against prejudice on 
account of color. Such a friend as was Esther Moore during these many dark 
years of kidnapping, slave-catching, mob violence, and bitter i)rcjiidice 
which the colored people were wont to encounter, should never be Ibrgutten. 

The legacy devised for educational purposes was applied in due time, after 
one of the executors in company with his wife. Dr. J. Wilson and Rachel 
Barker Moore, visited the various settlements of fugitives in Canada, ex- 
pressly with a view of finding out where the fund would do the most good, 
in accordance with the testator's wishes. And although the testator has been 
dead seventeen years, her legacy is still doing its mission in her name, in a 
school, near Chatham, Canada West. 

In order to complete this sketch, it is only necessary that we should copy 
the beautiful and just tribute to her memory, written by Oliver Johnson, 
editor of the " National Anti-slavery Standard," and published in the 
columns thereof, as follows : 

DEATH OF A NOBLE WOMAN. 

[From the " National Anti-Slavery Standard."] 

Just as our paper is going to press, there comes to us intelligence of the 
doath of our beloved and revered friend, Esther ]\Ioore, widow of the late 
Dr. Robert Moore, of Philadelphia. She expired on Tuesday morning, 
November 21st, 1854, of gout of the heart, after a short, but painful illness, 
in the eightieth year of her age. 

The writer of this first became acquainted with her in 1836, and, at vari- 
ous times since then, has met her at Anti-slavery meetings, or in familiar 
intercourse at her own house. Her most remarkable traits of charncter were 
an intense hatred of oppression in all its forms, a corresponding love for the 
oppressed, an untiring devotion to their welfare, and a courage that never 
quailed before any obstacles, however formidable. Her zeal in behnlf of the 
Anti-slavery cause, and especially in behalf of the fugitive, a zeal that ab- 
sorbed all the powers of her noble nature, was a perpetual rebiik-e to the 
comparative coldness and indifference of those around her. We well remem- 
ber how her soul was fired with a righteous indignation when upwards of 
thirty innocent persons, most of them colored peo])le, were thrown into 
prison at Philadelphia, upon a charge of treason, for their alleged participa- 
tion in the tragedy at Christiana. Day after day did she visit the prisoners 
in their cells, to minister to their wants, and cheer them in their sorrow ; 



616 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and during the progress of Hauway's trial, iier constant presence in the 
court-room, and her frequent interviews with the District Attorney, attested 
her deep anxiety as to the result of the impending struggle. When w^e last 
saw her, about a month since, she was engaged in collecting a large sum of 
money to ransom a family of slaves, whose peculiar condition had enlisted 
her deepest sympathy. Notwithstanding her age and infirmities, she had 
enlisted in this work with a zeal which, even in a younger person, would 
have been remarkable. For many days, perhaps for many weeks, she went 
from door to door, asking for the means whereby to secure the freedom and 
the happiness of an enslaved and plundered honsehold. 

As a member of the Society of Friends, she lamented the guilty supineness 
of that body, in regard to the question of Slavery, and often, in its meet- 
ings, as well as in private intercourse, felt herself constrained to utter the 
language of expostulation and rebuke. In this, as in other relations of life, 
she was obedient to the revelation of God in her own soul, and a worthy 
exam[)le of fidelity to her convictions of duty. Her step-son, J. Wilson 
Moore, in a letter to us announcing her decease, says: 

Among the last injunctions she gave, was, "Write to Oliver Johnson, and 
tell him I die firm in the faith ! Mind the Slave !" She had enjoyed 
excellent health the last few years, and continued actively engaged in works 
of benevolence. During the last few weeks, she had devoted much time and 
labor to the collection of funds for the liberation of ten slaves in North 
Carolina, wdio had been promised their freedom at a comparatively small 
amount. Notwithstanding her great bodily suffering, her mind was clear to 
the last, expressing her full assurance of Divine approbation in the course 
she had taken. 

This is all that we can now say of the life of our revered and never-to- 
be-forgotten friend. Perhaps some one who knew her more intimately than 
we did, and who is better acquainted with the history of her life and labors, 
■will furnish us with a more complete sketch. If so, we shall publish it 
with great satisfaction. 

Happy! ay, happy ! let her ashes rest; 
Her heart was honest, and she did her best; 
In storm and darkness, evil and dismay. 
The star of duty was her guiding ray. 

Her injunction to "Mind the Slave," comes to us as the dying admo- 
nition of one, whose life was a beautiful exemplification of the duty and the 
privilege thus enjoined. It imposes, indeed, no new obligation; but coming 
from such a source, it will linger in our memory while life and its scenes 
shall last, inspiring in us, we hope, a purer and a more ardent devotion to 
the cause of freedom and humanity. And may we not hope that others 
also, will catch a new inspiration from the dying message of our departed 
friend : " Mind the Slave !" 



( 



ABIGAIL GOODWIN. 617 



ABIGAIL GOODWIN. 

Contemporary with Esther Moore, and likewise an intimate personal 
friend of liers, Abigail Goodwin, of Salem, N. J., was one of the rare, true 
friends to the Underground Rail Koad, whose labors entitle her name to be 
mentioned in terms of very high praise. 

A. W. M. a most worthy lady, in a letter to a friend, refers to her in the 
following language: 

" From my long residence under the same roof, I learned to know well 
her uncommon self-sacrifice of character, and to be willing and glad, when- 
ever in my power, to honor her memory. But, yet I should not know what 
further to say about her than to give a very few words of testimony to her 
life of ceaseless and active benevolence, especially toward the colored people. 

"Her life outwardly was wholly uneventful; as she lived out her whole 
life of seventy-three years in the neighborhood of her birth-place." 

With regard to her portrait, which was solicited for this volume, the same 
lady thus writes: "No friend of hers would for a moment think of per- 
mitting that miserable caricature, the only picture existing meant to repre- 
sent her, to be given to the public. I cannot even bear to give a place in 
my little album to so mournful and ridiculous a misrepresentation of her in- 
teresting face." ****** 
" You wonder why her sister, E., my loved and faithful friend, seems to be 
so much less known among anti-slavery people than Abbie? One reason 
is, that although dear Betsy's interest in the subject was quite equal in 
earnestness, it was not quite so absorbingly exclusive. Betsy economized 
greatly in order to give to the cause, but Abby denied herself even necessary 
apparel, and Betsy has often said that few beggars came to our doors whose 
garments were so worn, forlorn, and patched-up as Abby's. Giving to the 
colored people was a perfect passion with her ; consequently she was known 
as a larger giver than Betsy. 

"Another and greater reason why she was more known abroad than her 
sister E., was that she wrote with facility, and corresponded at intervals 
with many on these matters, Mr. McKim and others, and for many years." 
******** 

Abigail was emphatically of the type of the poor widow, who cast in all 
her living. She worked for the slave as a mother would work for her 
children. Her highest happiness and pleasure in life seemed to be derived 
from rendering acts of kindness to the oppressed. Letters of sympathy ac- 
companied with bags of stockings, clothing, and donations of money were 
not un frequent from her. 

New Jersey contained a few well-tried friends, both within and without 
the Society of Friends, to which Miss Goodwin belonged ; but among them 



OKS THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

all uoiio NVius luiuhl to iiianirost, at least iu the Underground Rail Road of 
lMiil;i(l('I|)lii;i, such an abiding iutereat as a eo-\vorlvor in the cause, tus did 
Abigail ( Jttodwin. 

Tlu' syiupadiy whiclj characterized her actions is clearly evinced in her 
own words, as ct)ntaini'il iu the appended extracts from her letter, as 
11)1 lows : 

" 1 )i; V i: l''ui i;m> : — I st'iit E. ISI. (Esther Moore) forty-one dollars more by 
hali'than I expected to whi-n 1 set about it. 1 expect that abolitionist.s there 
arc all opposctl to buying slaves, and will not give anything. I dou't like 
buying tluan, or giving iui)ncy to slave-holdere cither; but this seems to be a 
peculiar casi', can lu' had so cheap, and so many young ones that would be 
scparatctl from their [)arcuts ; slavery is ptvuliarly hard for children, that 
cannot k\o anything to pri>tcct themselves, nor can their parents, and tiie old 
ioo, it is hard tor them; but it is a terrible thing altogether. The case of 
the ("ugitive thee mentioned was imleed truly atV(>cting; it makes one ashamed 
as well as sad to reatl such things, that human beings, or any other beings 
shoulil be so treated. I cannot but hope and believe that slavery will ere 
long i-ease. 1 have a strong impression that the colored people and the 
wonuai are to have a ilay of prixspcrity and triumph over their oppressors. 
^^'e must parientlv wait and quietly hope ; but not keep too much Mn the 
(pru't.' Shall have to work our deliviM-anec from bondage. * Who would 
be tree, tluMuselvcs nuist strike the blow.' 

" 1 n\!iret very nnich that 1 have not more clothing to send than the stock- 
ings. 1 have not had time since 1 thought of it, to make anything ; am 
jushame.l that I w;us so inconsiderate o'i the poor runaways. I will go to 
work as soon as 1 have earned money to buy materials ; have managiHl so as 
t«^ sjicnd my littii' annual allowance in nine months, and shall not be able 
to givt> yon any monev for some months, but if more stix'kings are wanted 
let me know, our benevolent soeictv have plenty on hand ; ami I have some 
credit il' n«>t monev; tiiey will trust me till 1 have; they t'uruish work for 
inK>r women and sell it. I get them f>r tit'ty cents a pair. 

" My sister s;iys Lucretia (^Tott) toKl her that there was not much clothing 
in the trunk, only a tew old things. 1 think she told me thei-e wjis nothing 
in it, she meant, I supjxvsc, of any oonse(]uemv. * * ♦ 

*' 1 should like to know if the fu^jitives arc mostly large. I have an idea 
they ai-e gt>nerally small in statm-e ; that slavery stunts the boily as well as 
mind. 1 want to kiuuv in rc^-anl to the clothes that I intend making; it's 
best to have them tit as well :vs ran be. I shall work pivtty much for 
women. 1 hope and expin-t there are mauv friends of the rause who furnish 
clothing In the city. Thev oui^ht to be fitted out tor Canada with strong, 
warm clothing in o>ld weather, and their s;id fate alleviattxl as much as 
can be.'' ♦***♦** 

The forty-one dollars, n^fcrn.\l to iu the above letter, and sent to " E. M." 



■^ 



ABIGAIL GOODWIN. 619 

was to go especially towards buying an interesting family of ten slaves, 
who were owned in North Carolina by a slave-holder, whose rare lilK'rality 
was signalized by offering to take $1,000 for the lot, young and old. lu 
this exceptional case, while opposed to buying slaves, in common with 
abolitionists generally, she was too tender-hearted to resist the temptation so 
long as " they could be bouglit so cheap." 

To rid men of their yoke was her chief desire. Such was her habit of 
making the sad lot of a slave a personal matter, that let her view him, in 
any light whatever, whether in relation to young ones that would be sepa- 
rated from their parents, or with regard to the old, the life of a slave was 
"peculiarly hard," "a terrible thing" in her judgment. 

The longer she lived, and the more faithfully she labored for the slave's 
deliverance, the more firmly she became rooted in the soul-encouraging idea, 
that " Slavery will ere long cease." "Whilst the great masses were either 
blind, or indifferent, she was nerved by this faith to bear cheerfully all the 
sacrifices she was called on to make. From another letter we copy as foUows: 

January 25th, 1855. 

Dear Friend : — ^The enclosed ten dollars I have made, earned in two 
weeks, and of course it belongs to the slave. It may go for the fugitives, or 
Carolina slaves, whichever needs it most. I am sorry the fugitives' trea- 
sury is not better supplied, if money could flow into it as it does into the 
Tract Fund ; but that is not to be expected. * * * 

Thy answer in regard to impostors is quite satisfactory. No doubt you 
take great pains to arrive at the truth, but cannot at all times avoid being 
imposed on. Will that little boy of seven years have to travel on foot to 
Canada? There will be no safety for him here. I hope his father will get 
off. John Hill writes very well, considering his few advantages. If j)lenty 
of good schools could be established in Canada for the benefit of fugitives, 
many bright scholars and useful citizens would be added to society. 1 hope 
these will be in process of time. 

It takes the most energetic and intelligent to make their way out of 
bondage from the most Southern States. It is rather a wonder to me that so 
many can escape, the masters are so continually watching them. The poor 
man that secreted himself so long, must, indeed, have suffered dreadfully, 
and been exceedingly resolute to brave dangers so long. * * * 

It was so characteristic of her to take an interest in everything that per- 
tained to the Underground Kail Road, that even the deliverance of a little 
nameless boy was not beneath her notice. To her mind, his freedom was 
just as dear to him as if he had been the son of the President of the United 
States. 

How they got on in Canada, and the question of education, were matters 
that concerned her deeply ; hence, occasional letters received from Canada, 



n«j() '/'///•; rxD/'Ux'GRor.y/) ran. road. 

ovinciii!:: m.ulvinl proijjroHs, mioh Jis the Ikm-d John 11. Hill wiis in llu' habit 
of \vri(iii<;-, :il\\:lY^ ti;:lVO h(T nuich |)h':»siin' to p(M*llse. 

Ill lh(« \\lu'('h>r slavc-i'Jisc, in which I'assmoro WilHiinison and othei-s 
Mcro tMi!;ni;tMi, lu-i- inliTf^l was vtay i!;n'al. I'^roni a k'dor tlatcH.1 Salom, 
ISi'ptiMnhcr \\ isr)r), wc ([UoU* \\w snhJoiniHl extract: 

l>i;\u i''i;ii:M> : — 1 am truly rejoiced and thanldnl that the riirht has 
trininphcd. Hut stran^iM" had it l>e(Mi o(herwis(>, in yonr intelligent cotn- 
nuuiilN , wh(>rc it ninst l)t> apparent (o all who iii(|nire into it, that yon lind 
<K>ne nothini;" hnt what was dt>servin<:; ot' hii:;h eoininendation, instead of 
hhune and pnnishinent ; and shaint> on the jnry wlu) wonld hrinL^ in the two 
nuMi !;iiiitv ol" assault and haltery, 'Pluy onu;ht to havi> another trial ; per- 
haps anoth(M" jnrv wonld he more jnst. It is well i'ov the eivdit of IMiiladel- 
])hia, that there is oiu^ nj>ri'i;ht jndi^v, as Kelhy seems to he, and his sentoiico 
will he a li«;ht om* it is presiuned, showinjjj he considered the charp;<.> a mere 
pivtenci\ 

1 lu'p(» and trnst, that neitlua* thvst>lt' nor the other men will have much 
if aii\ o[' tlu> c>xpenst» io hear; voiu" lawvi'rs will not ehariie anvthiiiir I 
eiippivsc. and the i:[^ooK\ citizens will pav all t'lse. It seems there are hopes 
ontertain»\l (hat I'assmore Williamson will soon he st>t at lilH-rty. It nnist 
he a n'rcat eomtort io him and wife, in their trials, that it will eondnee to 
the tnrilierance (>t" the i;o(ul cause. 

It" riuladclphians are \\o{. aroused now alter this j^reat stretch of power, 
io consider tluar salefy, they nuist he a stupid si>t oi' people, hnt it must ocr- 
taiidy i\o i;ood. ♦ * * y^^j, ^^.jn (.,|.^> jr()i>d care o( Jam- .K)lmson, 
I hope, and not K't her gc^t kidi\ai>pcd hai-k to Slavery. Is it s;ite for her to 
nanain in your i'ity (u* anvwherc else in (>nr "free land?" I have some 
donhts and teai-s tor her ; di> fry to impress hi>r with the necessity of being 
very cautious aiul t'arcl'ul against ilcccivcrs, pretended tVieiuls. She had 
better Ih> otV to Canada pretty soon. 

Thy wite nnist not sit up washing ami ironing all night again. She 
ought to have help in lua- syn\patliy and labors for the poor t'ngilives, and, I 
should think there are many thta-e who wonKl willingly assist her. 

1 iiUiMidcd to be t*arclnl o{' trt'sj)assing np(>n thv time, as thee nnist have 
onongh to do ; the lugitivcs are still coming I expect. With kind regards, 
also to thy wite, yonr triend, 

A. G<.Hnnv IN. 

In another letter, she suggvsts the idea o'i getting np a i-ominittee ol 
>Yomen to provide clothing for fugitive touialos ; on this point she wrote 
thns : 

" S \MM, Sih 1110., 1st. 

'* NVt^uld it ni>t he well to get up a eommittiv of women, to provide clothes 
for fugitive Icmales — a dozen women sewing a ilay, or even half a day of 



' ABIGAIL GOODWIN. C21 

each week, irii^ht keep a supply always ready, they ral^^lit, I should think, 
got tlie iii';n:hai)ts or some of them, to give cheap ruateriuls — ineuliou it to 
thy wife, and see if she cannot get up a society. J will do wliat I can here 
for it. I enelo:;e five dollars for the use of fugitives. It was a good while 
that I heard nothing of your rail road concerns; 1 exj)ected thee had gone 
to Canadri, or has the journey not been mude, or is it yet to be accomplished, 
or given up ? I was in hopes thee would go and see with thy own eyes, 
liow things go on in that region of fugitives, and if it's a goodly land to 
live in. 

"This is the first of August, and I suppose you arc celebrating it in Pliila- 
delphla, or some of you are, though I believe you are not quite a.s zealous as 
the Jiostonians are in doing it. 'When will our first of August come? oh, 
that it might be soon, wtivy soon | * * * Jt's high time the 'reign 
of oppression was over.' " 

Ever alive to the work, she would appeal to such as were able among her 
friends, to take 8t<>ck in the Underground Kail lioad, and would sometimes 
succeed. In a letter dated July 30, 1850, she thus allu(k;s to her efforts: 

"I have tried to beg something for them, but have not got much ; one of 
our neighbors, S. W. Acton, gjlve me three dollars for them ; I added 
enough to make ten, whicli thee will find inside. I shall owe (hree more, 
to make my ten. I presume they are still coming every day almost, and I 
fear it comes rather hard on tliee and wife to do for so many ; but you no 
doubt feel it a satisfaction to do all yon cjin for the [joor sufferers." 

February 10, 18o8, she forwarded her willing contribution, with the fol- 
lowing interesting remarks: 

Balem, February 10, 1858. 

Dear Friend: — Thee will find enclosed, five dollars for the fugitives, a 
little for so many to share it, but better than nothing; oh, that j)eople, rich 
people, would remember tliem instead of spending so much on themselves; 
and those t<jo, who are not callcfl rich, might, if there was only a willing 
mind, give too of their abundance; how can they forbear to sympathize 
with those i)oor destitute ones — l;ut so it is — there is not half the feeling for 
them there ought to be, indeed scarcely anybody seems to think about thera. 
'Inasmuch as ye have not done it unto one of the least of these my 
brethren, ye have not done it unto me." Thy friend, 

A. Goodwin. 

When the long looked-for day of emanf;Ipation arrived, which slie had 
lever expected to witness, the unbounded thankfulness of her heart found 
xpression in the appended lett<ir : 

Salem, September 23, 1802. 

Dear Friend: — Thy letter dated 17th, was not received till last night. 
[ cannot tell where it has beea. detained so long. On the 22d, yestcrrlay, 
'^my Reckless came here, after I began writing, and wished me to defer 



622 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

sending for a day or two, thinking she could get a few more dollars, and she 
has juat brought some, and will try for more, and clothing. A thousand 
thanks to President Hamlin for his kindness to the contrabands; poor 
people ! how deplorable their situation ; where will they go to, when cold 
weather comes? so many of them to find homes for, but they must and will, 
I trust be taken care of, not by their former care-takers though. 

I have read the President's proclamation of emancipation, with thankful- 
ness and rejoicing; but upon a little reflection, I did not feel quite satisfied 
with it ; three mouths seems a long time to be in the power of their angry 
and cruel masters, who, no doubt, will wreak all their fury and vengeance 
upon them, killing and abusing them in every way they can — and sell them 
to Cuba if they can. It makes me sad to think of it. Slavery, I fear, 
will be a long time in dying, after receiving the fatal stroke. What do 
abolitionists think of it? and what is thy opinion? I feel quite anxious to 
know something more about it. The " Daily Press " says, it will end the 
war and its cause. How can we be thankful enough if it should, and soon 
too. " Oh, praise and tanks," what a blessing for our country. I never 
expected to see the happy day. If thee answers this, thee will please tell 
me all about it, and what is thought of it by the wise ones ; but I ought 
not to intrude on thy time, thee has so much on thy hands, nor ask thee to 
write. I shall know in time, if I can be patient to wait. 

Enclosed are seventeen dollars; from Amy Reckless, $1,50; J. Bassett, 
$1; Jesse Bond, $1; Martha Reeve, $1; S. Woodnutt, $1; Hannah 
Wheeler, $1 ; a colored man, 25 cents ; 25 cents thrown in, to make even ; 
A. G., $10. Amy is very good in helping, and is collecting clothing, which 
she thinks, cannot be sent till next \yeek. I will attend to sending it, as 
soon as can be, by stage driver. May every success attend thy labors for the 
poor sufferers. * * * 

With kind regards, thy friend, A. Goodwin. 

Thus, until the last fetter was broken, with singular persistency, zeal, faith 
and labor, she did what she could to aid the slave, without hope of reward 
in this world. Not only did she contribute to aid the fugitives, but was, for 
years, a regular and liberal contributor to the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery 
Society, as well as a subscriber to the Anti-slavery papers. The "Liberator," 
" National Anti-Slavery Standard," " Pennsylvania Freeman," etc. 

Having seen with joy, the desire of her heart, in the final emancipation 
of every bondman in the United States, she departed in peace, November 
2, 1867, in the 74th year of her age. 



I 



n 





ABIGAIL UOODWIN. ^^^ ,,. 017. 



•niOMAS OARIIETT, 

STATION MASTER 



Sec p. C2:' 




1,.VNIKL .illiUONS, 

STATION MA8TKR. 



S;e p. 642. 




UXUETIA MOTT. 



,.,UT„nLWORKKIlSlN-TUKCAUS..:. 



Aeep- 



TB03IAS GARRETT. 623 

THOMAS GARRETT. 

The recent death of Thomas Garrett, called forth from the press, as well 
as from abolitionists and personal friends, such universal expressions of 
respect for his labors as a philanthropist, and especially as an unswerving 
friend of the Underground Rail Road, that we need only reproduce selec- 
tions therefrom, in order to commemorate his noble deeds in these pages. 

From the " Wilmington Daily Commercial," published by Jenkins and 
Atkinson (men fully inspired with the spirit of impartial freedom), we copy 
the following notice, which is regarded by his relatives and intimate anti- 
slavery friends as a faithful portraiture of his character and labors : 

Thomas Garrett, who died full of years and honor, this morning, at the 
ripe age of eighty-one, was a man of no common character. He was an 
abolitionist from his youth up, and though the grand old cause numbered 
amongst its supporters, poets, sages, and statesmen, it had no more faithful 
worker in its ranks than Thomas Garrett. 

He has been suffering for several years, from a disease of the blad- 
der, which frequently caused him most acute anguish, and several times 
threatened his life. The severe pain attending the disease, and the frequent 
surgical operations it rendered necessary, undermined his naturally strong 
constitution, so that when he was prostrated by his last illness, grave fears 
were entertained of a fatal result. He continued in the possession of his 
faculties to the last, and frequently expressed his entire willingness to die. 

Yesterday he was found to be sinking very rapidly. Just before mid- 
night, last night, he commenced to speak, and some of those in attendance, 
went close to his bed-side. He was evidently in some pain, and said: "It 
is all peace, peace, peace, but no rest this side of the river." He then 
breathed calmly on for some time. Al)out half an hour later, one of those 
in attendance ceased to hear his breathing, and bending over him, found 
that his soul had fled. 

He retained a good deal of his strength through his illness, and was able 
to get up from his bed, every day, with the assistance of one person. 

He will be buried in the Friends' grave-yard, corner of Fourth and "West 
Streets, on Saturday next, at three o'clock, P. M., and in accordance, with 
a written memorandum of an agreement made by him a year ago with them, 
the colored people will bear him to his grave, they having solicited of him 
that honor. 

He was born of Quaker parents, in Upper Darby, Delaware county. Pa., 
on the 21st of August, 1789, on a farm still in the possession of the family. 
His father, though a farmer, had been a scythe and edge-tool maker, and 
Thomas learned of him the trade, and his knowledge of it afterwards proved 
of the utmost advantage to him. 

He grew up and married at Darby, his wife being Sarah Sharpless, and 



624 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

in 1820 they came to Wilmington to live, bringing with them several 
children, most of whom still live here. 

Some years after his arrival here, his wife died, and in course of time, he 
again married, his second wife being Rachel Mendenhall, who died in April, 
1868, beloved and regretted by all who knew her. 

His business career was one of vicissitude, but generally and ultimately 
successful, for he made the whole of the comfortable competence of which 
he died possessed, after he was sixty years of age. While in the beginning 
of his business career, as an iron merchant in this city, a wealthy rival 
house attempted to crush him, by reducing prices of iron to cost, but Mr. 
Garrett, nothing dismayed, employed another person to attend his store, put 
on his leather apron, took to his anvil, and in the prosecution of his trade, 
as an edge-tool maker, prepared to support himself as long as this ruinous 
rivalry was kept up. Thus in the sweat of the brow of one of the heroes 
and philanthropists of this age, was laid the foundation of one of the most 
extensive business' houses that our city now boasts. His competitor saw 
that no amount of rivalry could crush a man thus self-supporting and gave 
up the effort. 

Of course, Thomas Garrett is best known for his labors in behalf of the 
abolition of Slavery, and as a practical and effective worker for emancipa- 
tion long before the nation commenced the work of liberation and justice. 

Born a Quaker, he held with simple trust, the faith of the society that 
God moves and inspires men to do the work he requires of their hands, and 
throughout his life he never wavered in his conviction, that his Father had 
called him to work in the cause to which he devoted himself. 

His attention was first directed to the iniquity of Slavery, while he was a 
young man of twenty-four or twenty five. He returned one day to his 
father's house, after a brief absence, and found the family dismayed and 
indiirnant at the kidnapping of a colored woman in their employ. 

Thomas immediately resolved to follow the kidnappers, and so started in 
pursuit. Some peculiarity about the track made by their wagon, enabled 
him to trace them with ease, and he followed them by a devious course, 
from Darby, to a place near the Navy Yard, in Philadel])hia, and then by 
inquiries, etc., tracked them to Kensington, where he found them, and, we 
believe, secured the woman's release. 

During this ride, he afterwards assured his friends, he felt the iniquity 
and abomination of the whole system of Slavery borne in upon his mind so 
strongly, as to fairly appal him, and he seemed to hear a voice within him, 
assuring him that his work in life must be to help and defend this pci*se- 
cuted race. 

From this time forward, he never failed to assist any fugitive from 
Slavery on the way to freedom, and, of course, after his removal to this city, 
his opportunities for this were greatly increased, and in course of time, his 



THOMAS GARRETT. 025 

lio.use became known as one of the refuges for fugitives. The sentiment of 
this community was, at that time, bitterly averse to any word or effort 
against Slavery, and Mr. Garrett had but half a dozen friends who stood by 
him. Nearly all others looked at him with suspicion, or positive aversion, 
and his house was constantly under the surveillance of the jmlice, who then, 
sad to say, were always on the watch for any fugitives from bondage. 
Thomas was not disheartened or dismayed by the lack of popular sympathy 
or approval. He believed the Lord was on his side, and cared nothing for 
the adverse opinion of men. 

Many and interesting stories are told of the men and women he helped 
away, some of them full of pathos, and some decidedly amusing. He told 
the latter which related to his ingenious contrivances for assisting fugitives to 
escape the police with much pleasure, in his later years. AVe would repeat 
many of them, but this is not the time or place. The necessity of avoiding 
the police was the only thmg, however, which ever forced him into any 
secrecy in his operations, and in all other respects he was " without conceal- 
ment and without compromise " in his opposition to Slavery. He was a 
man of unusual personal bravery, and of powerful physique, and did not 
present an encouraging object for the bullying intimidation by Avhich the 
pro-slavery men of that day generally overawed their opponents. He seems 
to have scarcely known what fear was, and though irate slave-holders often 
called on him to learn the whereabouts of their slaves, he met them placidly, 
never denied having helped the fugitives on their way, positively refused 
to give them any information, and when they flourished pistols, or bowie- 
knives to enforce their demands, he calmly pushed the weapons aside, and 
told them that none but cowards resorted to such means to carry their ends. 
He continued his labors, thus, for years, helping all who came to him, 
and making no concealment of his readiness to do so. His firmness and 
courage slowly won others, first to admire, and then to assist him, and the 
little band of faithful workers, of which he was chief, gradually enlarged 
and included in its number, men of all ranks, and differing creeds, and, 
singular as it may seem, even numbering some ardent Democrats in its 
ranks. He has, in conversation with the present writer and others, 
frequently acknowledged the valuable services of two Roman Catholics, of 
Irish birth, still living in this city, who were ever faithful to him, and vvill- 
now be amongst those who most earnestly mourn his decease. 

His efforts, of course, brought him much persecution and annoyance, but 
never culminated in anything really serious, until about the year 1840 or '47. 
He then met, at New Castle, a man, woman, and six children, from down 
on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The man was free, the woman had 
l)een a slave, and while in Slavery had had by her husband, two children. 
She was then set free, and afterwards had four children. The whole party 
ran away. They traveled several days, and finally reached Middletown, late 
40 



G2G THE UXDEEGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

at nlj^ht, wl¥3re they were taken in, fed and cared for, by John Himn,. a 
wealthy Quaker, there. They were watched, however, by some persons in 
that section, who followed them, arrested them, and sent them to New Castle 
to jail. The sheriff and his daughter were Anti-slavery people, and wrote to 
Mr. Garrett to come over. IJe went over, had an interview, found from 
their statement, that four of the party were undoubtedly free, and returned 
to this city. On the following day, he and U. S. Senator Wales, went over 
and had the party taken before Judge Booth, on a writ of habeas corpus. 
Jiidire Booth decided that there was no evidence on which to hold them, 
that in the absence of evidence t\\Q presumption was alivays in favor of free- 
dom and discharged them. 

i\Ir. Garrett then said, here is this woman with a babe at her breast, the 
child stiilering from a wiiite swelling on its leg, is there any impropri<!ty in 
my getting a carriage and helping them over to Wilmington ? Judge Booth 
responded certainly not. 

Mr. Garrett tiien hired the carriage, but gave the driver distinctly to 
understand that he only paid for the woman and the young children ; the 
rest might walk. They all got in, however, and finally escaped, of course 
the two children born in slavery amongst the rest. 

Six weeks afterwards the slave-holders followed them, and incited, it is 
said, by the Cochrans and James A. Bayard, commenced a suit against Mr. 
Garrett, claiming all the fugitives as slaves. Mr. Garrett's friends claim 
that the jury was packed to secure an adverse verdict. The trial came on 
before Chief Justice Taney and Judge Hall, in the May term (1848) of the 
U. S. Court, sitting at New Castle, Bayard representing the prosecutors, and 
Wales the defendant. Xliere were four trials in all, lasting three days. A¥e 
have not room here for the details of the trial, but the juries awarded even 
heavier damages than the plaintiffs claimed, and the judgments swept away 
every dollar of his property. 

When the trials were concluded, Mr. Garrett arose, the court being ad- 
journed, made a sj)eech of an hour to the large crowd in the court-room, in 
the course of which he declared his intention to redouble his exertions, so 
hel[) him God. His bold assertion was greeted with mingled clieers and 
hisses, and at the conclusion of his speech one of the jurors who had con- 
victed him strode across the benches, grasped his hand, and begged his 
forgivenness. 

Mr. Garrett kept his pledge and redoubled his exertions. The trial ad- 
vertised him, and such was the demand on him for shelter, that he was 
compelled to put another story on his back buildings. His friends Ju'ljied 
him to start again in business, and commencing anew in his sixtieth year 
with nothing, he again amassed a handsome competence, generously contri- 
buting all the while to every work in' behalf of the down-trodden blacks or 
his suffering fellow-men of any color. 



yi 



I 



THOMAS GARRETT. G27 



In time the war came, and as he remarked, the nation went into the 
business by the wholesale, so he quit liis retail operations, having, after he 
comiuenced to keep a record, helped off over twenty-one hundred slaves, and 
no inconsiderable number before that time. 

In time, too, he c-ame to be honored instead of execrated for his noble 
efforts. Wilmington became an abolition city, and for once, at least, a })ro- 
phet was not without honor in his own city. Mr. Garrett continued his 
interest in every reform u^) to his last illness, and i)robably his last appear- 
ance in any pul>lic capacity, was as president of a Woman Suifrage meetina;, 
in the City ilall, a few months ago, wiiicli was addressed by Julia Ward 
Howe, Lucy Stone, and Henry B. Blackwell. 

He lived to see the realization of his hojies for Universal Freedom, and in 
April last on the occasion of the great parade of the colored people in this 
eity, he was carried through our streets in an open barouche, surrounded by 
the men in whose behalf he had labored so faithfully, and the guards around 
his carriage carrying banners, with the inscription, " Our Moses." 

A Moses he was to their race ; but unto him it was given to enter into 
the promised land toward which he had set his face persistently and almost 
alone for more than half a century. 

lie was beloved almost to adoration by his dusky-hned friends, and in the 
dark days of the beginning of the war, which every Wilmingtonian will 
remember with a shudder, in those days of doubt, confusion, and suspicion, 
without his knowledge or consent, Thomas Garrett's house was constantly 
surrounded and watched by faithful black men, resolved that, come M'eal 
come woe to them, no harm should o.ome to the benefactor of their race. 

He was a hero in a life-time tight, an uj)right, honest man in his dealings 
with men, a tender Iiusband, a loving father, and above all, a man who 
loved his neighbor as himself, and righteousness and ti-iith better tlian ease, 
safety, or worldly goods, a!id who never let any fear of harm to jierson or 
property sway him IVom doing his whole duty to the uttermost. 

He was faithful among the faithless, upright and just in the midst of a 
wicked and perverse generation, and lived to see his labors rewarded and 
approved in his own life-time, and then with joy that the Right had tri- 
umphed by mightier means than his own; with thankf'uln«ss for the past, 
and with calm trust for the iiiture, he passed to the reward of the just. He 
has fought a good fight, he has finished his course, he ha-^ kept the fiiith. 

From the same paper, of January 30th, 1871, we extract an account of 
t the funeral obsequies which took place on Saturday, January 28th. 



FUNEBAI. SERVICE 0>f SATURDAY. 



The funeral of Thomas Garrett, which took place on Saturday, partook 
almost of the character of a pt)pular ovation to the memory of the deceased, 



(j2S THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL BO AD. 

thouj^li it was conducted with the plainness of form which characterizes the 
society of which he was a meiuber. 

There was no display, no organization, nothing wliatever to distinguish 
this from ordinary funerals, except the outpouring of pet)ple of ever}' creed, 
condition, and color, to follow the remains to their last ro'jting-place. 

There was for an hour or two before the procession started, a constant living 
stream of humanity passing into the house, around the coffin, and out at 
another door, to take a last look at the face of the deceased, the features of 
which displayetl a sweetness and serenity which occasioned general remark. 
A smile seemed to play upon the dead lips. 

Shortly after three o'clock the funeral procession started, the plain coffin, 
containing the remains, being earried by the stalwart arms of a delegation of 
colored men, and the family and friends of the deceased following in car- 
riages with a large procession on foot, while the sidewalks along tiie line, 
from the house to the meeting-house, more than six sfjuares, were densely 
crowded with spectators. 

The Friends' Meeting House was ali-eady crowdctl, except the place re- 
served for the relatives of the deceased, and, though probably fifteen hun- 
dred people crowdal into the capacious building, a greater number still 
were unable to gain admission. 

The crowd inside was composed of all kinds and conditions of men, white 
and black, all uniting to do honor to the character and works of the deceased. 

Tiic coffin was laid in the open sj)ace in front of the gallery of ministers 
and elders, and the lid removed from it, after which there was a period of 
silence. 

Presently the venerable Lucretia ^lott arose and said that, seeing the 
gathering of the multitude there and thronging along the streets, as she had 
passed on her way to the meeting-house, she had thought of the multitude 
which gathered after the death of Jesus, and of the remark of the Centurion, 
who, seeing the people, said : " Certainly this was a righteous man.'' Look- 
ing at this multitude she would say surely this also was a righteous man. 
She was not one of those wlio thmight it best always on occasions like this, 
to speak in eulogy of the dead, but this was not an ordinary case, and seeing 
the crowd that had gafhered, and amongst it the large numbers of a once 
desj)i>cHl and persecuted race, for wiiich the deceastnl had done so much, she 
felt that it was fit and proper that the good deeds of this man's life should 
be remembered, for the encour.jircment of otlu'rs. She s|)oke of her long 
acquaintance with him, of his cheerful and sunny disi)osition, and his firm 
devotion to the truth as he saw it. 

Aaron M. Powell, of New York, was the next speaker, and he sjx^kc at 
length with great eanu^^tness of the life-long labor of his departed friend in 
the abolition cause, of his cheerfulness, his courage, and his perfect consecra- 
tion to his work. 



THOMAS GARRETT. (JOQ 

He alluded to the fact, that deceased was a member of tlie Society of 
Friends, and held firmly to its faith that God leads and inspires men to do 
the work He requires of them, that He speaks within the soul of every man, 
and that all men are equally His children, subject to His guidance, and that 
all should be free to follow wherever the Spirit might lead. It was Thomas 
Garrett's recognition of this sentiment that made him an abolitionist, and 
inspired him witli the courage to pursue his great work. He cared little fur 
the minor details of Quakerism, l)ut he was a true Quaker in his devotion 
to this great central idea which is the basis on which it rests. He urged 
tlic Society to take a lesson from tlie deceased, and recognizing the respon- 
sibilit}' of their position, to labor with earnestness, and to consecrate their 
whole beings to the cause of right and reform. It is impossible for us to 
give any fair abstract of Mr. Powell's earnest and eloquent tribute to his 
friend, on whom he had looked, he said, as " a Father in Israel " from his 
boyhood. 

William Howard Day, then came forward, saying, he understood that it 
would not be considered inappropriate for one of his race to say a ^qw words 
on this occasion, and make some attempt to pay a fitting tribute to one to 
whom they owed so much. He did not feel to-day like paying such a tribute, 
ills grief was too fresh upon him, his heart too bowed down, and he could do 
no more, than in behalf of his race, not only those here, but the host the 
deceased has befriended, and of the whole four millions to whom he had 
been so true a friend, cast a tribute of praise and thanks upon his grave. 

Rev. Alfred Cookman, of Grace M. E. Church, next arose, and said that 
he came there intending to say nothing, but the scene moved him to a few 
words. He remembered once standing in front of St. Paul's Cathedral, in 
London, and seeing therein the name of the architect, Sir Christopher Wren, 
inscribed, and under it this inscription: "Stranger, if you would see his 
monument look about you." And the thought came to him that if you 
would see the monument of him who lies there, look about you and see it 
built in stones of living hearts. He thanked God for the works of this man ; 
he thanked Him especially for his noble character. He said that he felt 
that that body had been the temple of a noble spirit, aye the temple of God 
himself, and some day they would meet the spirit in the heavenly land be- 
yond the grave 

Lucretia Mott arose, and said she feared the claim might appear to be 
made that Quakerism alone held the great central principle which dominated 
this man's life; but she wished it understood that they recognized this 
" voice within'' as leading and guiding all men, and they probably meant 
by it much the same as those differing from them meant by the Third per- 
son in their Trinity. She did not wish, even in appearance, to claim a 
belief in this voice for her own sect alone. 

T. Clarkson Taylor then said, that the time for closing the services had 



G30 THE UNDERGROUXD It ML ROAD. 

arrived, and in a very few words commended the lesson of his life to those 
present, after which the meeting; dissolved, and the body wn.s carried to the 
grave-yard in the rear of the meeting-house, and deposited in its last rest- 
ing-place. 

THE TRIAL OF THE CASES, 1S4S. 

To the Editor of the Commorcial : 

Yonr admirable and interesting sketch of the career of the late Thomas 
Garrett contains one or two statements, which, according to my recollection 
of the facts, are not entirely accurate, :uul are perhaps of sufficient import- 
ance to be corrected. 

The proceedings in the U. S. Circuit Court Avere not jniblic j^rosecutions 
or indictments, but civil suits instituted by the owners of the naiaway slaves, 
who employed and paid coimsel to conduct them. An act of Congress, then 
in force, imposed a j)enalty of five hundred dolhifs on any person who 
should knowingly harbor or conc^cal a fugitive from labor, to be recovered 
by and for the benefit of the claimant of such fugitive, in any Court proper 
to try the same; saving, moreover, to the claimant his right of action for or 
on account of loss, etc. ; thus giving to the slave-owner two cases for action 
for each fugitive, one of dt;bt for the penalty, and one of trespass for 
damages. 

There were in all seven slaves, only the husband and father of the family 
being free, who escaped under the friendly help and guidance -of Mr. Gar- 
rett, five of whom were claimed by E. N. Turner, and the remaining two by 
C. T. Glanding, both claimants being I'csidents of Maryland. 

In the suits for the penalties. Turner obtained judgment for twenty-five 
hundred dollars, and Glanding, one for one thousand (htllai's. In these 
cases the jury could give neither less nor more than the amount of the pciv- 
alties, on the proper proof being made. Nor in the trespass case <li<l the 
jury give " larger damages tiian were claimed." A jury sometimes (\'^(^!^ 
queer things, but it caiuiot make a verdict for a greater sum than the 
plaintiff' demands ; in the trespass cases, Glanding had a verdict for one 
thousand dollars damages, but in Turner's case only nine hundreil dollars 
were allowed, though the plaintiff" sued for twenty-five hinidred. 

It is hardly true to say that any one of the juries was packed, indeed, it 
would have been a difficult matter in that day f )r the Marshal to summon 
thirty sober, honest, and judicious men, fairly and imjtartially chosen fioin 
the three counties of Delaware, who would have Ibund verdicts dilfcrcnt 
from those which were rendered. The jiny must have been fixed tor the 
defendant to have secured any other result, on the sui)iM)sition that the testi- 
mony admitted of any doul>t or question, the anti-sLivcry men in the state 
being like Virgil's ship-wrecked mariners, very few in number and scattered 
over a vast space. 



THOMAS GARRETT. G31 

What most redonnfls to tlie hoiKir and praise of Mr. Garrett, in tliis trans- 
action, as a noble and disinterested philanthropist is, that after the tUgitives 
had been discharged from custody under the writ of habeas corpus, and 
when he liad been advised by his lawyer, who was also his personal friend, 
to keep his hands oifand let the party work their own passage to a haven of 
freedom, not then far distant, or he might be involved in serious trouble, he 
deliberately refase<l to abandon them to the danger of [)ursuit and capture. 
The welfare and hap[)iiiess of too many human beings were at st;ike to i)er- 
init him to think of personal consequences, and he was ready and dared to 
eacounter any risk foe himself, so tiiat he could insure the safety of those 
fl.'eing from bondage. It was this heroic purj)ose to protect the weak and 
helpless at any cost, this fearless unselfish action, not stop}>ing to weigh the 
contingencies of individual gain or loss, that constitutes his best title to the 
gratitude of those he scrvc<l, aiid to the admiration and respect of all who 
can appreciate independeiit conduct springing frou) pure and lofty motives. 
I He did what he thouglit and believed to bo right, and let the consequences 
take care of themselves. He never would directly or otherwise, entice a 
slave to leave his master; but he never would refuse his aid to the hunted, 
panting wretch that in the pursuit of hap})iness was seeking after liberty. 
And whoamong us is now bold enough to say, that in all this he did not 
see clearly, act bravely, do justly, and live up to. the spirit of the sacred 
text : — '' Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to 
them ?" W. 

In a letter addressed to one of the sons, William Lloyd Garrison pays the 
fi)llowing beautiful and just tribute to his faithfulness in the cause of 

f/eedom. 

Boston, January 25th, 1871. 

My Dear Friend: — I have received the intelligence of the death of 
your honored and revered father, with profound emotions. If it were not 
for the inclemency of the weather, and the delicate state of my health, I 
would hasten to bo at the funeral, long as the distance is; not indeed as a 
mourner, f )r, in view of his ripe old age, and singularly beneficent life, there 
is no cause for sorrow, but to express the estimation in which I held him, as 
one of the best men who ever walked the earth, and one of the most beloved 
among my numerous friends and co-worlcers in the cause of an oj)pressed 
and down-trodden race, now happilv rejoicing in their heavenly-wrought 
deliverance. For to no one was the language of Job more strictly a{)[)licable 
than to himself: — "When the ear heard me, then it blessed me, and when 
the eye saw rae, it gave witness to me ; because I delivered the poor that 
cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. The blessing 
of him that was ready to perish came upon me ; and I caused the widow s 
heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness, and it clothed rae; my judg- 
ment was as a robe and a diadem. I was eyes to the blind, and feet was I 



632 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

to the lame. I was a father to the poor ; and tlic cause which I knew not I 
searched out. And I brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil 
out of his teeth." This'is an exact portraiture of your father, a most com- 
prehensive delineation of his character as a pliilauthropist and reformer. 
It was his meat and drink. 

" The poor to feed, the lost to seek, 
To proffer life to death, 
Hope to the erring, to the weak 
The strength of bia own faith. 

" To plead the captive's right; removo 
The sting of hate from law ; 
And soften in the fiic of love 
The hardened steel of war. 

"He walked the dark world in the mild. 
Still guidance of the light; 
In teariul tenderness a ctiild, 
A strong man in the right." 

Did there ever live one who had less of that "fear of man which brWeth 
a snare," than himself? Or who combined more moral courage with exceed- 
ing tenderness of spirit? Or who adhered more heroically to his convictions 
of duty in the face of deadly peril and cvrtain suffering? Or who gave him- 
self more unreservedly, or with greater disinterestedness, to the service of 
bleeding humanity? Or who took more joyfully the spoiling of his goods as 
the penalty of his sympathy for the hunted fugitive? Or who more untir- 
ingly kept pace with all the progressive movements of the age, as though in 
the very freshness of adult life, while venerable with years? Or who, as a 
husband, father, friend, citizen, or neighbor, more nobly performed all the 
duties, or more generally distributed all the charities of life? lie will leave 
a great void in the community. Such a stalwart soul appears only at rare 
intervals. Delaware, enslaved, treated him like a felon ; Delaware, redeemed, 
will be proud of his memory. 

" Only the aotions of the just 

Fmell sweet and blossom in the dust." 

His rightful place is conspicuously among the benefactors, saviours, mar- 
tyrs of the human i*nco. 

His career was full of dramatic interest from beginning to end, and 
crowd(Kl with the experiences and vicissitudes of a most eventful nature. 
What he promised he fnlfilled ; what he attempted, he seldom, or never 
failed to accomplish; what he believed, he dared to proclaim upon the house- 
top ; what he ardently desired, and incessantly labored for, was the reign of 
universal freedom, peace, and righteousness. He WcOS amotig the manliest 
of men. and the gentlest of spirits. There was no form of himian suffering 
that did not touch his heart; but his abounding sympathy was especially 
drawn out towards the poor, imbruted slaves of the plantation, and such of 



THOMAS GARRETT. 633 

their mimber as sought their freedom by flight. The thousandth that passed 
safely through his hauds, on their way to Canada and the North, will never 
foro-et his I'atherly solicitude for their welfare, or the dangers he unflinch- 
ino-ly encountered in their behalf. Stripped of all his property under the 
Fu'ntive Slave law, for giving them food, shelter, and assistance to continue 
their flight, he knew not what it was to be intimidated or disheartened, but 
gave himself to the same blessed work as though conscious of no loss. Great- 
hearted philanthropist, what heroism could exceed thy owu ? 

"For, while the jiiri-t sitting with the slave-whip o'er him swung, 
From the tortured truths of freedom the lie oi' shivery wrung, 
And the solemn pries' to Molncb, on each God-deserted shrine. 
Broke the bondman's heart for bread, poured the bondman's blood for wino— 
While the multitude iu blindness to a far-off Sa\iour knelt, 
And spurned, the while, the temple where a present Saviour dwelt; 
Thou bchcld'st Him in the task-field, in the prison shadow dim, 
And thy mercy to the bondman, it was mercy unto Ilim ! " 

I trust some one, well qualified to execute the plea.sing task, will write his 
bioo^raphv for the grand lessons his life inculcated. Yours, in full sympathy 
and trust, "Wm. Lloyd Garkison. 

A cotcmporary who had known him long and intimately — who had 
appreciated his devotion to freedom, who had shared with him some of the 
perils consequent upon aiding the fleeing fugitives, and who belonged to the 
race with whom Garrett sympathized, and for whose elevation and freedom 
he labored so assiduously with an overflowing heart of tender regard and 
sympathy — penned the following words, touching the sad event : 

Chatham, C. W., January 30, 1871. 
To Mr. Henry Garrett : — Dear Sir: — I have just heard, through the 
kindness of my friend, Mrs. Graves, of the death of your dear father; the 
intelliy-ence makes me feel sad and sorrowful : I sincerclv sympathize with 
you and all your brothers and sisters, in your mournful bereavement ; but 
you do not mourn without hope, for you have an assurance in his death 
that your loss is his infinite gain. For he was a good Christian, a good 
husband, a good father, a good citizen, and a truly good Samaritan, for his 
heart, his hand and his purse, were ever open to the wants of suifering 
humanity, wherever he found it; irrespective of the country, religion, or 
complexion of the sufferer. Hence there art? many more who mourn his 
loss, as well as yourselves ; and I know, verily, that many a silent tear was 
shed by his fellow-citizens, both white and colored, when he took his 
departure; especially the colored ones; for he loved them with a brother s 
love, not because they were colored, but because they were oppressed, and, 
like John Brown, he loved them to the last ; that was manifest by his 
request that they should be his bearers, I can hoitov feel than I have 
language to express the mournful and sorrowing pride that must have stirred 



634 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the inmost souls of those men of color, who luul the honor conferred on 
tliem of bearing his mortal remains to their last resting-place, when they 
thought of what a sacred trust was committed to their hands. We are told 
to mark the perfect man, and behold the upright, for the end of that man 
is peace; and such was the end of your dear father, and he has gone to join 
the innumerable company of the spirits of the just, made perfect on tiie 
other side of the river, where there is a rest remaining for all the childien 
of God. I\Iy brother, Aliraham D. Shadd, and my sister Amelia, join their 
love and condolence with mine to you all, lioping that the virtues of your 
father may be a guiding star to you all, until you meet him again in that 
happy place, wliere parting will be no more, forever. 

Your humble friend, Elizabeth J. Williams. 

From the learned and the unlearned, from those in high places and from 
those in humble stations, many testimonials reached the family, respecting 
this great friend of the slave, but it is doubtful, whether a single epistle from 
any one, was more affecti;:gly appreciated by the bereaved family, than the 
Cj)istle just quoted from Elizabeth J. Williams. 

The Slave's most eloquent advocate, Wendell Phillips, in the "National 
Standard," of February 4, 1871, in honor of the departed, bore the follow- 
ing pertinent testimony to his great worth in the cause of Liberty. 

" I should not dare to trust my memory for the number of fugitive slaves 
this brave old friend has helped to safety and IVeedom — nearly three 
thousand, I believe. What a rich life to look back on ! How skilful and 
adroit he was, in eluding the hunters ! How patient in waiting days and 
weeks, keeping the poor fugitives hidden meanwhile, till it was safe to ven- 
ture on the highway! What whole-hearted devotion, what unselfish giving 
of time, means, and everything else to this work of brotherly love! What 
house in Delaware, so honorable in history, as that where hunted men lied, 
and were sure to find refuge. It was the North Star to many a fainting 
lieart. This century has grand scenes to show and boast of atnoug ita 
fellows. But few transcend that auction-block wiiere the sherilF was selling 
all Garrett's goods for the crime (!) of giving a breakfast to a family of fugi- 
tive slaves. As the sale closed, the officer turns to Garrett, saying : 
'Thomas, I hope you'll never be caught at this again.' 

"'Friend,' was the reply, -^ I haven't a dollar in the world, but if thee 
knows a fugitive who needs a breakfast, send him to me.' 

"Over such a scene, Luther and Howard and Clarkson cla])ped their hands. 

"Such a speech redeems the long infimv of the State. It is endurable, the 
having of such a blot as Delaware in our history, when it has once been the 
home of such a man. I rememl)er well the just pride with wliich he told 
me, that affer that sale, ])ro-slavery as Wilmington was, he could have a 
discount at the bank as readily as any man in the city. Though the laws 



THOMAS GARRETT. GoO 

robbed him, his fellow-citizens eoukl not but respect and trust him, love and 
honor him. 

" The cit\'' has never had, we believe, a man die in it worthy of n statue. 
We advise it to seize tliis o])portunity to honor itself and perpciuato i!ie 
good name of its worthiest citizen, by immortalizing some street, s])()t, shaft 
or building with his name. 

"Brave, generous, high-sonled, sturdy, outspoken friend vof all that needled 
aid or symp:ithy, farewell for these scenes! In times to come, when friend- 
less men and hated ideas need (ihampions, God grant them as gallant and 
successful ones as you have been, and may the State you hon(<red grow 
worthy of you. Wendell Phillips." 

Likewise in the "National Standard,'' the editor, Aaron M. Powell, who 
attended the funeral, paid the foilowing glowing tribute to the moral, reli- 
gious, and anti-slavery ciiaracter of the slave's friend : 

On the 24th inst., Thomas Garrett, in his eighty-second year, passed on 
to the higher life. A week jM-evious we had visited him in his sick cham- 
ber, and, on leaving him felt that ho must go hence ere long. Ho was the 
same strong, resolute man in spirit to the last. He looked forward to the 
welcome change with perfect serenity aiul peace of mind. And well he 
might, for he had indeed fought the good fight and been faithful unto 
the end. 

He was most widely known for his services to fugitive slaves. Twenty- 
five hundre<l and forty five he had [)reserved a record of; and he had assisted 
somewhat n^.ore than two hundred prior to the commencement of the rec'ord. 
Picture to the mind's eye this remarkable procession of nearly three 
thousand men, women and children fleeing from Slavery, and finding in 
this brave, larixe-hearted man, a friend equal to their needs in so critical an 
emergency ! Xo wonder he was feared by the slave-holders, not alone of his 
own State, but of the whole South. If their human chattels once reached 
his outpost, there v/as indeed little hope of their reclamation. The iriend 
and helper of fugitives from Slavery, truly their Moses, he v,-as more than 
this, h'.3 was the discriminating, outspoken, uiu'orapromising opi)onent of 
Slavery itself He was one of the strongest jiillars and one of the most 
efficient working-members of the American Anti-slavery Socaety. He wiis 
an abolitionist of the most radical and pro'aounced character, though a resi- 
dent of a skive State, and through all the period wherein to be an aboli- 
tionist was to put in jeopardv, not only reputation and property, but life 
itself Though he rarely r.ddressed ]inblic meetings, his presence imj^arted 
nnich strength to others, was "weighty " in the best Quaker sense. He was 
of the rare type of character, represented by Francis Jackson and James 
Mott. 

Thomas Garrett was a member of the Society of Friends, and as such, 



636 THE UNDERGROUyn RAIL ROAD. 

served by the strikin*;; contrast of liis own life and character, witli the 
average of the Society, to exemplify to the world the real, genuine Quaker- 
ism. It is not at all to the credit of his fellow-members, that it must be 
said of them, that when he was bearing the cross and doing the work for 
which he is now so universally honored, they, many of them, were not only 
not in sympathy with him, but would undoubtedly, if they had had the requi- 
site vitality and courage, have cut him otf from their denominational fellow- 
ship. He was a sincere, earnest believer in the cardinal point of Quakerism, 
the Divine presence in the human soul — this furnishes the key to his action 
through life. This divine attribute he regarded not as the birth-right of 
Friends alone, not of one race, sex or class, but of all mankind. Therefore 
was he an abolitionist; therefore was he interested in the cause of the 
Indians; therefore was he enlisted in the cause of equal rights for women; 
therefore was he a friend of temperance, of oppressed and needy working- 
men and women, world-wide in the scope of his philanthropic sym])athy, 
and broadly catholic, and comprehensive in his views of religious life and 
duty. He was the soul of honor in business. His experience, when 
dei)rived at sixty, of every dollar of his property for having obeyed God 
rather than man, in assisting fugitives from Slavery, and the promptness 
with which his friends came forward with proffered co-operation, furnishes a 
lesson which all should ponder well. He had little respect for, or patience 
with shams of any kind, in religious, political or social life. 

As we looked upon Thomas Garrett's calm, serene face, mature in a ripe 
old age, still shadowing forth kindliness of heart, firmness of jnirpose, dis- 
criminating intelligence, conscientious, manly uprightness, death never 
seemed more beautiful : 

" Why, what is Death but Life 

In other forms of being? Life without 

The coarsfT attributes of men, tlic dull 

And momently decaying frame which holds 

The ethereal spirit in, and binds it down 

To brotherhood with brutes ! There's no 

Such thing as Death ; what's so-called is but 

The beginning of a new existence, ft fresh 

Segment of the eternal round of change." 

A. M. P. 

Another warm admirer of this Great Lover of humani'tj^, in a letter to 
George W. Stone thus alludes to his life and death : 

Taunton, Mass., June 25th, 1871. 

Dear Stone : — Your telegram announcing the death of that old soldier 
and saint, and my good friend, Tiios. Garrett, reached me last evening at 
ten o'clock. 

My first impulse was to start for Wilmington, and be present at his 
funeral ; but when I considered my work here, and my engagements for the 
next four days, I found it impossible to go. 



TIIOJLIS GAERETT. 6o7 

I will bo there in spirit, and bow my inmost soul before the All Lovinj^ 
One, his Fiitiicr and ours, in humble thankfulness, tliUt I ever knew him, 
and had the privilege of enjoying his friendship and witnessing his dt-votioii 
to the interest of every good eause of benevolence and Reform. 

I could write you many things of interest which 1 lieard from him, and 
which I have noted on my meniory and heart; but I cannot now. 1 think 
he was one of the remarkable men of the times, in faith, in holy boldness, 
in fearless devotion to the right, in uncompromising integrity, in unseltish 
benevolence, in love to God and man, and in unceasing, life-long elforts to 
do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with Goil. We shall not 
soon look upon his like again. 

If I was present at his funeral, T should take it as a privilege to pro- 
nounce his name, and say, as I never said before, " Blessed are the dead that 
die in the Lord ; even so saith the Spirit; for they rest from their labors, 
and their works do follow them," 

Do, at once, see his children and Clarkson Taylor, and give them my 
conlolence, no, my congratulation, and assure them that they have a rich 
legacy in his noble life, and he has a glorious reward in the bosom of God. 

Peace to his memory ! Noble old man, so pure and peaceful, and yet so 
strong, firm, and fearless, so gentle, tender, and truthful, afraid and ashamed 
of nothing but sin, and in love and labor with every good work. 

I could write on and fill many pages. But he desired no eulogy, and needs 
none. He lives, and will live for ever in many hearts and in the heaven of 
heavens above. T. Israel. 

If it were necessary we might continue to introduce scores of editorials, 
communications, epistles, etc., all breathing a similar spirit of respect for the 
rare worth of this wonderful man, but space forbids. In conclusion, there- 
fore, with a view of presenting him in the light of his own interesting letters, 
written when absorbed in his peculiar work, from a large number on file the 
following are submitted : 

Wilmington, 11th mo. 21st, 1835. 

Esteemed Friend, "VYm. Still: — Thine of this date, inquiring fi)r the 
twenty-one, and how they have been disposed of, has just been received. I 
can only answer by saying, when I parted with them yesterday forenoon, I 
gave the wife of the person, in whose house they were, money to i)ay her 
expenses to Philadelphia and back in the cars to pilot the four women to 
thy place. I gave her husband money to pay a pilot to start yesterday with 
the ten men, divided in two gangs ; also a letter for thee. I hope they have 
arrived safe ere this. I had to leave town soon after noon yesterday to 
attend a brother ill with an attack of apoplexy, and to-day I have been very 
much engaged. The place they stayecl here is a considerable distance off. 
I will make inquiry to-morrow morning, and in case any other disposition 



g38 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ha^s been made of theiu tliau the above I will write thee. I should think 
tiiey liave stopped to-tlay, iu consequence of the raiu, and most likely will 
arrive sale to-morrow. In haste, tliy friend, Thos. Garrett. 

Although iiaving "to attend a brother, ill witli an attack of ajwplcxy," 
Garrett took time to attend to the interest of the " twenty-one," as the above 
letter indicates. How many otiier men in the United States, under similar 
circumstances, would have been tiius fiiithful? 

On another occasion deeply concerned for A FORWARDER of slaves, he 
wrote thus : 

Wilmington, 12th mo 26th, 1855, 

Esteemed Friend, Wm. Still : — The bearer of this, George Wilmer, 
is a slave, whose resideace is in Maryland. lie is a true man, and a for- 
warder of skives. Has passed some twenty-five within four months. He 
is desirous of finding some of his relations, Wm. Mann and Thomas Car- 
michacl, tiiey passed here about a month sin.c. If thee can give him ar.y 
information where they can be found thee will much oblige him, and run no 
risk of their safety in so doing. I remain, as ever, thy sincere friend, 

Tiios. Garrett. 

" Four able-bodied men," form the subject of the subjoined correspondence: 

Wilmington, 11th mo., 4ih, 1856. 

Esteemed Friends, J. Miller McKim and "William Still : — Captain 
F., has arrived here this day, witli four able-bodied men. One is an 
engineer, and has been engaged in sawing lumber, a second, a good house- 
carpenter, a third a blacksmith, and the lourtli a farm hand. They are now 
live hundred miles from their home in Carolina, and would be glad to get 
situations, without going far from here. I will keep them till to-morrow. 
Please inform me whether thee knows of a suitable plaoe in the country 
where the mechanics can find employ tnent at their trades for the winter; let 
me hear to-morrow, and oblige your friend, TuOMAS Garrett. 

" V/hat has become of Harriet Tubman ?" (agent of the Underground 
Kail ]load), is made a subject of special inquiry in the following note: 

Wilmington, 3d mo., 27th, 1857, 

Esteemed Friend, William Still : — I have been very anxious for 
some time past, to hear what has become of Harriet Tubman. The last I 
heard of her, she was in the State of New York, on her way to Canada with 
some friends, last fall. Has thee seen, or heard anything of her lately? It 
would be a sorrowful fact, if such a hero as she, should be lost from the 
Underground Rail Koad. I have just received a letter from Ireland, 
making iucpiiry respecting her. If thee gets this in time, and knows any- 
thing respecting her, plea.se drop me a line by mail to-morrow, and I will 
get it next morning if not sooner, and oblige thy friend. 



THOMAS GARRETT. 039 

I have heard uothlug from the eig;hth man from Dover, but trust he 
is safe. TiiOM.'iJs (Jaukett. 

Oil beuig inforuio'.l that Harriet was "all right," the following extract 
from a subsequent letter, expresses his satisfaction over the good news, and 
at the same time, indicates his sympathy for a " poor traveler," who 
had fallen a victim to the cold weather, and being severely frost-bitten, 
had (lied of lock-jaw, as related on page 52. 

"I was truly glaclto learn that Harriet Tubman was still in good health 
and ready for action, but I think there will be more danger at present than 
heretofore, tliere is so much excitement below in consequence of the escape 
of those eight slaves. I was truly sorry to hear of the fate of that poor 
fellow who had periled so much for liberty. I was in hopes from what thee 
told me, that he would recover with the loss perhaps of some of his to(>s. 

Thomas Garrett.'' 

In the next letter, an interesting anecdote is related of an encounter on 
the Underground Hail Road, between the fugitives and several Irishmen, 
and how one of the old countrymen was shot in the forehead, etc., which G. 
thought would make such opponents to the Road " more Ciiutiouij." 

Wilmington, lltli rao., 5th, 1857. 

Esteemed Frie.vd, William Stili^ : — X have just written a note for the 
bearer to William Murphy Chester, wh.o will direct him on to thj c^u'c; he 
left his home about a week since. I hear in the lower part of this State, he 
met with a friend to pilot him some twenty-five miles last night. We learn' 
that one party of those last week were attacked with clubs by several Irish- 
men, and that one of them was shot in the f )rehead. the ball entering to the 
skull bone, and passing under the skin partly round the head. My informant 
says he is likely to recover, but it will leave an ugly mark it is thought, as 
long as he lives We have not been able to learn, whether the party was 
on the look out for them, or whether they were rowdies out on a Hallow-eve 
frolic; but be it which it may, I presume they will be more cautious here- 
after, how they trille with such. Desiring thee prosperity and hajijiiness, I 
remain thy friend, Thomas Garrett. 

FOUR OF god's poor. 
The following letter shows the fearless manner in which he attended to 

the duties of his station : 

Wilmington, 9th mo. Gth, 1S57. 

Respected Friend, Wm. Still :— This evening I send to thy care four 
of God's poor. Severn Johnson, a true man, will go with them to-night by 
rail road to thy house. I have given Johnson five dollars, which will pay 
all expenses, and leave each twenty-five cents. We are indebted to Captain 
F-t-n for those. May success attend them in their eflPorts to maintain 



640 THE USDEBGROUXB BAIL ROAD. 

themselves. Please send word by Joliuson whether or no, those seven 
arrived safe I wrote thee often davs since. My wife and self were at Lonir- 
wood to-day, had a pleasant ride and good meeting.' We are, as ever, thy 
friend, Thos. Garrett. 

Quite a satisfactory account is given in the letter below of the " Irishman 
who was shot in the forehead ;" also of one of the same kin, who in 
meddling with Underground Rail Road passengers, got his arm broken in 

two places, etc. 

Wilmington, 11th mo. 14th, 1857. 

Esteemed Fuiexd, Wm. Still : — Thy favor of a few days since came 
to hand, giving quite a satisfactory account of the large company. 

I find in the melee near this town, one of the Irishmen got his arm 
broken in two places. The one shot in the forehead is badly marked, but 
not datigerously injured. I learn to-day, that the carriage in that company, 
owing to fast driving with such a heavy load, is badly broken, and the poor 
horse was badly injured; it has not been able to do anything since. 

Please say to my friend, Rebecca Hart, that I have heretofore kept clear 
of persuading, or even advising slaves to leave their masters till they had 
fully made up their minds to leave, knowing as I do there js great risk in so 
doing, and if betrayed once would be a serious injury to the cause hereafter. 
I had spoken to one colored man to try to see him, but he was not willing 
to risk it. If he has any desire to get away, he can, during one night, be- 
fore they miss him, get out of the reach of danger. Booth has moved into 
New Castle, and left the two boys on the farm. If Rebecca Hart will write 
to me, and give me the name of the boy, and the name of his mother, I will 
make another effort. The man I spoke to lives in New Castle, and thinks 
the mother of the boy alluded to lives between here and New Castle. The 
young men's association here wants Wendell Phillips to deliver a lecture on 
the lost arts, and some of the rest of us wish him to deliver a lecture on 
Slavery. Where will a letter reach him soonest, as I wish to write him on 
the subject. I thought he could perhaps deliver two lectures, two nigiits in 
succession. If thee can give the above information, thee will much oblige — 

Garrett^ & Son. 

In his business-like transactions, without concealment, he places matters 
in such a light that the wayfaring man, though a fool, need not err, as may 

here be seen. 

Wilmington, 11th mo. 25th, 1857. 

Esteemed Friend, Wm. Still : — I now send Johnson, one of our 
colored men, up with the three men I wrote thee about. Johnson has 
undertook to have them well washed and cleaned during the day. And I 
have provided them with some second-hand clothes, to make them comfort- 
able, a new pair of shoes and stockings, and shall pay Johnson for taking 
care of them. I mention this so that thee may know. Thee need not 



i 



THOMAS GARRETT. , 64X 

advance him any funds. In the present case I shall furnish them with 
money to pay their fare to Philadelpliia, and Johnson home again, nopiirj* 
they will get on safe, I remain thy friend, Thos. Gakkett. 

FOUR FEMALES ON BOARD. 

The fearless Garrett communicated tlirough the mail, as usual, the follow ' 

ing intelligence : 

Wilmington, 8th mo. 25lh, 1859. 

Esteemed Friend, Wm. Still : — The brig Alvena, of Lewistown, is in 
the Delaware opposite here, with four females on board. The colored man, 
who has them in charge, was employed by the husband of one of them to 
bring his wife up. When he arrived liere, he found the man had left. As 
the vessel is bound to E.ed Biuk, I have advised him to take them there in 
the vessel, and to-morrow take them in the steamboat to the city, and to the 
;Anti-slavery office. He says they owe the captain one dollar and fifty cents 
for board, and I gave him three dollars, to pay the captain and take them to 
your office. I have a man here, to go on to-night, that was nearly naked; 
shall rig him out pretty comfortably. Poor fellow, he has lost his left hand, 
but he says he can take care of himself. In haste, thy friend, 

Thos. Garrett. 

While Father Abraham was using his utmost powers to put down the 
rebellion, in 1864, a young man who had "been most unrighteously sold for 
seven years," desirous of enlisting, sought advice from the wise and faithful 
Underground E,ail Road manager, who gave him the following letter, whicii 
may be looked upon in the light of a rare anecdote, as there is no doubt but 
that the "professed non-resistant" in this instance, hoped to see the poor 
fellow " snugly fixed in his regimentals^' doing service for "Father Abraham." 

Wilmington, 1st mo. 23cl, 1864. 

Respected Friend, William Still : — The bearer of this, Winlock 
Clark, has lately been most unrighteously sold for seven years, and is desir- 
ous of enlisting, and becoming one of Uncle Sam's boys; I have advised him 
to call on thee so that no land sharks shall get any bounty for enlisting him; 
be has a wife and sevei'al children, and whatever bounty the government or 
:he State allows him, will be of use to his family. Please write me when 
tie is snugly fixed in his regimentals, so that I may send word to his wife. 
By so doing, thee will much oblige thy friend, and the friend of humanity, 

Thomas Garrett. 

N. B. Am I naughty, being a professed non-resistant, to advise this poor 
'ellow to serve Father Abraham ? T. G. 

We have given so many of these inimitable Underground Rail Road 
etters from the pen of the sturdy old laborer, not only because they will be 
lew to the readers of this work, but because they so fittingly illustrate his 
)ractical devotion to the Slave, and his cheerfulness — in the face of danger 
md difficulty — in a manner that other pens might labor in vain to describe. 
41 



642 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



DANIEL GIBBONS. 

A life as uneventful as the one whose story we are about to tell, affords little 
scope for the genius of the biographer or the historian, but being carefully 
studied, it cannot fail to teach a lesson of devotion and self-sacrifice, which 
should be learned and remembered by every succeeding age. 

Daniel Gibbons, son of James and Deborah (Hoopes) Gibbons, was born 
on the banks of ^lill Creek, in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on the 21st 
day of the 12th montli (December), 1775. He was descended on his father's 
side from an English ancestor, wliose name appears on the colonial records, 
as far back as 1683. John Gibbons evidently came with or before 
William Penn to this "goodly heritage of freedom." His earthly remains 
lie at Concord Friends' burying-ground, Delaware county, near wIkm'c the 
family lived for a generation or two. The grandfather of Daniel Giblmns, 
who lived near where West Town boarding-school now is, in Chester county, 
bought for seventy pounds, "one thousand acres of land and allowances," in 
what is now Lancaster county, intending, as he ultimately did, to settle his 
three sons upon it. This purchase was made about the year 1715. In pro- 
cess of time, the eldest son, desiring to marry Deborah Hoopes, the 
daughter of Daniel Hoopes, of a neighboring township in Chester county, 
the young pc()j)le obtained the consent of parents and friends, but it was 
a time of grief and mourning among young and old. The young Friends 
assured the intended bride, that they would not marry the best man in the 
Provinee and do what she was about to do ; and the elder dames, so far 
relaxed the Puritanic rigidity of their rules, as to allow the invitation of an 
unconunonly large company of guests to the wedding, in order that a long 
and perhaps last farewell, might be said to the beloved daughter, who, with 
her husl)and, was about to emigrate to the " far West." Loud and long 
were the lamentations, and warm the embraces of these simple-minded 
Christian rustics, companions of toil and dc{>rivation, as they parted from 
two of their numl)er who were to leave their circle for the West; the West 
being then thirty-six miles distant. This was on the sixth day of the fifth 
month, 1750. More than a century has j)assed away; all the good pcojilc, 
eighty-nine in nninl)er, who signed the wedding certificate as witnesses, have 
passed away, and how vast is the change wrought in our midst since 
that day ! 

Joseph Gibbons was so much pleased with the daring enterprise of his son 
and (laiiglitcr-iii-law, that he gave them OJie hundred acres of land in liis 
Western possessions more than he reserved i'ov his other and younger sons, 
and to it they immediately emigrated, an<l building first a cabin and the 
next year a store-house, began life for themselves in earnest. 

It is interesting, in view of the long and consistent anti-slavery course 



DANIEL GIBBONS. 643 

which Daniel Gibbons pursued, to trace the influence that vvrouglit upon 
him while his character was maturing, and the causes which led hiiu to 
■jce the wickedness of the system which he opposed. 

The Society of Friends in that day bore in mind the advice of their great 
founder, Fox, whose last words were : " Friends, mind the light." And 
following that guide which leads out of all evil and into all good, the)' 
viewed every custom of society with eyes undimmed by prejudice, and 
were influenced in every action of life by a belief in the common broUier- 
tiood of man, and a resolve to obey the command of Jesus, to love one 
mother. This being the case, slavery and oppression of all kinds were un- 
Dopular, and indeed almost unknown amongst them. 

James Gibbons was a republican, and an enthusiastic advocate of American 
iberty. Being a man of commanding presence, and great energy and deter- 
nination, efforts were made during the Revolution to induce him to enlist ^as 
i cavalry soldier. Pie was prevented from so doing by the entreaties of his 
Wife, and his own conscientious scruples as a Friend. About the time of the 
Revolution, or immediately after, he removed to the borough of Wilmington, 
Delaware, where, being surrounded by slavery, he became more than ever 
ilive to its iniquities. He was interested during his whole life in getting 
laves off. And being elected second burgess of Wilmington during his 
esidence there, his official position gave him great opportunities to assist in 
his noble work. It is related that during his magistracy a slave-holder 
)rought a colored man before him, whom he claimed as his slave. There 
)eing no evidence of the alleged ownership, the colored man was set at 
iberty. The pretended owner was inclined to be inij)U(l{!nt; but James 
xibbons told him promptly that nothing but silence and good behaviour on 
lis part would prevent his commitment for contempt of court. 

AI)out the year 1790, James Gibbons came back to Lancaster county, 
v'here he spent twenty years in the practice of those deeds which will remain 
in everlasting remembrance;" dying, full of years and honors, in 1810. 

Born in the first year of the revolution and growing up surrounded by 
uch influences, Daniel Gibbons could not have been other than he was, the 
liend of the down-trodden and oppressed of every nationality and color, 
n 1789 his father took him to see General W^ashington, then passing 
brough Wilmington. To the end of his life he retained a vivid recol- 
iction of this visit, and would recount its incidents to his family and 
'lends. During his father's residence in Wilmington, he spent his summers 
'ith kinsmen in Lancaster county, learning to be a farmer, and his winters 
1 Wilmington going to school. 

At the age of fourteen years he was bound an apprentice, as was the good 
-istom of the day, to a Friend in Lancaster county to learn the tanning 
usiness. At this he served about six years, or until his master ceased to 
•How the business. During this apprenticeship he became accustomed to 



eU THE U:S^DERGROUND BAIL ROAD. 

severe labor, so severe indeed tliat he never recovered from the effects thereof, 
having a dilficulty in walking during the remainder of his life, which pre- 
vented iiiin from taidng the active part in Underground Rail Road business 
which he otherwise would have done. His father's estate being involved 
in litigation caused him to be put to this trade, farming being his favorite 
employment, and one which he followed during his whole life. 

In 1805 he took a pedestrian tour, by way of New York, Albany, and 
Niagara Falls to the State of Ohio, then the far West, coming home byway 
of Pittsburg, and Malking altogether one thousand three hundred and fifty 
miles. In this trip he increased the injury to his feet, so as to render him- 
self virtually a cripple. Upon the death of his father, he settled upon the 
farm, on which he died. 

About the year 1808 on going to visit some friends, who had removed to 
Adams county, Pennsylvania, he became acquanted with Hannah Wierman, 
whom he married on the fourth day of the fifth month, 1815. At this time 
Daniel Gibbons was about forty years old, and his wife about twenty-eight, 
sh.e having been born on the ninth of the seventh month, 1787. A life of 
one after their union, would be incomplete without some notice of the other. 

During a married life of thirty -seven years, Hannah Gibbons Avas the 
assistant of her husband in every good and noble work. Possessed of a ' 
warm heart, a powerfid, though uncultivated intellect, an excellent judgment, 
and great sweetness of disposition, she was fitted both by nature and train- 
ing to endure without murmuring the inconvenience and trouble incident to 
t!ie reception and care of fugitives and to rejoice that to her was given the op- 
portunity of assisting them in their efforts to be free. 

The true measure of greatness in a human soul, is its willingness to suffer 
for its own good, or the good of its fellows, its self-sacrificing spirit. Grant- 
ing the truth of this, one (»f the greatest souls was tliat of Hannah W. 
Gibbons. The following incident is a proof of this : 

In 1836, when she was no longer a young woman, there came to her 
home, one of the poorest, most ignorant, and filthiest of mankind — a slave 
from the great valley of Virginia. He was foot-sore and weary, and could 
not tell how he came, or who directed him. He seemed indeed, a missive 
directed and sent by the hand of the Almighty. Before he could be cleansed 
or recruited, he was taken sick, and before he could bo removed (even if he 
couhl have been trusted at the county poor house), his case was pronounceil to 
be smnll-pox. For six long weeks did this good angel in human form, attend 
upon this unfortunate object. Reasons were found why no one else could do 
it, and with her own hands, slie ministered to his wants, until he was 
restored to health. Such was her life. This is merely one case. Siie was 
always ready to do her duty. Her interest in good, never left her, for when 
almost dying, she aroused from her lethargy and asked if Abraham Lincoln 
was elected president of the United States, which he was a few days after- 



DANIEL GIBBONS. 645 

arcls. She always predicted a civil war, iii the settlement of the Slavery 

iiestiou. 

During the last twenty-five years of her life she was an elder in the 

,;)ciety of Friends, of M'hich she had always been an earnest, consistent, and 

i3Voted member. Her patience, self-denial, and warm aliection were mani- 

i:sted in every relation of life. xVs a daughter, wife, mother, friend, and 

istress of a family she was beloved by all, and to her relatives and friends 

ho are left behind, the remembrance of her good deeds comes wafted like a 

»rfume from beyond the golden gates. Slie survived her husband about 

ight years, dying on the sixteenth of the tenth month, 1860. Three 

lildren, sons, v/ere born to their marriage, two of whom died in infancy 

;id one still (1871) survives. 

To give some idea of the course pursued by Daniel and Hannah Gibbons, 

insert the following letter, containing an account of events which took 

.ace in 1821 ; 

"A short time since, I learned that my old friend, William Still, was 
oout to publish a history of the Underground Rail Road. His own experi- 
'ice in the service of this road would make a large volume, I was brought 
b by Daniel Gibbons, and am asked to say what I know of him as an 
:)olitionist. From my earliest recollection, he was a friend to the colored 
;?ople, and often hired them and paid them lil^-ral wages. His house was 
;depot for fugitives, and many hundreds has he helped on tiieir way to 
i';'clom. Many a dark night he has sent me to carry tlieni victuals and 
i|iange their places of refuge, and take them to other people's barns, when 
■)t safe for him to go. I have known him start in the night and go fifty 
iles with them, when they were very hotly pursued. One man and his 
ife lived with him for a long time. Afterwards tlie man lived with 
'ihorntou Walton. The man was hauling lumber from Columbia. He was 
ken from his team in Lancaster, and lodged in Baltimore jail. Daniel 
libbons went to Baltimore, visited the jail and tried hard to get him 
.'leased, but failed. I would add here, that Daniel Gibbons' faithful wife, 
iie of the best women I ever kne\v, wa\s always ready, day or night, t(» do 
I she possibly could, to help the poor fugitives on their way to freedom. 
[any interesting in-idents occurred at the home of my uncle. I will relate 
le. He had living with him at one time, two colored men, Thomas 
olhert and John Stewart. The latter w^as from Maryland; John often 
lid he would go back and get his wife. My uncle asked him if he was not 
fraid of his master's catching him. He said no. for his master knew if he 
ndertook to take him, he would kill him. He did go and brought his wife 
) my uncle's. 

■ While these two large men, Tom and John, were there, along came 
Robert (other name unknown), in a bad plight, his feet bleeding. Robert 
as put in the barn to thrash, until he could be fixed up to go again on iiis 



646 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

journey. But in a few days, behold, along came his master. He broughl 
with liim that notorious constable, Haines, from Lancaster, and one othei 
man. They came suddenly upon Robert ; as soon as he saw them he ran 
and jumped out of the ''overshoot," some ten feet down. In jumping he 
put one knee out of joint. The men ran around the barn and seized him. 
By this time, the two colored men, Tom and John, came, together with my 
uncle and aunt. Poor Robert owned his master, but John told them they 
should not take him away, and was going at them with a club. One of the 
men drew a pistol to shoot John, but uncle told him he had better not slioot 
him; this was not a slave State. Inasmuch as Robert had owned his niasterj 
Uncle told Jolm he must submit, so they put Robert on a horse, and started! 
with him. After they were gone John said: "Mr. Gibbons, just say the^ 
•word, and I will bring Robert back." Aunt said : " Go, John, go !" So 
John ran to Joseph Rakestraw's and got a gun (without any lock), and ran, 
across tlie fields, with Tom after him, and headed the party. The men all 
ran except Haines, who kept Robert between himself and John, so tliat 
John should not shoot him. But John called out to Robert to drop off that) 
horse, or he would shoot him. This Robert did, and John and Tom broughf 
him back in triumph. My aunt said : " John, thee is a good fellow, thee 
has done well." Robert was taken to Jesse Gilbert's barn, and Dr. Dingee 
fixed his knee. As soon as he was able to travel, he took a " bee-line" for 
the Xorth star. 

My life with my uncle and aunt made me an abolitionist. I left them in 
the winter of 1824, and came to Salem, Ohio, where I kept a small station 
on the Underground Rail Road, until the United States government took; 
my work away. I have helped over two hundred fugitives on their way to 
Canada. Respectfully, Daniel Boxsall, 

Salem, Columbiana county, Ohio." 

One day, in the winter of 1822, Thomas Johnson, a colored man, liviiic; 
with D.iniel Gibbons, went out early in tlie morning, to set traps for musk- 
rats. While he was gone, a slave-holder came to the house and inquired for 
his slave. Daniel Gibbons said : " There is no slave here of that name,'' 
The man replied: "I know he is here. The man we're after, is a miserable, 
worthless, thieving scoundrel." "Oh! very well, then," said the good 
Quaker, " if that's the kind of man tliee's after, then I know he is not here. 
AVe have a colored man here, but he is not that kind of a man." Tlie slave- 
holder waited awhile, the man not making his appearance, then said: "Well, 
now, Mr. Gibbons, when you see that man next, tell him that we were here, 
and if he will come home, avo will tnke good care of him, and be kind to 
him." "Very well," said Daniel, " I will tell him what thee says, but say 
to him at the same time, that he is a very great fi)ol, if he does as thee 
recpiests." The colored man sought, having caught sight of the slave- 



DANIEL GIBBONS. 647 

holders, and knowing who they were, went off that night, under Daniel 
Gibbons' directions, aud was never seen by his master again. Afterward, 
Daniel and his nephew, William Gibbons, went with this man to Adams 
county. With his master came the master of Mary, a girl with straight hair, 
I and nearly white, who lived with Daniel Gibbons and his wife. Poor Mary 
was unfortunate. Her master caught her, and took her back with him 
into Slavery. She and a little girl, who was taken away about the year 1830, 
were the only onesever taken back from the house of Daniel Gibbons. 

Between the time of his marriage, when he began to keep a depot on the 
ij Underground Rail Road, and the year 1824, he passed more than one hun- 
dred slaves through to Canada, and between the latter time and his death, 
I eight hundred more, making, in all nine hundred aided by him. He was 
ever willing to sacrifice his own personal comfort and convenience, in order 
to assist fugitives. In 1833, when on his way to the West, in a carriage, 
with his friend, Thomas Peart, also a most faithful friend of the colored man 
and interested in Underground Rail Road affairs, he found a fugitive slave, 
a woman, in Adams county, who was in immediate danger. He stojiped his 
journey, and sent his horse and wagon back to his own home with the 
woman, that being the only safe way of getting her off. This was but a 
sample of his self-denial, in the. cause of human freedom. 

His want of ability to guide in person runaway slaves, or to travel with 
them, prevented him from taking active part in the wonderful adventures 
and hair-breadth escapes which his brain and tact rendered possible and suc- 
cessful. It is believed that no slave was ever recaptured that followed his 
directions. Sometimes the abolitionists were much annoyed by impostors, 
who pretended to be runaways, in order to discover their plans, and betray 
them to the slave-holders. Daniel Gibbons was possessed of much acute- 
ness in detecting these people, but having detected them, he never treated 
them harshly or unkindly. 

Almost from infancy, he was distinguished for the gravity of his deport- 
ment, and his utter heedlessness of small things. The writer has heard 
men preach the doctrine of the trifling value of the things of a present time, 
and of the tremendous importance of those of a never-ending eternity, but 
Daniel Gibbons is the only person she ever knew, who lived that doctrine. 
He believed in plainness of apparel as taught by Friends, not as a form or 
a rule of society, but as a principle; often quoting from some one who said 
that "the adornment of a vain and foolish world, would feed a starving 
one." He opposed extravagant fashions and all luxury of habit and life, as 
calculated to produce effeminacy and degrading sensuality, and as a bestowal 
of idolatrous attention upon that body which he would often say " was here 
but for a short time." 

Looking only upon that as religion, which made men love each other and 
do good to each other in this world, he was little of a stickler for points of 



648 THE UXDEROROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

belief, and even when lie did look into theological matters or denounce a 
man's religious oj)inions, it was generally because they were calculated to 
darken tiie mind and be entertained as a substitute for good works. Pur- 
suing the even tenor of his way, he could as easily lead the flyin<»' fu"-itive 
slave by night out of the way of his powerful mastei", as one dilferently con- 
stituted could bestow his wealth upon the most p()j)ular charity in the land. 

His faith was of the simplest kind — the Parable of the prodigal son, con- 
tains his creed. Discarding what are commonly called "plans of salvation," 
he believed in the light " which lighteth ever}' man that cometh into the 
world," and that if jieople would follow this light, they would thus seek 
"the kingdom of Heaven and its righteousness and all other things needful 
would be added thereunto." He was a devoted member of the Society of 
Friends, in -which he held the position of elder, during the last twentv-five 
years of his life. That peculiar doctrine of the Society, which repudiates 
systematic divinity and with it a jiaid ministry, he held in special reverence, 
nnding confirmation of its truth in the general advocacy of Slavery, by the 
popular clergy of his day. 

AVhen he was quite advanced in years, and the Anti-slavery agitation grew 
warm, he Avas solicited to join an anti-slavery society, but on hearing the 
constitution read, and finding that it repudiated all use of physical force on 
the part of the oppressed in gaining their liberty, he said that he could not 
assent to that — that he had long been engaged in getting off slaves, and that 
he had always advised them to use force, althousrh remonstrating against 
going to the extent of taking life, and that now he could not recede from 
that position, and he did not see how they could always be got off without 
the use of some force. 

His faith in an overruling Providence was complete. He believed, even 
in the darkest days of freedom in our land, in the ultimate extinction of 
Slavery, and at times,. although advanced in years, thought he would live to 
"witness that glorious consummation. It is only in a man's own family and 
by his wife and children, that he is really known, and it is by those who 
best knew, and indeed, who only knew this good man, that his biographer is 
most anxious that he should be judged. As a parent, he was not excessively 
indulgent, as a husband, one more nearly a model is rarely found. But his 
kindness in domestic life, his love for his wife, his son and his grand- 
children, and their reciprocal love and affection for him, no words can 
express. 

It was in his father's honsehnld in his vouth nrid in Iiis own household in 
his mature years, that was fostered tlitit wealth of love and affection, wliidi, 
extending and M'idcning, took in the whole race, and made him the friend 
of the oppi-essed everywhere, and especially of those whom it was a danger- 
ous and un|)opular task to b(>friend. 

The tenderness and though tfulncss of his disposition are well shown in 



LUCRETIA MOTT. 649 

the following incident : Upon one oofiasion, his son recoivofl a kick from fi, 
horse, which he was about to mount at tlie door. When ho had recovered 
from the shock, and it was found that lie was not seriously injured, the 
father still continued to look serious, and did not cease to shed tears. On 
being asked why he grieved, his answer was : " I was just thinking how it 
would have been with thee, had that stroke proved fatal." Such thoughts 
were at once the notes of his own preparation and a warning to others to be 
also ready. 

A life consistent with his views, was a life of liumility and universal 
benevolence, and such was his. It was a life, as it were in J leaven, while 
yet on earth, for it soared above and beyond the conii[»t and slavish 
influences of earthly passions. 

His interest iji temperance never failed him. On lils death-bed he 
would call persons to him, who needed such advice, and adnrinish 
them on the subject of using strong drinks, and his last expression of 
interest in any humanitarian movement, was an avowal of his belief in 
the great good to arise from a prohibitory lirpior law. 

To a friend, who entered his sick room, a few days before his death, he 
said : " Well, E., thee is preparing to go to the West." The friend replied : 
"Yes, and Daniel, I suppose thee is preparing to go to eternity." There 
was an afFinnatlve reply, and E. inquired, "Mow does thee find it?" Daniel 
said: "I don't find much to do, I find that I have not got a hard master to 
deal with. Some few things which I have done, 1 find not entirely right." 
He quitted the earthly service of the Master, on the 17th day of the eighth 
month, 1852. 

A young physician, son of one of his old friends, after attending his 
funeral, wrote to a friend, as follows : " To quote the words of Webster, 
' We turned and paused, and joined our voices with the voices of the air, 
and bade him hail! and farewell !' Farewell, kind and brave old man! 
The voices of the oppressed whom thou hast redeemed, welcome thee to the 
Eternal City." 

LUCRETIA MOTT. 

Of all the women v.-ho served the Anti-slavery cause in its darkest days, 
there is not one whose labors were more effective, who.se character is nobler, 
and who is more universally resjjccted and beloved, than Lucretia Mott. 
You cannot sj)cak of the slave without remembering her, who did so much 
to make Slavery impos-siblc. You cannot speak of freedom, without recall- 
ing that enfranchised spirit, which, free from all control, save that of 
conscIe::f- and God, labored f )r absolute lilterty for the whole human race. 
AVe cannot think of the partial trlumj)h of freedom In this country, witliout 
rejoicing in the great part she took in the victory. Lucretia Mott is one of 



650 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

the noblest representatives of ideal womanhood. Those who know hor, need 
not be told this, but those who only love her in the spirit, may be sure that 
they can have no faith too great in the beauty of her pure and Chris- 
tian life. 

This book would be incomplete without giving some account, however 
brief, of Lucretia Mott's character and labors in the great work to 
which her life has been devoted. To write it fully would require a 
volume. She was born in 1793, in the island of Nantucket, and is 
descended from the Coffins and Macys, on the father's side, and from the 
Folgers, on the mother's side, and through them is related to Dr. Benjamin 
Franklin. Her maiden name was Lucretia Coffin. 

During the absence of her father on a long voyage, her mother was 
engaged in mercantile business, purchasing goods in Boston, in exchange 
for oil and candles, the staples of the island. Mrs. Mott says in reference 
to this employment: "The exercise of women's talent in this line, as well 
as the general care which devolved upon them in the absence of their hus- 
bands, tended to develop their intellectual powers, and strengthened them 
mentally and physically." 

The family removed to Boston in 1804. Her parents belonged to the 
religious Society of Friends, and carefully cultivated in their children, tlie 
peculiarities as well as the principles of that sect. To this early training, 
we may ascribe the rigid adherence of Mrs. Mott, to the beautiful but sober 
costume of the Society. 

When in London, in 1840, she visited the Zoological Gardens, and a 
gentleman of the party, pointing out the splendid plumage of some tropical 
birds, remarked : " You see, Mrs. Mott, our heavenly Father believes in 
bright colors. How much it would take from our pleasure, if all the birds 
were dressed in drab." "Yes;" she replied, "but immortal beings do not 
depend ujjou feathers for their attractions. With the infinite variety of the 
human fac-e and form, of thought, feeling and affi^ction, we do not need 
gorgeous apparel to distinguish us. Moreover, if it is fitting that woman 
should dress in every color of the rainbow, why not man also ? Clergymen, 
with their black clothes and white cravats, are quite as monotonous as 
the Quakers." Whatever may be the abstract merit of this argument, it is 
certain that the simplicity of Lucretia Mott's nature, is beautifully expressed 
by her habitual costume. 

In giving the principal events of Lucretia INIott's life, we prefer to use her 
own language whenever possible. In memoranda furnished by her to 
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, she says: "My father had a desire to make his 
daughters useful. At fourteen years of age, I was placed, with a younger 
sister, at the Friends' Boarding School, in Dutchess county. State of ^^ew 
York, and continued there for more than two years, without returning home. 
At fifteen, one of the teachers leaving the school, I was chosen as an assist- 



LUCRETIA MOTT. Gol 

ant in her place. Pleased with the promotion, I strove hard to give 
satisfaction, and was gratified, on leaving tiie school, to have an offer of a 
situation as teacher if I was disposed to remain ; and informed that 
my services should entitle another sister to her education, without charge. 
My father was at that time, in successful business in Boston, but with his 
views of the importance of training a woman to usefuhiess, he and my 
mother gave their consent to another year being devoted to that institu- 
tion." Here is another instance of the immeasurable value of wise parental 
influence. 

In 1809 Lucretia joined her family in Philadelphia, whither they had 
removed. " At the early age of eighteen," she says, " I married James 
Mott, of New York — an attachment formed while at the boardinir-school." 
Mr. Mott entered into business with her fiithcr. Then followed commercial 
depressions, the war of 1812, the deatli of her father, and the family 
became involved in difficulties. Mrs. Mott was again obliged to resume 
teaching. " These trials," she says, " in early life, were not without their 
good elfcct in disciplining the mind, and leading it to set a just estimate on 
worldly pleasures." 

To this early training, to the example of a noble father and excellent 
mother, to the trials which came so quickly in her life, the rapid develop- 
ment of Mrs. Mott's intellect is no doubt greatly due. Thus the founda- 
tion was laid, wliich has enabled her, for more than fifty years, to be one of 
the great workers in the cause of suffering humanity. These are golden 
words which we quote from her own modest notes : " I, however, always 
loved the good, in childhood desired to do the right, and had no faith in the 
generally received idea of human depravity." Yes, it was because she 
believed in human virtue, that she was enabled to accomplish such a 
wonderful work. She had the inspiration of faith, and entered her life- 
battle against Slavery with a divine hope, and not with a gloomy despair. 

The next great step in Lucretia Mott's career, was taken at the age of 
twenty-five, when, " summoned by a little family and many cares, I felt 
called to a more public life of devotion to duty, and engaged in the ministry 
in our Society." 

In 1827 when the Society was divided Mrs. Mott's convictions led her 
"to adhere to the sufficiency of the light within us, resting on the truth as 
authority, rather than ' taking authority for truth.' " We may find no bet- 
ter place than this to refer to her relations to Christianity. There are many 
people who do not believe in the progress of religion. They are right in one 
respect. God's truth cannot be })rogressive because it is absolute, immutable 
and eternal. But the human race is struggling up to a higher comprehen- 
sion of its own destiny and of the mysterious purposes of God so far as they 
are revealed to our finite intelligence. It is in this sense that religion is 
progressive. The Christianity of this age ought to be more intelligent than 



652 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

the Christianity of Calvin. "The popular doftrlne of human depravitj," 
says Mrs. Mott, " never commended itself to my reason or conscience. I 
searched the Scriptures daily, finding a construction of the text wholly dif- 
ferent from that which was pressed upon our acceptance. The highest 
evidence of a sound faith being the practical life of the Christian, I have 
felt a far greater interest m the moral movements of our ago than in any 
theological discussion." Her life is a noble evidence of the sincerity of this 
belief. She has translated Christian principles into daily deeds. 

That spirit of benevolence which Mrs. Mott possesses in a degree far above 
the average, of necessity had countless modes of expression. She was not so 
much a champion of any particular cause as of all reforms. It was said of 
Charles Lamb that he could not even hear the devil abused without trying 
to say something in his favor, and with all Mrs. Mott's intense hatred of 
Slavery we do not think she ever had one unkind feoling toward the slave- 
holder. Her longest, and probably her noblest work, Avas done in the anti- 
slavery cause. "The millions of down-trodden slaves in our land," she 
says, " being the greatest sufferers, the most oppressed class, I have felt 
bound to plead their cause, in season and out of season, to endeavor to put 
my soul in their soul's stead, and to aid, all in my power, in every right 
effort for their immediate emancipation." When in 1833, Wm. Lloyd 
Garrison took the ground of immediate emancipation and urged the duty of 
unconditional liberty without expatriation, Mrs. Mott took an active part in 
the movement. She was one of the founders of the Philadelphia Female 
Anti-Slavery Society in 1834. "Being actively associated in the efforts for 
the slave's redemption," she says, " I have traveled thousands of miles in 
this country, holding meetings in some of the slave states, have been in the 
midst of mobs and violence, and have shared abundantly in the odium 
attached to the name of an uncompromising modern abolitionist, as well as 
partaken richly of the sweet return of peace attendant on those who would 
' undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and break every 
yoke.'" In 1840 she attended the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in 
London. Because she was a woman she was not admitted as a delegate. 
All the female delegates, however, were treated with courtesy, though not 
with justice. IVIrs. ]\[ott spoke frerpiently in the liberal churches of England, 
and her influence outside of the Convention had great effect on the Anti- 
Slavery movement in Great Britain. 

But the value of Mrs. Mott's anti-slavery work is not limited to what she 
individually did, great as that labor was. ITcr influence over others, and 
especially the young, was extraordinary. She made many converts, who 
went forth to spread the groat ideas of freedom throughout the land. No 
one can of himself accomplish great good. He must labor through others, 
he must inspire them, convince the unbelieving, kindle the fires of faith in 
doubting souls, and in the unequal fight of Right with Wrong make Hope 



LUCRETIA 310 TT. 



653 



take the p]ace of despair. This Lucretia Mott lias done. Her example wa.s 
an inspiration. 

In the Temperance reform Mrs. Mott took an early interest, and for many 
years she has practiced total abstinence from intoxicating drinks In the 
cause of Peace she has been ever active, believing in the "ultra non-resist- 
ance ground, that no Christian can consistently uphold and actively eno-acre 
in and support a government based on the sword." Yet this,- we believe 
did not prevent her from taking a profound interest in the great war for the 
Union ; though she deplored the means, her soul must have exulted in the 
result. Through anguish and tears, blood and death America wrought out 
her salvation. Do we not believe that the United States leads the cause of 
human freedom? It follows then that the abolition of the gigantic svstem 
of human slavery in this country is the grandest event in modoi-n history. 
Mrs. Mott has also been earnestly engaged in aid of the working classes, and 
has labored effectively for "a radical change in the system which makes the 
rich richer, and the poor poorer." In the Woman's Rights question she was 
early interested, and with Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, she oi'ganized, in 
1848, a Woman's Rights' Convention at Seneca Falls, New York. At the 
proceedings of this meeting, " the nation was convulsed with laughter." But 
who laughs now at this irresistible reform ? 

The public career of Lucretia Mott is in perfect harmony with licr private 
life. " My life in the domestic sphere," she says, " has passed much as that 
of other wives and mothers of this country. I have had six children. Not 
accustomed to resigning them to the care of a nurse, I was much cnnfmed to 
them during their infancy and childhood." Notwithstanding her devotion 
to public matters her private duties were never neglectoil. i\Iany of our 
readers will no doubt remember ]Mrs. IMott at Anti-slavery meetings, her 
mind intently fixed upon the proceedings, while her hands were as busily 
engaged in useful sewing or knitting. It is not our place to in(inire too 
closely into this social circle, but we may say that Mrs. Mott's history is a 
living proof that the highest public duties may be reconciled with perfect 
fidelity to private responsibilities. It is so with men, why should it be dif- 
ferent with women ? 

In her marriage, Mrs. Mott was fortunate. James Mott was a worthy 
partner for such a woman. He wiis born in June, 1788, in Long Island. 
He was an anti-slavery man, almost before such a thing as anti-slavery was 
known. In 1812 he refused to use any article which was produced by slave 
labor. The directors of that greatest of all railway corporations, the 
Underground Rail Road, will never forget his services. He died, Januaiy 
26, 1868, having nearly completed his 80th year. " Not only in regjird to 
Slavery," said the "Philadelphia Morning Post," at the time, "but in all 
things was Mr. Mott a reformer, and a radical, and while his principles were 
absolute, and his opinions uncompromising, his nature was singularly gener- 



654 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ous and humane. Charity was not to him a duty, but a delight ; and the 
benevolence, which, in most good men, has some touch of vanity or selfish- 
ness, always seemed in him pure, unconscious and disinterested. His life 
was long and happy, and useful to his fellow-men. He had been married 
for fiftv-seven years, and none of the many friends of James and Lucretia 
Mott, need be told how much that union meant, nor what sorrow comes with 
its end in this world." Mary Grew pronounced his fitting epitaph when she 
said : " He was ever calm, steadfast, and strong in the fore front of the 
conflict." 

In her seventy-ninth year, the energy of Lucretia Mott is undiminished, 
and her soul is as ardent in the cause to which her life has been devoted, as 
when in her youth she placed tlie will of a true woman against the impo- 
tence of prejudiced millions. With the abolition of Slavery, and the passage 
of the Fifteenth Amendment, her greatest life-work ended. Since then, she 
ha« given much of her time to the Female Suffrage movement, and so late 
as November, 1871, she took an active part in the Annual Meeting of the 
Pennsylvania Peace Society. 

Since the great law was enacted, which made all men, black or white, 
equal in political rights — as they were always equal in the sight of God — 
Mrs. Mott has made it her business to visit every colored church in Phila- 
delphia. This we may regard as the formal closing of fifty years of work 
in behalf of a race which slie has seen raised from a position of abject ser- 
vitude, to one higher than that of a monarch's throne. But though she 
mav have ended this Anti-slavery work, which is but the foundation of the 
destiny of the colored race in America, her influence is not ended — that 
cannot die ; it must live and grow and deepen, and generations hence the 
world will be happier and better that Lucretia Mott lived and labored for 
the good of all mankind. 

JAMES MILLER McKIM. 

More vividly than it is possible for the pen to portray, the subject of this 
sketch recalls the struggles of the worst years of Slavery, when the conflict 
was most exciting and interesting, when more minds were aroused, and more 
laborers were hard at work in the field ; when more anti-slavery spoeciics 
were made, tracts, papers, and books, were written, printed and distributed ; 
when more petitions were signed for the abolition of Slavery ; in a word, 
when the barbarism of Slavery was more exposed and condemned than ever 
before, in the same length of time. Abolitionists were then intensely in 
earnest, and determined never to hold their peace or cease their warfare, 
until immerliafr and unconrUtional emancipation was achieved. 

On tlie other hand, during this same period, it is not venturing too 
much to assert that the slave power was more oppressive than ever before ; 



JAMES MILLER McKIM. 655 

slave enactments more cruel ; the spirit of Slavery more intolerant ; the fetters 
more tightly drawn ; perilous escapes more frequent ; slave captures and 
slave hunts more appalling ; in short, the enslavers of the race had never 
before so defiantly assumed that negro Slavery was sanctioned by the 
Divine laws of God. 

Thus, while these opposing agencies were hotly contesting the rights of 
man, James Miller McKini, as one of the earliest, most faithful, and ablest 
abolitionists in Pennsylvania, occupied a position of influence, labor and 
usefulness, scarcely second to Mr. Garrison. 

For at least fourteen of the eventful years referred to, it was the writer's 
privilege to occupy a position in the Anti-slavery office with ]\Ir. Mfdvira, 
and the best opportunity was thus afforded to observe him under all (;ir- 
cumstances while battling for freedom. As a helper and friend of the fleeing 
bondman, in numberless instances the writer has marked well his kind and 
benevolent spirit, before and after the formation of the late Vigilance Com- 
mittee. At all times when the funds were inadequate, his aid could be 
counted upon for sure relief. He never failed the fugitive in the hour of 
need. Whether on the Underground Rail Road bound for Canada, or 
before a United States commissioner trying a fugitive case, the slave found 
no truer friend than Mr. McKim. 

If the records of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition 
of Slavery, and the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society were examined and 
written out by a pen, as competent as Mr. McKim's, two or three volumes 
of a most thrilling, interesting, and valuable character could be fiu-nished to 
posterity. But as his labors have been portrayed for these pages, by a hand 
much more competent than the writer's, it only remains to present it as 
follows: 

The subject of this sketch was born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, November 
14, 1810, the oldest but one of eight children. On his father's side, he was 
of Scotch Irish, on his mother^s (Miller) of German descent. He graduated 
at Dickinson College in 1828 ; and entering upon the study of medicine, 
attended one or more courses of lectures in the University of Pennsylvania. 
Before he was ready to take his degree, his mind was powerfully turned 
towards religion, and he relinquished medicine for the study of divinity, 
entering the Theological Seminary at Princeton, in the fall of 18.")1, and a 
year later, being matriculated at Andover. The death of his parents, however, 
and subsequently that of his oldest brother, made his connection with both 
these institutions a very brief one, and he was obliged, as the charge of the 
family now devolved upon him, to continue his studies privately at home, 
under the friendly direction of the late Dr. Duffield. An ardent and pro- 
nounced disciple of the " New School " of Presbyterians, belonging to a 
strongly Old School Presbytery ; he was able to secure license and ordina- 



G56 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tiou only by transfer to anotlicr; and, in October, 1S35, lie accepted a pulpit 
in Wonielsdorf, Berks County, Pu., Avhcre he j)reached for one year, t* a 
Presbyterian congregation, to what purpose, and with what views, may be 
learned from the following passage taken from one of his letters, written 
more than twenty years afterwards, to the National Anti-Sktvery Standard. 
" The first settled pastor of this little flo(;k was one sufficiently well-known 
to such of your readers as will be interested in this, to make mention of his 
name unnecessary. He had studied for the ministry with a strong desire, 
and a half formed purpose to become a missionary in foreign lands. Before 
lie had proceeded far in his studies, however, he became alive to the claims 
of the * perishing heathen ' here at home. When he received his licensure, 
his mind was divided between the still felt impulse of his first purpose and 
the pressure of his later convictions. While yet unsettled on this point, the 
case of the little church at Womelsdorf Av^as made known to him, followed 
by an urgent request from the people and from the Home Missionary 
Society to take charge of it. . He acceded to the request and remained there 
one year, zealously performing the duties of his office to the best of his 
knowledge and ability. The people, earnest and simple-hearted, desired the 
'sincere milk of the Word,' and receiving it 'grew thereby.' All the mem- 
bers of the church became avowed abolitionists. They showed their faith 
by their works, contributing liberally to the funds of the Anti-slavery 
Society. Many a seasonable donation has our Pennsylvania organization 
received from that quarter. For though their anti-slavery minister had left 
and had been followed by others of diiferent sentiments and though he had 
withdrawn from the church with which they Avere in common connected, 
and that on grounds which subjected him to the imputation and penalties af 
heresy, these good peo])le did not feel called u])on to change their relations 
of personal friendship, nor did they make it a pretext, as others haye done, 
for abandoning the cause." 

In October, 1836, he accepted a lecturing agency under the American 
Anti-slavery Society, as one of the "seventy," gathered from all professions, 
whom Theodore D. Weld had by his eloquence inspired to spread the gos- 
pel of emancipation. Mr. McKim had long before this had his attention 
drawn to the subject of slavery, in the summer of 1832 ; and the reading of 
Garrison's "Thoughts on Colonization," at once made him an abolliionist. 
He was an appointed delegate to the Convention which formed the Ameri- 
can Anti-slavery Society, and enjoyed the distinction of being the youngest 
member of that body.* Henceforth the object of the society, and of his 
ministry became inseparable inliis mind. 

« It may be a matter of some interest to state that the original draft of the Declaration of Senti- 
ments adopted at this meeting, together witli the autographs of the signers, is now in the keeping of 
the New York Ilistorical Society. 



JAMES MILLER McKIM. 657 

In the following summer, 1834, he delivered in Carlisle two addresses in 
favor of immediate emancipation, which excited much discussion and bitter 
feelino- in that border community, and gained him no little obloquy, which 
was of course increased when, as a lecturer, on the regular stipend of eight 
dollars a week and travelling expenses, ("pocket lined with British gold" 
was the current charge), he traversed his native state, among a people in 
the closest geographical, commercial, and social contact with the system of 
slavery. His fate was not different from that of his colleagues, in respect 
of interruptions of his meetings by mob violence, personal assaults with 
stale eggs and other more dangerous missiles, and a public sentiment which 
everywhere encouraged and protected the rioters. 

Meantime, a radical change of opinion on theological questions, led Mr. 
McKim formally to sever his connection with the Presbyterian Cinirch, and 
ministry. Being now free to act without sectarian constraint, he Avas, in the 
beginning of 1840, made Publishing Agent of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery 
Society, which caused him to settle in Philadelphia, where he was married, 
in October, to Sarah A. Speakman, of Chester county. The chief duties of 
his office at first, were the publication and management of the Pcnn.^j/Ivania 
Freeman, including, for an interval after the retirement of John G. Whittier, 
the editorial conduct of that paper. In course of time his functions were 
enlarged, and under the title of Corresponding Secretary, he performed the 
part of a fictotum and general manager, with a share in all the anti-slavery 
work, local and national. After the consolidation of the Freeman with the 
Standard, in 1854, he became the official correspondent of the latter paper, 
his letters serving to some extent as a substitute for the discontinued Free- 
man. . The operations of the Underground Rail Road came under his review 
and partial control, as has already appeared in these pages, and the slave 
cases which came before the courts claimed a large share of his attention. 
After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, in 1851, his duties in this re- 
spect were arduous and various, as may be inferred from one of Ids private 
letters to an English friend, which found its way into print abroad, and 
which will be found in another place. (See p. 581). 

During the John Brown excitement Mr. McKim had the privilege of ac- 
companying Mrs. Brown in her melancholy errand to Harper's Ferry, to 
take her last leave of her husband before his execution, and to bring away 
the body. His companions on that painful but memorable journey, were 
his wife, and Hector Tyndale, Esq., afterwards honorably distinguished in 
the war as General Tyndale. Returning with the body of the hero and 
martyr, still in company with Mrs. Brown, Mr. INIcKim proceeded to North 
Elba, where he and Wendell Phillips, who had joined him in New York 
with a few other friends gathered from the neighborhood, assisted in the 
final obsequies. 

When the war broke out, Mr. McKim was one of the first to welcome it 
42 



G58 THE UXDEEGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

as the liarbinger of the slave's deliverance, and the country's redemption. 
" A righteous war/' he said, " is better than a corrupt peace. i= * * 
When war can only be averted by consenting to crime, then welcome war 
with all its calamities," In the winter of 1862, after the capture of Port 
Royal, he procured the calling of a public meeting of the citizens of Pliila- 
delphia to consider and provide for the wants of the ten thousand slaves who 
had been suddenly liberated. One of the results of this meeting was the 
organization of the Philadelphia Port Royal Relief Committee. By request 
he visited the Sea Islands, accompanied by his daughter, and on his return 
made a report which served his associates as a basis of operations, and which 
was republished extensively in this country and abroad. 

After the proclamation of emancipation, he advocated an early dissolution 
of the anti-slavery organization, and at the May Meeting of the American 
Anti-slavery Society, in 1864, introduced a proposition looking to that 
result. It was favorably received by Mr. Garrison and others, but no 
action was taken upon it at that time. When the question came up the fol- 
lowing year, the proposition to disband was earnestly supported by Mr. Gar- 
rison, Mr. Quincy, Mr. May, Mr. Johnson, and others, but was strongly 
opposed by Wendell Phillips and his friends, among whom from Philadel- 
phia were Mrs. Mott, Miss Grew, and Robert Purvis, and was decided by 
a vote in the negative. 

Mr. McKim was an early advocate of colored enlistments, as a means of 
lifting up the blacks and putting down the rebellion. In the spring of 1863, 
he urged upon the Philadelphia Union League, of which he was a member, 
the duty of recruiting colored soldiers ; as the result, on motion of Thomas 
Webster, Esq., a movement was set on foot which led to the organization of 
the Philadelphia Supervisory Committee, and the subsequent establishment 
of Camp William Penn, with the addition to the national army, of eleven 
colored regiments. 

When, in November, 1863, the Port Royal Relief Committee was enlarged 
into the Pennsylvania Freedman's Relief Association, Mr. INIcKim was 
made its corresponding secretary. He had previously resigned his place in 
the Anti-slavery Society, believing that that organization M'as near the end 
of its usefulness. 

In the freedmen's work, he traveled extensively, and work'cd hard, estab- 
lishing schools at the South and organizing public sentiment in the free 
States. In the P]M-ing of 1865, he was made corresponding secretary of the 
American Freedman's Commission, which he had helped to establish, and 
took up his residence in the city of New York. This association was after- 
wards amplified, in name and scope, into the American Freedman's Union 
Commission, and Mr. McKim continued with it as corresponding secretary, 
laboring for reconstruction by means of Freedman's schools, and irn[)artial 
popular education. On the 1st of July, 1869, the Commission, by umuu- 



I 





J. MILLER McKlM. 



Sec p. 654. 



KEV. WILLIAM II. FURNESS. 



Sec p. 659 




WILLIAM LLOVD (JAUKISOX. 



Sec p. 6G5. 



LEWIS TAPPAK. 



rice l>. IJt 



EMliNENT ANTI-SLAVERY MEN. 



JAMES MILLER McEIM. 659 

mous vote on his motion, disbanded, and handed over the funds in its 
treasury to its constituent State associations. Mr. McKim retired from his 
labors with impaired health, and has since taken no open part in public 
affairs. He is one of the proprietors of the New York Nation, in the 
establishment of which, he took an effective interest. 

Mr. McKim's long and assiduous career in the anti-slavery cause, has 
given evidence of a peculiar fitness in him for the functions he successively 
discharged. His influence upon men and the times, has been less as a 
speakei', than as a writer, and perhaps still less as a writer than as an organ- 
izer, a contriver of ways and means ; fertile in invention, prepared to take 
tlie initiative, and bringing to the conversion of others, an earnestness of 
j)urpose and a force of language that seldom failed of success. In an 
enterprise where theory and sentiment w^ere fully represented, and busi- 
ness capacity, and what is called "practical sense," were comparatively rare, 
his talents were most usefully employed ; while, in periods of excitement — 
and when were such'wanting ? his caution, sound judgment, and mental 
balance were qualities hardly less needed or less important. 



WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D. 

Among the Abolitionists of Pennsylvania no man stands higher than 
Dr. Furness; and no anti-slavery minister enjoys more universal respect. 
For more than thirty years he bore faithful witness for the black man ; in 
season and out of season contending for his rights. AVhen others deserted the 
cause he stood firm ; when associates in the ministry were silent he spoke out. 
They defined their position by declaring themselves "as much opposed to 
slavery as ever, but without sympathy for iho. abolitionists." He defined his 
by showing himself more opposed to slavery than ever, and fraternizing 
with the most hated and despised anti-slavery people. 

Dr. Furness came into the cause when it was in its infancy, and had few 
adherents. From that time till the day of its triumph he was one with it, 
sharing in all its trials and vicissitudes. In the operations of the Vigilance 
Committee he took the liveliest interest. Though not in form a member he 
was one of its chief co-laborers. He brought it material aid continually, 
and was one of its main reliances for outside support. His quick sympa- 
thies were easily touched and wlien touched were sure to prompt him to 
corresponding action. He would listen with moistened eyes to a tiile of 
outrage, and go away saying never a word. But the story of wrong would 
work ujion him ; and through him upon others. His own feelings were 
communicated to his friends, and his friends would send gifts to the 
Committee's treasury. A wider spread sympathy would manifest itself 
in the community, and the general interests of the cause be visibly pro- 
moted. It was in the latter respect, that of moral co-operation, that Dr. 



CGO THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Furness's services were most valuable. After hearing a harrowing recital, 
whether he would or not, it became the burden of his next Sunday's 
sermon. Abundant proof of this may be found in his printed discourses. 
Take the following as an illustration. It is an extract from a sermon de- 
livered on the 29th of May, 1854, a period when the slave oligarchy was 
at the height of its power and was supported at tlie North by the most 
violent demonstrations of sympathy. The text was, " Feed my Lambs : " 

" And now brothers, sisters, children, give me your hearts, listen with a 
will to what I have to say. As heaven is my witness, I would not utter one 
■word save for the dear love of Christ and of God, and the salvation of your 
own souls. Does it require any violent effort of the mind to suppose Christ 
to address each one of us personally the same question that He put to Peter, 
' Lovest thou me ?' * * * And at the hearing of His brief command, 
' Feed my lambs,' so simple, so direct, so unqualified, are we prompted 
like the teacher of the law who, when Christ bade him love his neighbor as 
himself, asked, 'And who is my neighbor?' and in the parable of the good 
Samaritan, received an answer that the Samaritans whom he despised, just 
as we des])ise the African, was his neighbor, are we prompted in like manner 
to ask, ' Who are the lambs of Christ ?' Who are His lambs ? Behold that 
great multitude, more than three millions of men and feeble women and 
children, wandering on our soil ; no not wandering, but chained down, not 
allowed to stir a step at their own free will, crushed and hunted with all the 
1)0 wer of one of the mightiest nations that the world has yet seen, wielded 
to keep them down in the depths of the deepest degradation into which 
human beings can be plunged. These, then that we despise, are our neigh- 
bors, the poor, stricken lambs of Christ. 

To cast one thought towards them, may well cause us to bow down our 
heads in the very dust with shame. No wonder that professing to love 
Christ and his religion, we do not like to hear them spoken of; for so far 
from feeding the lambs of Christ, we are exciting the whole associated power 
of this land, to keep them from being fed. * Feed my lambs.' We might 
feed them Avith fraternal sympathy, with hope, with freedom, the imperisha- 
ble bread of Heaven. We might lead them into green pastures and still 
Avaters, into the glorious liberty wherewith Christ died to make all men free, 
the liberty of the children of God. W^e might secure to them the exercise 
of every sacred affection and faculty, wherewith the Creator has endowed 
them. But we do none of those things. W^e suffer this great flock of the 
Lord Jesus to be treated as chattels, bought and sold, like beasts of burden, 
hunted and lacerated by dogs and wolves. I say we, we of these Free 
Northern communities, because it is by our allowance, signified as effectually 
by silence, as by active co-operation, that such things are. They could 
continue so, scarcely an hour, were not the whole moral, religious and 
physical power of the North pledged to their support. Are we not m 



I WILLIAM H. FUBNESS, D.D. 661 

closest league and imiou with those who claim and use the right to buy and 
sell human beings, God's poor, the lambs of Christ, a union, which we 
imagine brings us in as much silver and gold as compensates for the sacri- 
fice of our humanity and manhood ? Nay, are we not under a law to do 
the base work of bloodhounds, hunting the })anting fugitives for freedom ? I 
utter no word of denunciation. Tliere is no need. For facts that have 
occurred only within the last week, transcend all denunciation. Only a few 
hours ago, there was a man with his two sons, hurried back into the 
inhuman bondage, from which they had just escai>ed, and that man, the 
brotiier, and those two sons, the nephews of a colored clergyman of New 
York, of such eminence in the New School Presbyterian Church, that he 
has received the honors of a European University, and has acted as Mode- 
rator in one of the Presbyteries of the same Church, when held in the city 
where he resides. Almost at the very moment tlie poor fugitive with his 
children, were dragged through our city, the General Assembly of that very 
branch of the Presbyterian Church, now in session here, after discussing for 
days the validity of Roman Catholic baptism, threw out as inexpedient to 
be discussed, tiie subject of that great wrong which was flinging back into 
the agony of Slavery, a brother of one of their own ordained ministers, and 
could not so much as breathe a word of condemnation against the false and 
cruel deed which has just been consummated at the capitol of the nation. 

When such facts are occurring in the midst of us, we cannot be guiltless 
concerning the lambs of Christ. It is we, we who make up the public 
opinion of the North, we who consent that these free States shall be the 
hunting-ground, where these, our poor brothers and sisters, are the game; 
it is we that withhold from them the bread of life, the inalienable rights of 
man. As we withhold these blessings, so is it in our power to bestow them. 
The sheep then that Christ commands us, as we love Him, to feed, are those 
who are famishing for the lack of the food which it is in our power to 
supply. And we can help to feed and relieve and liberate them, by giving 
our hearty sympathy to the blessed cause of their emancipation, to the aboli- 
tion of the crying injustice with which they are treated, by uttering our 
earnest protest against the increasing and flagrant outrages of the oppressor, 
by withholding all aid and countenance from the work of oppression." 

To say that Dr. Furness, in his pleadings for the slave, was " instant in 
season and out of season," is not to exaggerate. So palpably was tliis true, 
that even some of his sympathizing friends intimated to him, that his zeal 
carried him beyond proper bounds, and that his discourses were needlessly 
reiterative. To these friends, — who, it is needless to say, did not fully com- 
prehend the breadth and bearing of the question, — he would reply as he did 
in the following extract from a sermon delivered soon after the one above 
quoted : 

"Again and again, I have had it said to me, with apparently the most 



662 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

perfect simplicity, 'Why do you keep saying so much about the slaves? Do 
you imagine that there is one among your hearers who does not agree with 
you? AYe all know that Slavery is veiy wrong. What is the use of harp- 
ing upon this siil)jeet Sunday after Sunday? We all feel about it just as 
you do.' 'Feel about it just as I do.' Very likely, my friends. It is very 
possible that you all feel as much, and that many of you feel about it more 
than I do. God knows that my regret always has been not that I feel so 
much, but that I do not feel more. Would to Heaven that neither you nor 
I could eat or sleep for pity, pity for our poor down-trodden brothers and 
sisters. But the thing to which I implore your attention now, is, not what 
we know and feel, but the delusion which we are nndcr, in confounding 
hio%oing with doinr/, in fancying that we are working to aboli.sh Slavery 
because we know that it is wrong. This is what I would have you now to 
consider, the deception that we practise on ourselves, the dangerous error 
into which we fall, when we pass off the knowledge of our duty for the per- 
formance of it. These are two very distinct things. If you know what is 
right, happy are ye if ye do it. 

Observe, my friends, what it is to which I am now entreating your con- 
sideration. It is not the wrongs nor the rights of the oppressed upon which 
I am now discoursing. It is our own personal exposure to a most serious 
mistake. It is a danger, which threatens our own souls, to which I would 
that our eyes should be open and on the watch. 

And here, by the way, let me say that one great reason why I refer as 
often as I do, to that great topic of the day, which, in one shape or another, 
is continually shaking the land and marking the age in which we live, is not 
merely the righting of the wronged, but the instruction, the moral enlight- 
enment, the religious edification of our own hearts, which this momentous 
topic affords. To me this subject involves infinitely more than a mere ques- 
tion of humanity. Its political bearing is the very least and most superficial 
part of it, scarcely worth noticing in comparison with its moral and religious 
relations. Once, deterred by its outside, political aspect, I shunned it as 
many do still, but the more it has pressed itself on my attention, the more I 
have considered it — the more and more manifest has it become to me, that 
it is a subject full of light and of guidance, of warning and inspiration for 
the individual soul. It is the most powerful means of grace and salvation 
appointed in the providence of Heaven, for the present day and genenition, 
more religious than churches and Sabbaths. It is full of sermons. It is a 
perfect gospel, a whole Bible of mind-enlightening, heart-cleansing, soul- 
saving truth. How much light has it thrown for me on the page of the 
New Testament! What a profound significance has it disclosefl in the pre- 
cepts and parables of Jesus Christ ! How do His words burst out with a 
new meaning ! How does it help us to appreciate His trials and the God- 
like spirit with which He bore them !" 



WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D. 6G3 

I The dark winter of 18G0 broke gloomily over all abolitionists; perhaps 
upon none did it press more heavily, than upon the small band in Philadel- 
phia. Situated as that city is, upon the very edge of Slavery, and socially 
bound as it was, by ties of blood or affinity with the slave-holders of the 
South, to all human foresight it would assuredly be the first theatre of 
bloodshed in the coming deadly struggle. As Dr. Furness said in his 
sermon on old Jolin Brown: "Out of the grim cloud that hangs over the 
South, a bolt lias darted, and blood has flowed, and the place where the 
lightning struck, is wild with fear." The return stroke we all felt nmst 
soon follow, and Philadelphia, we feared, would be selected as the spot 
where Slavery would make its first mortal onslaught, and the abolitionists 
there, the first victims. Dr. Furness had taken part in the public meeting 
held on the day of John Brown's execution, to offer prayers for the heroic 
soul that was then passing away, and had gone with two or three others, to 
the rail-road station, to receive the martyr's body, when it was brought from 
the gallows by Mr. (afterwards General) Tyndale and Mr. McKim, and it 
was generally feared that he and his church would receive the brunt of 
Slavery's first blow. The air was thick with vague a{)prehension and rumor, 
so much so, that some of Dr. Furness's devoted parishioners, who followed 
his abolitionism but not his non-resistance, came armed to church, uncertain 
what an hour might bring forth, or in what shape of mob violence or assas- 
sination the blow would fall. Few of Dr. Furness's hearers will forget his 
sermon of December 16, 1860, so full was it of prophetic warning, and 
satMencd by the thought of the fite which might be in store for him and 
his congregation. It was printed in the " Evening Bulletin," and made a 
deep impression on the public outside of his own church, and was reprinted 
in full, in the Boston " Atlas." 

" But the trouble cannot be escaped. It must come. But we can put it 
off. By annihilating free speech ; by forbidding the utterance of a word iu 
the pulpit and by the press, for the rights of man ; by hurling back into the 
jaws of oppression, the fugitive gasping for his sacred liberty ; by recog- 
nizing the right of one man to buy and sell other men ; by spreading the 
blasting curse of despotism over the whole soil of the nation, you may allay 
the brutal frenzy of a handful of southern slave-masters; you may win back 
the cotton States to cease from threatening you with secession, and to plant 
their feet upon your necks, and so evade the trouble that now menaces us. 
Then you may live on the few years that are left you, and perhaps — it is not 
certain — we may be permitted to make a little more money and die in our 
beds. But no, friends, I am mistaken. We cannot put the trouble off. 
Or, we put it off in its present shape, only that it may take another and 
more terrible form. If, to get rid of the present alarm, we concede all that 
makes it worth while to live — and nothing less will avail — perhaps those 
who can deliberately make such a concession, will not feel the degradation, 



664 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

but, stripped of all honor and manhood, they may eat as heartily and sleep 
as soundly as ever. But the degradation is not the less, but the greater, for 
our unconsciousness of it. The trouble which we shall then bring upon our- 
selves, is a trouble in comparison with which the loss of all things but honor 
is a glorious gain, and a violent death for right's sake on the scaffold, or by 
the hands of a mob, peace and joy and victory. 

Since we are thus placed, and there is no alternative for us of the free 
States, but to meet the trouble that is upon us, or by base concessions and 
compromises to bring upon ourselves a far greater trouble, in the name of 
• God, let us let all things go, and cleave to the right. Prepared to confront 
the crisis like men, let us with all jiossible calmness endeavor to take the 
measure of the calamity that we dread. God knows I have no desire to 
make light of it. But I affirm, that never since the world began, was there 
a grander cause for which to sjx'ak, to suffer and to die, than the cause of 
these free States, as against that of the States now rushing upon Secession. 
The great grievance of which they complain, is nothing more nor less than 
this: that we endanger the right they claim to treat human beings as beasts 
of burden. And they maintain this monstrous claim by measures inhu- 
man and barbarous, listening not to the voice of reason or humanity, but 
treating every man who goes amongst them, suspected of not favoring their 
cause, or of the remotest connection with others who do not favor it, with a 
most savage and fiendish cruelty. It is the conflict between barbarism and 
civilization, between liberty and the most horrible despotism that ever cursed 
this earth, in which we are called to take part. 

And all that is great and noble in the past, all the patriots and martyrs 
that have suffered in man's behalf, all the sacred instincts and hopes of the 
human soul are on our side, and the welfare of untold generations of men. 
Oh, if God, in his infinite bounty, grants us the grace to appreciate the tran- 
scendent worth of the cause which is now at stake, there is no trouble that 
can befall us, no, not the loss of property, of idolized parents or children, or 
life itself, that we shall not count a blessed privilege. To serve this dear 
cause of peace and liberty and love, we have no need to grasp the sword or 
any instrument of violence and death. But we must bo ready without 
flinching, to confront the utmost that men can do, and amidst all the uproar 
and violence of human passions, still calmly to assert and to exercise our 
sacred and inalienable liberties, let who will frown and forbid, assured that 
no just and law-of God-abiding jxiople, will ever do otherwise than give us 
their sympathy and their aid. 

Deatii is the worst that can befall us, if so be that we are faithful to the 
right. It is a solemn and a fearful thing to die, and mortidity shrinks from 
facing that last great mystery. But wo must all die, my friends, and the 
dying hour is not far distant from the youngest of us. To most of us it is 
very near. To many, only a few brief years remain. And for the sake of 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 665 

these few cand uncertain years, shall we push off this irresent trouble upon 
our children, who have to stay here aJittlc longer? There is nothing that 
can so sweeten the bitter cup of mortality when we shall be called to drink 
it, nothing that can so cheer us in the prospect of parting from all we love, 
nothing that can send such a blessed light on before us into the dark valley 
which we must enter, as the consciousness of fidelity to man and to God. 
And now in these times of great trouble which have come upon us, we have 
a peculiar and special opportunity of testifying our fidelity, and of enjoying 
a full experience of its power to support us. We may gather from this 
trouble, a sweetness that shall take away from all suffering its bitterness. 
We may kindle that light in our bosoms, which shall make death come to 
us as a radiant angel." 

Four months after the above M^as uttered, on the 28th of April, 18G1, 
after the attack on Fort Sumter, and the whole North had burst into a 
flame, people of all denominations flocked to Dr. Furncss's church, as to 
that church which had shown that it was founded on a rock, and none can 
ever forget the long-drawn breath with whicii the sermon began : " The 
long agony is over !" It was the '' Te Deum" of a life-time. 

Dr. Furncss's words and counsels were not wanting throughout the war, 
and his sermons were constantly printed in the daily jn-ess and in separate 
pamphlet form. And since its close he has continued his absorbing study 
of the historical accounts of Jesus. 

Dr. Furness was born in Boston, in April, 1802, and was graduated at 
Harvard, in 1820, and five years later became the minister of the First 
Congregational Unitarian Christians, in this city, and is consequently the 
senior clergyman, here, on the score of length of pastorate. 

Happy is the man, and enviable the gospel minister, who, looking back 
upon his course in the great anti-slavery contest, can recall as the chief 
charge brought against him, that of being over-zealous! That he spoke 
too often and said too nuich in favor of the slave ! There are but few 
men, and still fewer ministers, who have a right to take comfort from such 
recollections ! and yet it is to this small class that the cause is most indebted 
under God, for its triumph, and the country for its deliverance from Slavery. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 

The character and career of the leader of the movement for immediate 
emancipation in this country, are too well known to be dwelt on here; nor, 
in the space at our command, is it possible to give in full those facts of his 
life which have already appeared in print. His earliest biographer was 
Mary Howitt; and another even more famous authoress, Mrs. H. B. Stowe, 
in "Men of Our Times," has stood in the same relation to him, while his 



GGQ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

life-long friend, OHvcr Johnson, has writen the best concise account of him 
in "Appleton's New Amerieau Cyclopaedia." 

Mr. Garrison (the Cyclopaedia is, on this point, in error) was born Decem- 
ber 12, 1804, in Newburyport, Mass., his father, Abijah Garrison, being a 
ship-captain, trading with the AVest Indies, and his mother, Fanny Lloyd, a 
woman of remarkable beauty, as well as piety and force of character. 
Intemperate habits led the husband and father from home to a solitary and 
obscure end, leaving his family entirely dependent. William (or as he was 
alwa^'s called, Lloyd), was the youngest but one of five children, and had 
not done with his schooling before he began to contribute to his own sup- 
port; at first in Lynn, Avhere he was set at shoemaking, at the age of eleven; 
afterwards in Newbury[)ort, and finally, in 1818, at Haverhill, where he 
was apprenticed to a cabinet maker. Not finding these trades suited to his 
taste, the same year he was indentured to Ephraim W. Allen, editor of the 
" Ncwhuryport Ilej-ald,'" and in the printing-ofSce he completed his educa- 
tion, so far as he was to have any, with such early succeae, as soon to be an 
acceptable contributor to his employer's paper, while the authorship of his 
articles was still his own secret. As soon as his apprenticeship came to a close, 
in 1826, he became proprietor of the "Free Press," in his native city, but the 
paper failed of support. Seeking work as a journeyman, in Boston, he was 
engaged in 1827 to edit, in the interest of "total abstinence," the "National 
PJiUanthropist," the first paper of its kind ever published. On a change of 
proprietors in 1828, he was induced to join a friend in Bennington, Vt., in 
publishing the "Journal of the Times," which advocated the election of John 
Quincy Adams for president, besides being devoted to peace, temperance, anti- 
slavery and other reforms. In this town, Mr. Garrison began his agitation 
of the subject of Slavery, " in consequence of which there was transmitted 
to Congress an anti-slavery memorial, more numerously signed than any 
similar paper previously submitted to that body." It was in Bennington, 
too, that he received from Benjamin Lundy, who had met him the jn-evious 
year at his boarding-house in Boston, an invitation to go to Baltimore, and 
aid him in editing the " Genius of Universal Einanoipation." 

Baltimore was no strange city to Mr. Garrison. Thither he had accom- 
panied his mother, in 1815, serving as a chore-boy, and he had visited her 
just before her death, in 1823. He took leave of Boston in the fall of 1829, 
after having acted as the orator of the day, July 4tii, in Park Street church, 
and surprised his hearers by the boldness of his utterances on the subject of 
Slavery. The causes of his imprisonment at Baltimore scarcely need to Ije 
repeated. For an alleged " gross and malicious libel " on a townsman 
(of Newburyport) whose ship was engaged in the coastwise slave-trade, 
and whom he accordingly denounced in the " Genius," he was tried and 
convicted, and sentenced to pay a fine of $50 and costs. The cell in which 
he was confined for forty-nine days, and from which he was liberated only 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 667 

by the spontaneous liberality of Arthur Tappan, a perfect stranger to hini, 
he had the satisfaction of rcseeking, after the close of the war, in company 
with Judge Bond, bnt the prison had been removed. 

Compelled to part company with Lundy, to whom he has ever owned his 
moral indebtedness, Mr. Garrison at length started in Boston, in January 
1831, his " ii6<3/'a^or," with little else besides his "dauntless spirit and a 
press." The difficulties which beset the birth of this paper were never 
entirely overcome, and its publication was attended, through all the thirty- 
five years of its existence, with constant struggle and privation, and with 
personal labor, at the printer's case, and over the forms, which only an iron 
constitution could have endured. The " Liberator " was the organ of the 
editor alone, and he gave room in it to the numerous reforms which were, in 
his mind, only subordinate to abolition. In 1865 the last volume was 
issued, Mr. Garrison having already, in May, withdrawn from the 
American Anti-slavery Society, which he had helped to found, in lS.'3o, 
and of which, as he drew up the Declaration of Sentiments, he may be sup- 
posed to have known something of the original aims and proper duration. 

In September, 1834, Mr. Garrison was married to Helen Eliza, daughter 
of the venerable philanthropist, George Benson, of Providence, R. I., who 
had, even in the previous century, been an active member of a combined 
anti -slavery and freedmen's aid society in that city. In October, 1835, 
occurred the Boston riot, led by "gentlemen of property and standing," in 
which Mr. Garrison's life was imperilled, and which made him once more 
familiar with the interior of a jail — this time, a place of refuge. In 1832, 
he went to England, as an agent of the New England Anti-slavery Society, 
to awaken English sympathy for the anti-slavery movement, and to unde- 
ceive Clarkson and Wilberforce and their distinguished associates as to the 
nature and object of the Colonization Society, as to which he had already 
had occasion to undeceive himself. His mission was eminently successful in 
both its aspects, and resulted in the subsequent visits of George Ti)ompsou 
to this country, between whom and himself a strong personal attachment 
had arisen and has ever since continued. A second visit to England he 
made as a delegate to the World's Anti-slavery Convention, in which he 
refused to sit after his female colleagues had been rejected. A third visit, 
still in behalf of the cause, took place in 1846. Twenty years later — the 
war over and Slavery abolished — he again went abroad, to repair his health 
and renew old friendships, and for the first time passed over to the Conti- 
nent. In England, he Avas greeted with cordial appreciation and hospitality 
by all classes. Numerous public receptions of a most flattering character 
were given to him, but without the effect of causing him to magnify his own 
merits or to forget the honor due to his associates in the anti-slavery struggle. 
At the London Breakfast, where John Bright presided, and John Stuart 
Mill, the Duke of Argyll, and others spoke, he said, when called upon 



(568 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

to reply : " I disclaim, with all the sincerity of my soul, any special praise 
for anything I have clone. I have simply tried to maintain the integrity of 
my soul before God, and to do my duty." In Edinburgh, the " freedom of 
the city " was conferred upon him with impressive ceremonies — he being the 
third American ever thus honored. In Paris he was also received with 
distinction, his special mission to that city being to attend the International 
Anti-slavery Convention, in the capacity of a delegate from the American 
Freed man's Union Commission, of which he was first vice-president. 

The justice of the war on the })art of the North, and its effect on the fate 
of Slavery at the South, were never subjects of doubt in the mind of Mr. 
Garrison, and he quickly recognized the force of events which had taken 
from the abolitionists the helm of direction, and reunited them with their 
countrvmen in the irresistible flood which no man's hand guided, and no 
man's hand could stay. An agitator from conviction and not from choice, 
he was only too glad to lay down the heavy burden of a life-time, and retire 
to well-earned repose, after such a vision of faint hope realized as certainly 
no other reformer was ever blessed with. He had lived to see the disunion 
which he advocated on sacred principles, attempted by the South in the 
name of the sura of all villanies ; the uprising of the North ; the grand 
career of Lincoln ; the proclamation of emancipation ; the arming of \hQ 
blacks — his own son among their officers ; the end of the rebellion ; and the 
consummation of his prayers and labors for the salvation of his country. 
He had taken part in the ceremonies at the recovery of Sumter, had walked 
the streets of Charleston, and received floral tokens of the gratitude of the 
emancipated. To him it seemed as if his work was done, and that he 
might, without suspicion or accusation, cease to be conspicuous, or to occupy 
the public attention in any way relating to the past and recalling his part 
in the anti-slavery struggle. Notoriety, no longer a necessity, was eagerly 
avoided; and the physical rest which was now enjoined upon him the libe- 
rality of his friends having enabled him to secure, he settled down into tlie 
quiet life of a private citizen, whoso great duty had become to him merely 
one of the duties which every man owes his country and his race. His 
sweet temper, his modesty, his unfailing cheerfulness, his rarely mistaken 
judgment of men and measures; his blameless and happy domestic lite, and 
his hospitality ; his warm sympathy with all forms of human sulfering — 
these and other qualities which cannot be enumerated here, will doubtless 
receive the just judgment of posterity. 

As a fitting adjunct to the foregoing sketch, extracts from some of the 
speeches made at the I^ondon brcnkl'ast so magnanimously extended to INIr. 
Garrison in 1807, are here introduced. As presiding officer on the occasion, 
John Bright, M. P. spoke as follows : 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. (5(39 



SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT, M. P. 

The position in which I am placed this morning is one very unusual for 
me, and one that I find somewhat difficult: but I consider it a signal distinc- 
tion to be })ermitted to take a prominent [>art in the proceedings of this day, 
which are intended to commemorate one of the greatest of the great triumplis 
of freedom, and to do honor to a most eminent instrument in the achiev^e- 
ment of that freedom. (Fl-ar, hoar.) There may bo, perhaps, those who 
ask what is this triumph of which I speak ? To put it briefly, and, indeed, 
, only to put one part of it, I may say that it is a triumph which has had the 
; effect of raising 4,000,000 of human beings from the very lowest depths of 
social and political degradation to that lofty height which men have attained 
when they possess equality of rights in the first country on the globe. 
(Cheers.) More than this, it is a triumph which has pronounced the irre- 
versible doom of slavery in all countries and for all time. (Renewed cheers.) 
Another question suggests itself — how has this great matter been accom- 
plished? The answer suggests itself in another question. How is it that 
any great matter is accomplished? By love of justice, by constant devotion 
to a great cause, and by an unfaltering faith that that which is right will in 
the end succeed. (Hear, hear.) 

Wlien I look at this hall, filled with such an assembly ; when I partake 
of the sympathy which runs from heart to heart at this moment in welcome 
to our guest of to-day, I cannot but contrast his present position Avith that 
which, not so far back but that many of us can remember, he occupied in 
his own country. It is not forty years ago, I believe about the year 1829, 
when the guest whom we honor this morning was spending his solitary days 
in a prison in the slave-owning city of Baltimore. I will not say that he 
was languishing in prison, for that I do not believe; he was sustained by a 
hope that did not yield to the persecution of those who thus maltreated him; 
and to show that the effect of that imprisonment was of no avail to suppress 
or extinguish his ardor, within two years after that he had the courage, the 
audacity — T dare say many of his countrymen used even a stronger phrase 
than that — he had the courage to commence the publication, in the city of 
Boston, of a newspaper devoted mainly to the question of the abolition of 
slavery. The first number of that paper, issued on the 1st January, 1831, 
contained an address to the public, one passage of which I have often read 
with the greatest interest, and it is a key to the future life of Mr. Garrison. 
He had been complained of for having used hard language, which is a very 
common complaint indeed, and he said in his first number : " I am aware 
that many object to the severity of my language, but is there not cause for 
such severity ? I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as 
justice. I am in earnest, I will not equivocate, I will not excuse, I will not 



(570 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

retract a single inch, and I will be heard." (Cheers.) And that, after all, 
expresses to a great extent the future course of his life. 

But what was at that time the temper of the people amongst whom he 
lived, of the people who are glorying now, as they well may glory, in the 
abolition of slavery throughout their country ? At that time it was very 
little better in the North than it was in the South. I think it was in the 
year 1835 that riots of the most serious character took place in some of the 
northern cities ; during that time Mr. Grarrison's life was in the most immi- 
nent peril ; and he has never ascertained to this day how it was that 
he was left alive on the earth to carry on his great work. Turning to 
the South, a State that has lately suffered from the ravages of armies, the 
State of Georgia, by its legislature of House, Senate, and Governor, if my 
memory does not deceive me, passed a bill, offering ten thousand dollars 
reward, (Mr. Garrison here said five thousand) well, they seemed to think 
there were people who would do it cheap, (laughter) offered five thousand 
dollars, and zeal, doubtless, would make up the difference, for the capture of 
Mr. Garrison, or for adequate proof of his death. Now, these were menaces 
and perils such as we have not in our time been accustomed to in this 
country in any of our political movements, (hear, hear) and we shall take a 
very poor measure indeed of the conduct of the leaders of the emancipation 
party in the United States if we estimate them by any of those who have 
been concerned in political movements amongst us. But, notwithstanding 
all drawbacks, the cause was gathering strength, and Mr. Garrison found 
himself by and by surrounded by a small but increasing band of men and 
women who were devoted to this cause, as he himself was. We have in this 
country a very noble woman, who taught the English people much upon 
this question, about tliirty years ago; I allude to Harriet Martincau. 
(Cheers.) I recollect well the impression with which I read a most power- 
ful and touching paper which she had written, and which was published in 
the number of the Westmimter Review for December, 1838. It was entitled 
" The Martyr Age of the United States.'' The paper introduced to the 
English public the great names which were appearing on the scene in con- 
nection with this cause in America. There was, of course I need not men- 
tion, our eminent guest of to-day; there was Arthur Tappan, and Lewis 
Tappan, and James G. Birney of Alabama, a planter and slave-owner, who 
liberated his slaves and came north, and became, as I think, the first ]^rcsi- 
dential candidate upon abolition principles in the United States. (Hear, 
hear.) There were besides them. Dr. Channing, John Quincy Adams, a 
statesman and President of the United States, and father of the eminent man 
who is now Minister from that people amongst us. (Cheers.) Then there 
was Wendell Phillips, admitted to be by all who know him perhaps the 
most powerful orator who speaks the English language. (Hear, hear.) 
I might refer to others, to Charles Sumner, the well-known statesman, and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. C71 

Horace Greeley, I think the first of journalists in the United States, if not 
the first of journalists in the world. (Hear, hear.) But besides these, there 
were of noble women not a few. There was Lydia Maria ('hikl ; there were 
the two sisters, Sarah and Angelina Grimke, ladies who came from South 
.Carolina, who liberated their slaves, and devoted all they had to the service 
'of this just cause ; and Maria Weston Chapman, of whom Miss Martineau 
speaks in terms which, tliough I do not exactly recollect them, yet I know 
described her as noble-minded, beautiful and good. It maybe that tiicre 
are some of her family who are now within the sound of my voice. If it be 
so, all I have to say is, that I hope they will feel, in addition to all they 
have felt heretofore as to the character of their mother, that we who are here 
can appreciate her services, and the services of all who were united with her 
as co-operators in this great and worthy cause. But there was another whose 
name must not be forgotten, a man whose name must live for ever in his- 
tory, Elijah P. Lovejoy, who in the free State of Illinois laid down his life 
for the cause. (Hear, hear.) When I read that article by Harriet ]Mar- 
tineau, and the description of those men and women there given, I was led, 
I know not how, to think of a very striking passage which I am sure must 
be familiar to most here, because it is to be found in the Epistle to the He- 
brews. After the writer of that epistle has described the great men and 
fiithcrs of the nation, he says: "Time would fail me to tell of Gideon, of 
Barak, of Samson, of Jeplitha, of David, of Samuel, and the Prophets, who 
through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, 
stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge 
of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, 
turned to flight the armies of the aliens." I ask if this grand passage of the 
inspired writer may not be applied to that heroic band Avho have nia;le 
.America the perpetual home of freedom? (Enthusiastic cheering.) 
I Thus, in spite of all that persecution could do, opinion grew in the Nortii 
'in favor of freedom; but in the South, alas! in i'avor of that most devilish 
delusion that slavery was a Divine institution. Tl«e moment that idea toolc 
■possession of the South war was inevitable. Neither fact nor argument, nor 
counsel, nor philosophy, nor religion, could by any possibility aifcct the dis- 
cussion of the question when once the Church leaders of the South had 
taught their people that slavery was a Divine institution ; for then they 
'took their stand on other and different, and what they in their blir.dness 
thought higher grounds, and they said, "Evil ! be thou my good ;" and so 
they exchanged light for darkness, and fi-eedom for bondage, and good for 
evil, and, if you like, heaven for hell. * * * * 

There was a universal feeling in the North that every care should be 
taken of those who had so recently and marvellously been enfranchised. 
Immediately we found that the privileges of indepen<lent labor were open 
-0 them, schools were established in which their sons miglit obtain an cdu- 



672 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

caiion that would raise tliem to an intellectual position never reached by 
tlicir fathers ; and at length full political rights were conferred upon those 
who a few short years, or rather months, before, had been called chattels, 
and things to be bought and sold in any market. (Hear, hear.) And we 
may feel assured, that those persons in the Northern States who befriended 
the negro in his bondage will not now fail to assist his struggles for a higher 
position. ******* 

To Mr, Garrison more than any other man this is due; his is the creation 
of that opinion which has made slavery hateful, and which has made free- 
dom possible in America. (Hear, hear.) His name is venerated in his own 
country, venerated where not long ago it was a name of obloquy and re- 
proach. His name is venerated in this country and in Europe wheresoever 
Christianity softens the hearts and lessens the sorrows of men; and I venture 
to say that in time to come, near or remote I know not, his name will be- 
come the herald and the synonym of good to millions of men who will dwell 
on the now almost unknown continent of Africa. (Loud cheers.) * * * 

To Mr. Garrison, as is stated in one of the letters which has just been 
read, to William Lloyd Garrison it has been given, in a manner not often 
permitted to those Nvho do great things of this kind, to see the ripe fruit of 
his vast labors. Over a territory large enough to make many realms, he 
has seen hopeless toil supplanted by compensated industry ; and where the 
bondman dragged his chain, there freedom is established for ever. (Loud 
cheers.) We now welcome him amongst us as a friend whom some of us 
have known long ; for I have watched his career with no common interest, 
even when I was too young to take much part in public affairs ; and I have 
kept within my heart his name, and the , names of those who have been 
associated with him in every step which he has taken ; and in public debate 
in the halls of peace, and even on the blood-soiled fields of war, my heart 
has always be6n with those who -were the friends of freedom. (Renewed 
cheerine:.') We welcome him then with a cordialitv which knows no stint 
and no limit for him and for his noble associates, both men and women. 

After this eloquent and able speech by the chairman, the honor of pro- 
posing an address to INIr. Garrison devolved upon the Duke of Argyll, who 
introduced the subject in the following glowing speech : 

SPEECH OF THE DTTXE OP ARGYLL. 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Genti^emen : — It is hard to follow an 
address of such extraordinary beauty, simplicity and power; but it now 
becomes my duty at your command, sir, to move an address of hearty con- 
gratulation to our distinguished guest, William Lloyd Garrison. (Cheers.) 
Sir, this country is from time to time honored by the presence of many 



F 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 673 

ristlnguished, and of a few illustrious men ; but for the most part we are 
contented to receive them with that private cordiality and hospitality with 
w'hich, I trust, we shall always receive strangers who visit our shores. 
The people of this country are not pre-eminently an emotional people ; they 
ire not naturally fond of public demonstrations ; and it is only upon rare 
)ccasions tliat we give, or can give, such a reception as that we see here 
his day. There must be something peculiar in the cause which a man has 
served, in the service which he has rendered, and in our own relations 
vith the people whom he represents, to justify oV to account for such a 
eception. (Hear, hear.) As regards the cause, it is not too much to say 
hat the cause of negro emancipation in the United States of America has 
)eeu the greatest cause which, m ancient or in modern times, has been 
)leaded at the bar of the moral judgment of mankind. (Cheers.) I know 
hat to some this will sound as the language of exaggerated feeling; but I 
an only say that I have expressed myself in language which I believe con- 
veys the literal truth. (Hear, hear.) 

I have, indeed, often heard it said iu deprecation of the amount of interest 
vhich was bestowed in this country on the cause of negro emancipation in 
America, that we are apt to forget the forms of suffering which are imme- 
liately at our own doors, over which we have some control, and to express 
xaggerated feeling as to the forms of suffering with which we have nothing 

do, and for which we are not responsible. I have never objected to that 
anguage in so far as it might tend to recall us to the duties which lie imme- 
liately around us, and in so far as it might tend to make us feel the forgetful- 
less of which we are sometimes guilty, of the misery and poverty in our own 
ountry ; but, on the other hand, I will never admit, for I think it would 
'8 confounding great moral distinctions, that the miseries which arise by 
»'ay of natural consequence out of the poverty and the vices of mankind, 
re to be compared with those miseries which are the direct result of positive 
liw and of a positive institution, giving to man property in man. (Loud 
heers.) It is true, also, that there have been forms of servitude, meaning 
hereby compulsory labor, against which we do not entertain the same feel- 
'igs of hostility and horror with which we have regarded slavery in America. 

******** 
It was a system of which it may be truly said, that it was twice cursed. 
t cursed him who served, and it cursed him that owned the slave. (Hear, 
ear.) When we recollect the insuperable temptations which that system 
eld out to maintain in a state of degradation and ignorance a whole race of 
lankind; the horrors of the internal slave-trade, more widely demoralizing, 

1 my opinion, than the foreign slave-trade itself; the violence which was 
one to the sanctities of domestic life ; the corrupting effect which it was 
iving upon the very churches of Christianity, when we recollect all these 
lings, we can fully estimate the evil from which my distinguished friend 

43 



G7t THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

and his coadjutors have at last redeemed their country. (Cheers.) It was 
not oidv the 8hive states which were concerned in the guilt of slavery; it 
had struck its roots deep in the free States of North America. * * ♦ 

We honor Mr. Garrison, in tlie first place, for the immense pluck and 
courage he displayed. (Cheers.) Sir, you have truly said that there is no 
comparison between the contests in which he had to fight and the most bit- 
ter contests of our own public life. In looking back, no doubt, to the con- 
test which was maintained in this country some thirty-five years ago against 
slavery in our colonies* we may recollect that Clarkson and Wilberforc 
were denounced as fanatics, and had to encounter much opprobrium; but it 
must not be forgotten that, so far as regards the entwining of the roots of 
slavery into the social system, in the opinions and interests of mankind, 
there was no comparison whatever between the circumstances of that contest 
here and those which attended it in America. (Hear, hear.) The number 
of persons who in this country were enlisted on the side of slavery by per- 
sonal interest was always comparatively few; whilst, in attacking slavery at 
its head-quarters in the United States, Mr. Garrison had to encounter the 
fiercest passions which could be roused. * * * * 

Thank God, Mr. Garrison appears before us as the representative of the 
United States ; freedom is now the policy of the government and the assured 
policy of the country, and we can to-day accept and welcome Mr. Garrison, 
not merely as the liberator of the slaves, but as the representative also of the 
American Government. (Cheers.) * * * * 

THE ADDRESS TO WILLIAM LLOYD OARRISOK, ESQ. 

" Sir : — We heartily welcome you to England in the name of thousands 
of Englishmen who have watched with admiring sympathy your labors for 
the redemption of the negro race from slavery, and for that which is a higher 
object than the redemption of any single race, the vindication of the uni- 
versal principles of humanity and justice; and who, having sympathized 
with you in the struggle, now rejoice with you in the victory. 

" Forty years ago, when you commenced your efforts, slavery appeare<l 
to be rapidly advancing to complete ascendency in America. Not only was 
it dominant in the Southern States, but even in the Free States it had l)Owed 
the constituencies, society, and, in too many instances, even the churches to 
its will. Commerce, linked to it by interest, lent it her support. A great 
party, compactly organized and vigorously wielded, placed in its hands the 
power of the state. It bestowed political offices and honors, and was thereby 
enabled to command the apostate homage of political ambition. Other nations 
felt the prevalence in your national councils of its insolent and domineering 
spirit. There was a moment, most critical in the history of America and oi 
the world, when it seemed as though that continent, with all its resourc(s 
and all its hopes, was about to become the heritage of the slave power. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 675 

' '• But Providence interposes to prevent the permanent triumph of evil. 
It interposes, not visibly or by the thunderbolt, but by inspiring and sus- 
taining high moral erlbrt and heroic lives. 

"You commenced your crusade against slavery in isolation, iu weakness, 
and in obscurity. The emissaries of authority with diliiculty found the 
'office of the Liberator in a mean room, where its editor was aided only by a 
[negro boy, and supported by a iQ,\i iusigniticant persons (so the officers 
'termed them) of all colors. You were denounced, persecuted, and hunted 
down by mobs of wealthy men alarmed for the interests of their class. You 
were led out by one of these mobs, and saved from their violence and the 
imminent peril of death, almost by a miracle. You were not turned I'rom 
your path of devotion to your cause, and to the highest interests of vour 
country, by denunciation, persecution, or the fear of death. You have lived 
to stand victorious and honored in the very stronghold of slavery ; to see the 
'flag of the republic, now truly free, replace the flag of slavery on Fort 
Sumter ; aud to proclaim the doctrines of the Liberator in the city, and be- 
side the grave of Calhoun. 

" Enemies of war, we most heartily wish, and doubt not that you wish as 
heartily as we do, that this deliverance could have been wrought out by 
peaceful means. But the fierce passions engendered by slavery in the slave- 
'owner, determined it otherwise; and we feel at liberty to rejoice, since the 
struggle was inevitable, that its issue has been the preservation, not the ex- 
tinction, of all that we hold most dear, AYe are, however, not more thankful 
for the victories of freedom in the field than for the moderation and mercy 
shown by the victors, which have exalted and liallowed their cause and ours 
in the eyes of all nations. 

"We shall now watch with anxious hope the development, amidst the 
difficulties which still beset the regeneration of the South, of a happier order 
of things in the States rescued from slavery, and the growth of free commu- 
nities, in which your name, with the names of 3'our fellow-workers in the same 
cause, will be held in grateful and lasting remembrance. 

"Once more we welcome you to a country iu which you will find many 
sincere admirers and warm friends." 

Earl Eussell and John Stuart Mill, M. P., at the close of the 
address, followed with most eloquent speeches, conferring on the honored 
^uest the highest praise for his life-long and successful labors in the cause 
of freedom. After these gentlemen had taken their seats, the Chairman 
proposed that the address should be passed unanimously. 

The Chairman's call was responded to by the whole assemblage lifting up 
'heir hands; and Mr. Garrison, presenting himself in front of the platform, 
was received with an enthusiastic burst of cheering, hats and handkerchicfa 
!)eing waved by nearly all present. 



676 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 



SPEECH OF ME. OAEEISON. 



^Ir. Garrison said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, — For this 
marked expression of your personal respect, and appreciation of my labors 
in tlie cause of human freedom, and of your esteem and friendship for the 
land of my nativity, I oifer you, one and all, my grateful acknowledgments. 
But I am so profoundly impressed by the formidable array of rank, genius, 
intellect, scholarship, and moral and religious worth which I see before me, 
that I fear I shall not be able to address you, except with a fluttering pulse 
and a stammering tongue. For me this is, indeed, an anomalous position. 
Assuredly, this is treatment with which I have not been familiar. For 
more than thirty years, I had to look the fierce and unrelenting hostility of 
my countrymen in the face, with few to cheer me onward. In all the South 
I was an outlaw, and could not have gone there, though an American citizen 
guiltless of wrong, and though that flag (here the speaker pointed to the 
United States ensign) had been over my head, except at the peril of my 
life ; nay, with the certainty of finding a bloody grave. (Hear, hear.) In 
all the Xorth I was looked upon with hatred and contempt. The whole 
nation, subjugated to the awful power of slavery, rose up in mobocratic 
tumult against any and every cfP:)rt to liberate the millions held in bondage 
on its soil. And yet I demanded nothing that was not perfectly just and 
reasonable, in exact accordance with the Declaration of American Indei)en- 
dence and the Golden Rule. I was not the enemy of any man living. I 
cherish no personal enmities; I know nothing of them in my heart. Even 
whilst the Southern slave-holders were seeking my destruction, I never for a 
moment entertained any other feeling toward them than an earnest desire, 
under God, to deliver them from a deadly curse and an awful sin. (Hear, 
hear.) It was neither a sectional nor a personal matter at all. It had ex- 
clusive reference to the eternal law of justice between man and man, and the 
rights of human nature itself. 

Sir, I always found in America that a shower of brickbats had a re- 
markably tonic effect, materially strengthening to the back-bone. (Laughter.) 
But, sir, the shower of compliments and applause which has greeted me on 
this occasion would assuredly cause my heart to fail me, were it not that this 
generous reception is only incidentally personal to myself. (Hear, hear.) 
You, ladies and gentlemen, are here mainly to celebrate the triumph of 
humanity over its most brutal foes ; to rejoice that universal emancipation 
has at last been proclaimed throughout the United States: and to express, 
as you have already done through the mouths of the eloquent speakers who 
have preceded me, sentiments of peace and of good-will toward the American 
Republic. Sure I am that these sentiments will be heartily reciprocated by 
my countrymen. (Cheers.) 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 677 

I must here disclaim, with all sincerity of soul, any special praise for any- 
thing that I have done. I have simply tried to maintain the integrity of 
my soul before God, and to do my duty. (Cheers.) I have refused to go 
with the multitude to do evil. I have endeavored to save my country from 
ruin. I have sought to liberate such as were held captive in the house of 
bondage. But all this I ought to have done. 

And now, rejoicing here with you at the marvellous change wliicli lias 
taken place across the Atlantic, I am unable to expre&g the satisfaction I feel 
in believing that, henceforth, my country will be a miglity power for good 
in the \Torld. W.hile she held a seventh portion of her vast population in a 
5tate of chattelisra, it was in vain that she boasted of her democratic princi- 
ples and her free institutions; ostentatiously holding her Declaration of In- 
dependence in one hand, and brutally wielding her slave-driving lash in 
ithe other. Marvellous inconsistency and unparalleled assurance. But now, 
God be praised, she is free, free to advance the cause of liberty throughout 
the worhj. (Loud cheers.) 

Sir, this is not the first time I have been in England. I have been here 
three times before on anti-slavery missions ; and wherever I traveled, I was 
always exultantly told, " Slaves cannot breathe in England !" Now, at last, 
I am at liberty to say, and I came over with the purpose to say it, " Slaves 
;eannot breathe in America!" (Cheers.) And so England and America 
stand side by side in the cause of negro emancipation ; and side by side may 
they stand in all that is just and noble and good, leading the way gloriously 
in the world's redemption. (Loud cheers.) 

I came to this country for the first time in 1833, to undeceive Wilber- 
force, Clarkson, and other eminent philanthropists, in regard to the real 
character, tendency, and object of the American Colonization Society. I am 
happy to say that I quickly succeeded in doing so. Before leaving, I had 
the pleasure of receiving a protest against that Society as an obstruction to 
the cause of freedom throughout the world, and, consequently, as undeserv- 
ing of British confidence and patronage, signed by William Wilberforce, 
Thomas Fowell Buxton, Zachary Macaulay, and other illustrious philan- 
thropists. On arriving in London I received a polite invitation by letter 
from Mr. Buxton to take breakfast with him. Presenting myself at tiie 
ippointed time, when my name was announced, instead of coming forward 
promptly to take me by the hand, he scrutinized me from head to foot, and 
':hen inquired, somewhat dubiously, " Have I the pleasure of addressing Mr. 
Sarrison, of Boston, in the United States?" "Yes, sir," I replied, " I am 
be; and I am here in accordance with your invitation." Liftihg up his 
lands he exclaimed, " Why, my dear sir, I thought you were a black man. 
A-nd I have consequently invited this company of ladies and gentlemen to 
36 present to welcome Mr. Garrison, the black advocate of emancipation 
Torn the United States of America." (Laughter.) I have often said, sir, 



f578 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

that tliat is the only coinpliineiit I have ever had paid to me that I care to 
remember or tell of. For Mr. Buxton had somehow or other supposed that 
no white American could plead for those in bondage us 1 had done, and 
therefore I must be black. (Laughter.) 

It is indeed true, sir, that I have had no other rule by which to be guided 
than this. I never cared to know precisely how many stripes were inflicte<l 
on the slaves. I never deemed it necessary to go down into the Southern 
States, if I could have gone, for the purpose of taking the exact dimensions 
of the slave system. I made it from the start, and always, my own case, 
thus: Did I want to be a slave? No. Did God make me to be a slave? 
No. But I am only a man, only one of the human race; and if not created 
to be a slave, then no other human being was made for that purpose. My 
wife and children, dearer to me than my heart's blood, were they made for 
the auction-block? Never! And so it was all very easily settled here 
(pointing to his breast). (Great cheering.) I could not help being an un- 
compromising abolitionist. 

Here allow me to pay a brief tribute to the American abolitionists. Put- 
ting myself entirely out of the question, I believe that in no land, at any 
time, was there ever a more devoted, self-sacrificing, and uncom})romising 
band of men and women. Nothing can be said to their credit which they 
do not deserve. With apostolic zeal, they counted nothing dear to them for 
the sake of the slave, and him dehumanized. But whatever has been 
achieved through them is all of God, to whom alone is the glory dne. 
Thankful are we all that -we have been permitted to live to see this day. for 
our country's sake, and for the sake of mankind. Of course, we are glad 
that our reproach is at last taken away ; for it is very desirable, if possible, 
to have the good opinions of our fellow-men ; but if, to secure these, we 
must sell our manhood and sully our souls, then their bad opinions of us 
are to be coveted instead. 

Sir, my special part in this grand struggle was in first unfurling the ban- 
ner of immediate and unconditional emancipation, and attempting to make a 
common rally under it. This I did, not in a free State, but in the city of 
Baltimore, in the slave-holding State of Maryland. It was not long before 
I was arrested, tried, condemned by a packetl jury, and incarcerated in 
prison for my anti-slavery sentiments. This was in 1830. In 1864 I went 
to Baltimore for the first time since my imprisonment. I do not think that 
I could have gone at an earlier period, exce])t at the peril of my life; and 
then only because the American Government was there in force, holding the 
rebel elements in subserviencv. T was naturally curious to see the old prison 
again, and, if possible, to cry^ into mv old coll; but when I went to the spot, 
behold ! the ]irison had vmishod ; and so I was greatly disappointed, 
(Laughter.) On goiii'x to Wash'ti^rton, I mentioned to President Tiincnln. 
the disappointment I had met with. With a smiling countenance and a 



I 



I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 679 

rciidy wit, he replied, "So, Mr. Garrison, the difference between 1830 and 
1864 appears to bo this: in 1830 you could not get out, and in 1864 vou 
could not get in !" (Great laughter.) This was not only wittily said, but it 
truthfully indicated the wonderful revolution that had taken place in Mary- 
land ; for she had adopted the very doctrine for which she imprisoned me 
and given immediate and unconditional emancipation to her eighty thousand 
slaves. (Cheers.) 

I commenced the publication of the " Liberator " in Boston, on the 1st of 
January, 1831. At that time I was very little known, without allies, 
without means, without subscribers , yet no sooner did that little sheet make 
its appearance, than the South was thrown into convulsions, as if it had 
HU'ldenly been invaded by an array with banners! Notwithstanding, the 
whole country was on the side of the slave power — the Church, the State, 
all parties, all denominations, ready to do its bidding ! O the potency of 
truth, and the inherent weakness and conscious insecurity of great wrontr ! 
Immediately a reward of five thousand dollars was offered for ray apprehen- 
sion, by the State of Georgia. When General Sherman was making his 
victorious march through that State, it occurred to nie, but too lute, that I 
ought to have accompanied him, and in person claimed the reward — (laugh- 
ter) — but I remembered, that, had I done so, I should have had to take my 
pay in Confederate currency, and therefore it would not have paid traveling 
expenses. (Renewed laughter.) Where is Southern Slavery now ? (Ciicers.) 
Henceforth, through all coming time, advocates of justice and friends of 
reform, be not discouraged ; for you will, and you must succeed, if you have 
a righteous cause. No matter at the outset how few may be disposed to rally 
round the standard you have raised — if you battle unflinchingly and with- 
out compromise — if yours be a faith that cannot be shaken, because it is 
linked to the Eternal Throne — it is only a question of time when victory 
shall come to reward your toils. Seemingly, no system of iniquity was ever 
more strongly intrenched, or more sure and absolute in its sway, than that 
of American Slavery ; yet it has perished. 

"In the earthquake God haa spoken; 
He has emittcn with His thunder 
The iron walls asunder, 
And the gates of brass are broken." 

So it has been, so it is, so it ever will be throughout the earth, in every 
conflict for the right. (Great cheering.) ****** 
Ladies and gentlemen, I began my advocacy of the Anti-slavery cause at 
the North in the midst of brickbats and rotten eggs. I ended it on the soil 
of South Carolina, almost literally buried beneath the wreaths and flowers 
which were heaped upon me by her liberal bondmen. (Cheers.) 



680 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



LEWIS TAPPAN 

Was one of the warmest friends of the slave and of the colored man. He 
was very solicitous for their welfare, and that the colored people who were 
free should be enlightened and educated. He opened a Sunday-school for 
colored adults, which was numerously attended, in West Broadway, New 
York, and with a few others, devoted the most of the Sabbath to their teach- 
ing. When he and his brother Arthur, assembled the seventy anti-slavery 
agents, who were thereafter, like " firebrands," scattered all over the land, 
they held their meetings in this room. These agents were entertained by 
abolitionists in the city, and many of us had two or three of them in each 
of our families for a couple of weeks. They went out all over the land, and 
were instrumental in diffusing more truth, perhaps, about the dreadful 
system of American Slavery, than was accomplished in any other way. He 
also aided in establishing several periodicals, brimful of anti-slavery truth ; 
among which, were the " Anti-Slavery Record" the " Emancipalor" the 
'^Slave's Friend;" the latter, to indoctrinate the children in Anti-slavery. 
The American Missionary Society, originally begun for the support of a 
mission in Africa, on the occasion of the return of the Amistad captors to 
their native land, and now doing so much for the freedraen of the South, 
was almost entirely established by his efforts. During the continuance of 
Slavery, much was done by this Society for the diffusion of an anti-slavery 
gospel. 

.The "Vigilance Committee," for aiding and befriending fugitives, of 
which I WJB treasurer for many years, had no better or warmer friend than 
he. He was almost always at their meetings, which were known only to " the 
elect," for we dared not hold them too publicly, as we almost always had 
some of the travelers toward the " north star " present, whose masters or 
their agents were frequently in the city, in hot pursuit. At first, we sent 
them to Canada, but after a while, sent them only to Syracuse, and the 
centre of the State. 

In 1834, I think, was the first rioting, the sacking of Mr. Tappan's 
house, in Rose Street. The mob brought all his furniture out, and piling it 
up in the street, set it on fire. The family were absent at the time. Soon 
after, they stoned Rev. Mr. Ludlow's, and Dr. Cox's church, and the house 
of the latter. They threatened Arthur Ta]>pan <fe Go's, store, in Pearl 
Street, but hearing that there were a few loaded muskets there, they took it 
out in threats. But their mercantile establishment was almost ostracisetl at 
this time, by the dry goods merchants ; and country merchants in all parts 
. of the country, north as well as south, did not dare to have it known that 
they bought goods of them ; and when they did so, requested particularly, 
that the bundles or boxes, should not be marked " from A. Tappan & Co., 



LEWIS TAPPAN. 681 

as was customary. Southern merchants especially, avoided them, and when, 
two or three years later, there was a general insolvency among them, occa- 
sionally large losses to New York merchants, and in some cases failure ; tlie 
Tnpjmns tvere saved by having no Southern debts ! 

Through Mr. Tappan's influence and extensive correspondence abroad, 
many remittances came for the help of the " Vigilance Committee," from 
England and Scotland, and at one time, an extensive invoice of useful and 
fancy articles, in several large boxes, was received from the Glasgow ladies, 
sufficient to furnish a large bazaar or fair, which was held in Brooklyn, for 
the benefit of the Committee. 

Although lately afflicted by disease, Mr. Tappan still lives in the enjoy- 
ment of all his faculties, and a good measure of health, and in his advanced 
years, sees now some of the great results of his life-long efforts for the 
restoration and maintenance of human rights. 

Although still suffering under many of the evils which Slavery has 
inflicted upon him, the American slave no longer exists ! Instead stands up 
in all our Southern States the freedmayi, knowing his rights, and, as a rule, 
enjoying them. Original American abolitionists, who met the scorn and 
odium, the imputed shame and obloquy, the frowns and cold-shoulders 
which they bore through all the dark days of Slavery, now see and feel 
their reward in some measure ; to be completed only, when they shall hear 
the plaudit : " Inasmuch as ye have done it to the least of these my 
brethren, ye have done it unto me." Anthony Lane. 

New York, Nov. 8, 1871. 

Mr. Lane, Mr. Tappan's personal friend who labored with him in the 
Anti-Slavery Cause, and especially in the Vigilance Committee for many 
years, from serious affection of his eyes was not prepared to furnish as full 
a sketch of his (Mr. T.'s) labors as was desirable. Mr. Tappan was, there- 
fore, requested to furnish a few reminiscences from his own store-house, 
which he kindly did as follows : 

William Still, Esq., My dear Sir : — In answer to your request, that I 
would furnish an article for your forthcoming book, giving incidents within 
ray personal knowledge, relating to the Underground Rail Iload ; I have 
already apprized you of my illness and my consequent inability to write 
such an article as would be worthy of your publication. However, feeling 
somewhat relieved to-day, from my paralysis, owing to the cheering sunsiiine 
and the favor of my Almighty Preserver, I will try to do what I can, in 
dictating a few anecdotes to my amanuensis, which may afford you and your 
.readers some gratification. 

These facts I must give without reference to date, as I will not tiix my 
memory with perhaps a vain attempt to narrate them in order. 

As mentioned in my "Life of Arthur Tappan," some abolitionists (myself 



C82 ^'^-/^^ UNDJCltaiWUND MAIL ROAD. 

anion^ i\v\ nnrnbor), doubted tlx; propriety of eiifraginf^ in sueh measures as 
were (;oiiteiiiplate(l l>y the coiiduetorH of tlie " Underground Itall Roiid," 
i'liriiig tliut they would not he justified in aiding slaves to escape from their 
jiiiLsler.s ; hut rcllc<'tion ionvineed them that it was not only right to assist 
men in eflbrts to obtain their liberty, when unjustly held in bondage, but a 

DUTY. 

Abolitionists, white and eolonsd, both in slave and free States, entered 
iuto ext(!nsiv(! eorr(!spon(len(;e, set their wits at work to devise various expe- 
dients for the relief from bondage and transmiasion to the free States and to 
Canada, of n)any of the most enterprising bondmen and bondwomen. They 
vied with eaeh other in devi.sing means for the accomplishment of this 
obje(!t. Those who had money contributed it freely, and those who were 
(h'stitute of uxiMwy, gave their time, saying with the Apostle: "Silver and 
gold have J none ; but such as I have, give I thee." 

" 1, T TOj\i)]\v.('i that one morning on reaching my office (that of the 
Ircasiin-r of the Arneri<;an Missionary Association), my assistant told me 
that in the inmtr room were eight<!en fugitives, men, women and children, 
who had arriv(.'d that morning from the South in one company. On going 
into the room, I saw them lying about on the bales and boxes of clothing 
destined lor our various missionary stations, fatigued, as they doubtless were, 
after theii- sleepless and protracted struggle for freedom. 
-' On inquiry, 1 learned that they had come from a southern city. After 
most extraordinary efforts, it seemed (hat they had wliile in Slavery, secretly 
banded together, and put themselves under the; guiilanee of an intrepid con- 
ductor, whom th(!y had hired to conduet them without the limits of the city, 
in the evening, whc;n the police; force was changed. "• They came through 
J*eniisylvauia and New Jersey to my ofli(;e. The agent of the [Tnderground 
Itail Jioad in New York, took charge of th(!in, ami forwarded thetn to 
Albany, and by dilferent agencies to Canada. 

2. I well remember that one morning as I entered the Sabbath -school,* 
one of the scholars, a Mrs. Mercy Smith, beckoncsd to mo to come to her 
clitss, and there introduced to me a young girl of aboiit fifteen, as a fugitive, 
who had arrive<l the day before. In answer to my iiupiiries, this girl told 
iiie the name of the southern city, and the names of the jiersons who liad 
held her as a slave, and the mod(; of her escajx", etc. " I was walking near 
the water," she said, " when a white sailor spoke to me, and aft(!r a few 
(piestions, offenHl to hid(> me on board his vessc^l and conduet me safely to 
New York-, if r would eomc^ to him in the evening. I did so, and was hid 
and led by him, an<l on landing at New York, he conducted me to Mrs. 
Smith's house, where I am now staying." 

• For Ihrpo ycarH I gupfriiitnnilixl u Sftl>balli-n(rh(iol moHtly composed of colored children and 
iKl-ltn. Most of til- ((^Khir.s wcin wariii-li.iirtril iil.olKioiiiHtH, iinJ the whole number taught in thu 
Doliuol durinij .his jieriul, wud «even or ciglit liiiiiiJred. 



LEWIS TAPPAN. 



Gsa 



To my inquiry, have you parents living, and also brothors and sisters, 
she replied : " There is no child but myself." " Were not your purents 
kind to you, and did you not love them?" "Yes I love them very nuidi." 

" How were you treated by your master and mistress?" "They treated 
me very well." "How then," said I, "could you put yourself in the care of 
that sailor, who was a stranger to you, and leave your parents ?" I shall 
never forget her heart- felt reply : " He told mc I should be free !" 

3. One Sunday morning, I received a letter, informing me that an officer 
belonging to Savannah, Ga., had started for New York, in j)ursuit of two 
young men, of nineteen or twenty, who had been slaves of one of the prin- 
cipal physicians of the place, and who had escaped and were supposed to be 
in New York. The letter requested me to find them and give them warn- 
ing. As there was no time to be lost, I concluded to go over to New York, 
notwithstanding the doubtfulness of attempting to find them in so large a 
city. I wrote notices to be read in the colored churches and colored Sabbath- 
schools, which I delivered in person. I then went to the colored school, 
superintended by Rev. C. B. Bay. I stated my errand to him, with a 
description of the young men. "Why," said he, "I must have one of them 
in my school." He took me to a class where I found one of the young 
men, to whom I gave the needful information. 

He told me that his father was Dr. , of Savannah, and that he 

had five children by the young man's mother, who was his slave. On his 
marriage to a white woman, he sent his live colored children and their 
mother to auction, to be sold for cash to the highest bidder. On being put 
upon the auction-block, this young man addressed the bystanders, and told 
them the circumstances of the case; that his mother had long lived in the 
family of the doctor, that it was cruel to sell her and her children, and he 
warned the people not to bid for him, for he would no longer be a slave to 
any man, and if any one bought him, ho would lose his money. He added. 
" r thought it right to say this." I then spoke to the crowd. "ISIy fither," 
said I, "has long been one of your first doctors, and do you think it right 
for him to sell my mother and his children in this way?" 

" I was sold, and my brother also, and the rest, although my brother said 
to the crowd what I had said. We soon made our escaj^e, and are now both 
in the city. I am a blacksmith, and have worked six months in one shop, 
in New York, with white journeymen, not one of whom believes, I su])pose, 
that I am a colored man." 

It was not surprising, for so fair was his complexion, that with the aid of 
a brown wig, after he had cut off his hair, he was completely disguised. 
He soon notified his brother, who lived in another part of the city, and both 
put themselves out of harm's way. They were remarkably fine young nuMi, 
and it seemed a special Providence that I should find them in such a large 



684 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

city, and direct them to escape from their pursuer, within one hour after f 
left my house in Brooklyn. I felt it to be an answer to prayer. 

4. One day, when I lived in New York City, a colored man came running 
to my house, and in a hurried manner, said : " Is this Mr. Tappan ?" On 
replying in the affirmative, he said : " I have driven my master from Balti- 
more. He has just arrived, and the servants are taking off the baggage at 
the Astor House. I inquired of a person passing by, where you lived. He 
said, 80, White Street, and I have run here, to tell you that you may give 
notice to a man who has escaped from my master, to this city, that the object 
of this journey is to find him and take him back to Slavery." 

The man hurried back, so that he need not be missed by his master, who 
believed that this coachman, who had lived years with him, was his confi- 
dential servant, and would be true to his interest. 

I went immediately to the house of a colored friend, to describe the fugi- 
tive and see if we could not concert measures to protect him. " I think," 
said he, " that I know the man, by your description, and that he boards in 
this house. He will soon come in from South Street, where he has worked 
to-day." While we were consulting together, sure enough, the man came 
in, and was most glad to have the opportunity thus aflbrded, of secreting 
himself. 

I have not strength to dictate much more, although many other instances 
occur to me of most remarkable providential occurrences, of the escape of 
fugitives within my knowledge. I used to say that I was the owner of 
half-a-horse that was -in active service, near the Susquehanna River. This 
horse I owned jointly with another friend of the slave, dedicating the animal 
to the service of the Underground Rail Road. 

It was customary for the agent at Havre de Grace, bringing a fugitive to 
the river, to kindle a fire (as it was generally in the night), to give notice to 
a person living on the opposite side of the river. This person well under- 
stood the signal, and would come across in his boat and receive the fugitive. 

5. An aged colored couple, residing in Brooklyn, came over to my office, 
in New York City, and said that they had just heard from Wilmington, 
N. C, that their two sons (about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age), 
who were slaves, were about to be sold, for one thousand dollars each ; and 
they hoped I should be able and willing to assist them in raising the money. 

I told them that I had scruples about putting money into the hands of 
slave-holders, but I would give them something that might be of as much 
value. I then pointed out a way by which their sons might reach the city. 

In about three weeks, one of the young men came to my office. Give me, 
paid I, some particulars of your cscaj)e. " I am," said he, " a builder, and 
planned and erected the hotel at Wilmington, and some other houses. I 
used to hire my time of my master, and was accustomed to ride about the 



LEWIS TAPPAN. 



685 



country attending to ray business. I borrowed a pass from a man about my 
size and complexion. I then went to the rail road office, and asked for a 
ticket for Fredericksburg. From there I came on directly to Washino-ton. 
I had not been questioned before ; but here, I was taken up and carried 
before a magistrate. He examined me by the description in my pass ; com- 
plexion, height, etc., then read ' and a sear under his left knee.' When I 
heard that, my heart sank within me ; for I had no scar there that I knew. 
'Pull up the boy's trowsers/ said the justice to the constable. He did so. 
and said ' here's a scar !' ' All right,' said the justice, ' no mistake, let him 
go.' Glad was I. I got a ticket for Baltimore, and there for another town, 
and finally reached here." 

You asked rae to give an account of the sums that I have expended for 
the Underground Rail Road, etc. I must be excused from doing this, as if 
I could now ascertain, I should not think it worth while to mention. I must 
now conclude my narrative, by giving, with some additions, an account of 
an interesting escape from Slavery, which was written by my wife, more 
than fifteen years ago, for Frederic Douglass' paper. 

[On page 177 the narrative of "The Fleeing Girl of Fifteen " is so fully 
written out, that it precludes the necessity of reproducing a large portion of 
this story.] 

In the evening a friend arrived, bringing with him a bright, handsome 
boy, whom he called Joe. Most heartily was " Joe " welcomed, and deep 
was the thrill which Ave felt, as we looked upon him and thought of the 
perils he had escaped. The next day was Thanksgiving-day, and my house 
was thronged with guests. In an upper room, with a comfortable fire, and 
the door locked, sat " Joe," still in boy's clothes, to be able to escaj^e at the 
first intimation of danger, but with a smile and look of touching gratitude, 
whenever any one of the family who was in the secret, left the festive group 
to look in upon the interesting stranger. Not one of us can ever forget 
the deep abhorrence of Slavery, and thanksgiving to Almighty God, that 
we felt that day as we moved among the guests, who were wholly 
ignorant of the occupant of that upper room. Some curiosity was indeed 
excited among the little grandchildren, who saw slices of turkey and 
plum pudding sent up stairs. It was " Joe's " first Thanksgiving dinner 
in a free State. 

As she brought nothing away with her, it was necessary, the next day, to 
procure a complete wardrobe for a girl, which was carefully packed for her 
to take with her. 

The second day after "Joe's" arrival, the Rev. Mr. Freeman, pastor of 
a colored church in Brooklyn, agreed to accompany her to her uncle Brown's 
in Canada West, and we saw them depart, knowing the danger that would 
beset both on the way. The following is part of a letter from Mr. F.. 
giving an account of their journey. After stating that they left New York, 



686 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

in the cars at five o'clock, P. M., and through the providence of God, went 
on their way safely and speedily, with none to molest or to make them 
afraid, he says : 

"On reaching Rochester, I began to ask myself 'how shall we get over 
Niagara Falls?' I was not sure that the cars ran across the Suspension 
Bridge; besides, I felt that we were in more danger here, than we had been 
at any other jjlace. Knowing that there was a large reward offered for Joe's 
ap])rehensi()n, I feared there might be some lurking spy ready to pounce 
upon us. But when we arrived at the Bridge, the conductor said: 'Sit 
still ; this car goes across.' You may judge of my joy and relief of mind, 
w^hen I looked out and mms sure that we were over ! Thank God, I 
exclaimed, we are safe in Canada ! 

Having now a few minutes before the cars would start again, I sat down 
and hastily wrote a few lines, to inform friends at home of our safe arrival. 
As soon as possible, I ran to the post-office wuth my letter, paid the postage, 
and while I was w^aiting for my change, the car bell rang. I quickly 
returned, and in a few minutes, we were on our way to Chatham (200 miles 
West). That place we reached between seven and eight o'clock, Saturday 
evening. When we got out, we met a gentleman who asked me if I wanted 
a boarding-house. I said yes ; and he invited me to go with him. I asked 
him if there was any way for us to get to Dresden that night. Pie answered, 
' No, it is a dark night, and a muddy road, and no conveyance can be got to- 
night.' I soon found that we must siay in Chatham until Monday morning. 

On our way to the boarding-house, the gentleman said to me : ' Is this 
your son with you ?' I answered, no ; and then I asked him, if he knew a 
man living in D., by the name of Bradley. He replied that he was very 
well acquainted with him, and then inquired if that young man was Mr. 
Bradley's brother. I said, no — not exactly a brother. He must have 
thought it strange that I did not give him a more definite answer to his 
question. 

When we reached the house, we found several boarders in the sitting- 
room and a few neighbors. I had already told him my name, but with 
regard to Joe, I had not yet had a chance to explain. I, of course, was 
introduced to those who were in the room, but Joe — well, Joe took a seat, 
and did not seem to be troubled about an introduction. As the landlord 
was going out of the room, I asked permission to speak with him alone. 
He took me into another room, and I said to him : ' That young man, as 
vou call him, is a young woman, and has come dreased in this manner, all 
the way from Washington City. She would be very glad no\v to be able to 
change her clothes.' 

He was greatlv surprised, and would hardly believe that it was so ; but 
said, 'I will call my wife.' She came, and I guess all the women in the 
house came with her. They soon disappeared, and Joe with them, who, 



J 



LEWIS TAPPAN. 



G87 



I 



after being absent a while, returned, and was introduced as Miss Ann Maria 
Weems. J'iie whole company were on their feet, shook hands, laughed, and 
rejoiced , declaring that this beat all they had ever seen before, (.'hathaiu 
contains, I was tohl, more than three thousand fugitives. The weather 
there, is not colder than in New York. 

The next morning was the Sabbath, but this I must pass and hasten to 
D., the residence of Mr. Bradley. "We started early Monday mornino-. As 
a part of the road was very bad, we did not reach there till a late hour. As 
we were passing along, and getting near to the place, we met two colored 
men who were talking together — one on horseback, and the other on foot. 
I inquired of them, if they could tell me how far it was to Mr. Bradley's. 
The man on horseback said it was about a mile further, and then proceeded 
to give directions. After he had done this, he said : 'I reckon I am the one 
that you want to find, my name is Bradley.' Well, I replied, probably you arc 
the man. Just then Ann Maria turned her head around. As soon as he 
saw her face, he exclaimed : 'My Lord ! Maria, is that you ? Is that you? 
My child, is it you ? We never expected to see you again ! We had given 
you up ; O, what will your aunt say ? It will kill her ! She will die ! It 
will kill her.' 

I told him, that as I was obliged to leave again soon, I must proceed. 
'Well,' said he, 'you go on; I am just going over to M., and will be back in 
a few minutes.' We started for his house, and he towards M., but we had 
only gone a short distance, when he overtook us, exclaiming: 'I can't go to 
M.,' and began talking to Ann Maria, asking her all about her friends and 
relatives, whom they had left behind, and about his old master, and his 
wife's master, from whom they had run away four years befoj'c. As we 
approached the house, he said : ' I will go and open the gate, and have a 
good fire to warm you.' When he came up to the gate, he met his Avifo, 
who was returning from a store or neighbor's house, and he said to her, 
"That's Ann Maria coming yonder.' She stopped until we came to the gate; 
the tears were rolling from her eyes, and she exclaimed : 'Ann ^laria, is it 
you ?' The girl leaped from the wagon, and they fell on each other's ncclcs, 
weeping and rejoichig. Such a scene I never before witnessed. She, who 
had been given up as lost, was now found ! She, who but a short time 
before, had been, as they supposed, a slave for life, was now free. 

We soon entered the house, and after the first gush of feeling had some- 
what subsided, they both began a general inquiry about the friends tluy had 
left behind. Every now and then, the aunt would breakout: ' My child, 
you are here ! Thank God, you are free ! We were talking about you to- 
day, and saying, we shall never see you again ; and now here you are 
with us.' I remained about an hour and a half with them, took dinner, 
and then started for home, rejoicing that I had been to a land where colored 
men are free. 



688 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

This Mr. Bradley, who ran away with himself and wife about four years 
ago from the land of whips and chains, is the owner of two farms, and is 
said to be worth three thousand dollars. Can slaves take care of them- 
selves?" 

You may well suppose that the receipt of this letter gave us great 

pleasure, and called forth heartfelt thanksgiving to Him, who had watched 

over this undertaking, and protected all concerned in it. A bright aud 

promising girl had been rescued from the untold miseries of a slave woman's 

life, and found a good home, where she would have an opportunity to 

acquire an education and be trained for a useful and happy life. Mr. 

Bradley intended to send for her parents, and hoped to prevail on them to 

come and live with him. rp i «„ t m 

iruly yours, Lewis Tappan. 



ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER, 

Whose name belongs to the history of the Underground Rail Road, owed 
his peculiarly fine nature to a mother of large physical proportions, and cor- 
respondingly liberal mental and spiritual endowments. She was a natural 
sovereign in the sphere in which she moved, and impressed her son with the 
qualities which made his Anti-slavery life nothing but an expression of the 
rules of conduct which governed him in all other particulars. Believing in 
his inmost soul in principles of rectitude, all men believed in him, his 
"yea," or " nay," passing current wherever he went. Tall, dignified, and 
commanding, he had that in his face which inspired immediate confidence. 
Said one who looked : " If that is not a good man, there is no use in the 
Lord writing His signature on human countenances." Even in early youth, 
honors which he never sought, were pressed upon him, as he gave assurance 
of ability commensurate with his worth. He was sent to the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania for five sessions, where he became the personal friend of the 
Governor, Joseph Ritner, and also of Thaddeus Stevens. At the request 
of the latter, he consented to occupy the position of Secretary to the Board 
of Canal Commissioners, and two years after, by the wishes of Mr. Ritner, 
took a seat in the Canal Board, becoming a co-worker with Thaddeus 
Stevens. Here ripened a friendship, which afterward became of national 
importance, for although a nature so positive as that of Thaddeus Stevens 
could scarcely be said to be under the influence of any other mind, still, if 
there were those who exercised a moral sway, sustaining this courageous 
rei)ublican leader, at a higher level than he might otherwise have attained, 
Elijah F. Pennypacker was surely amongst them. Almost antipodal as they 
were in certain respects, each recognized the genuine ring of the other, and 
admired and respected that which was most true and noble. The purity, 
simplicity and high-minded honor which distinguished the younger, had its 



II 



ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER. 689 

effect on the elder, even while he smiled at the inflexibility which would not 
swerve one hair's breadth from the line of right. The story is often told, 
how, when this young man's conscience stood bolt upright in the way of 
what was deemed a desirable arrangement, Stevens one day exclaimed : " It 

don't do, Pennypacker, to be so d d honest." Pennypacker stood his 

ground, and the life-long respect which Stevens ever after awarded, proved 
that he at least, thought it did do. 

When it became clear to his mind, that a great battle was to be fought 
between Liberty and Slavery in America, Mr. Pennypacker felt it to be his 
duty to turn aside from the sunny paths of political preferment, into tlie 
shadows of obscure life, and ally himself with the misrepresented, despised 
and outcast Abolitionists, ever after devoting himself assiduously to the pro- 
motion of the cause of Freedom. Notwithstanding his natural modesty, here 
as elsewhere, he took a conspicuous position. At home, iu the local Anti- 
slavery Society of his neighborhood, he was for many years chosen president, 
as he was also of the Chester county Anti-slavery Society, and of the Penn- 
sylvania State Anti-slavery Society. 

Soon after his retirement from public life, he united himself with the 
Society of Friends, but was much too radical to be an acceptable addition. 
For a long time he was endured rather than endorsed, and it was only when 
such anti-slavery feelings as he cherished became generally diffused through- 
out the Society, that he found the unity he desired and expected. Whatever 
may have been his trials here or elsewhere, he found a rich reward for his 
faithfulness in the intellectual and moral growth which he attained by asso- 
ciation with the most advanced minds of the time, and he has often been 
heard to say that no part of his life has been more fully and generously 
compensated than that devoted to the Anti-slavery cause. 
*^ His home, near Phoenixville, Chester county, Pa., was an important 
station on the Underground Rail Poad, the majority of fugitives proceeding 
through the southern rural districts of Eastern Pennsylvania, passing 
through his hands. At all times he was deeply interested in their welfare, 
md in his hospitality towards them, had the entire sympathy and co-opera- 
don of his family, they, like himself, being earnest abolitionists, but his 
uore important duty of influencing public sentiment in favor of freedom, 
overshadowed his labors in this department. In steadfastness and integrity 
le stood beside Findley Coates and Thomas Whitson, a trio who will long 
je remembered in their native State. 

So long as Dr. B. Fussell resided in the northern section of Chester 
•ounty, he and Elijah F. Pennypacker, were companions in Anti-slavery and 
)ther reform labors, as well as in business on the Underground Kail Road. 
Differing widely in temperament and mental structure, these two men were 
larmonious in spirit, and a close bond of sympathy and affection existed 
)etween them. It was a mutual pleasure to work as brothers, and after- 
44 



690 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ward to rejoice together in labor accomplished. One of the last visits 
which roused the flickering animation of the dying physician, was from this 
friend of more vigorous years, and the voice which gave fitting exjiression to 
the worth of the departed, at his funeral, was that of Elijah F. Penny- 
packer. 

Like that of the highest grade of men everywhere, his appreciation of 
woman has ever been keen and true, and demanding the full rio-hts of 
humanity, he makes no distinction, either on account of sex or color. In 
liis own family, he has always encouraged the pursuit of any occuj)ation 
congenial to the person choosing it ; whether or not, it were a departure 
from the routine of custom, and in educational advantages he has ever 
demanded the widest possible culture for all. Wherever known, he is esti- 
mated as a pillar in the temperance cause. Gentle, modest, courteous and 
benignant, he combines, in a remarkable degree, strength and tenderness, 
courage and sympathy. At one time, holding at bay the powers of evil and 
baffling the most determined opponents by his manly adherence to right; at 
another he may be found yielding to impressions bidding him to seek the 
source ©f some hidden private sorrow, and with delicate touch, binding up a 
flowing wound, or offering himself as the defender and protector of such as 
may need his brotherly care. Obedient to these impressions, he rarely errs 
in his ministrations, and whether his errand be to remonstrate with the evil 
doer, setting his sins clearly and vividly before him, or to strengthen and 
encourage suffering innocence, he is alike successful. Men, whom he has 
warned in reproof when it cost the utmost bravery to do so, have become 
his confidins: friends, and have been known afterward to entrust him with 
heavy pecuniary responsibilities, and to point hitn out to their children as an 
example worthy of imitation. Those whose griefs he has frequently soft- 
•ened, have laid upon his head a crown of blessing whiter than tlic honors 
which come with his silver hairs, and all with whom he comes in contact in 
business, in duty, or in social intercourse, acknowledge the presence, the 
wide usefulness and influence of the upright man. 

The memories of the choice spirits he used to meet in the Anti-slavery 
gatherings ; their mutual and kindly greetings ; the holy resolves which 
animated them and made the time hours of exaltation, now serve to 
brighten the pathway of his declining years, and to throw a halo around 
the rostfulness of his home, as in peace of mind he looks abroad over his 
beloved country, to see millions of enfranchised men beginning to avail 
themselves of its pecuniary, educational and political advantages, and 
beholds them starting on a career of material and spiritual prosperity, with 
a rapidity commensurate with the expansive force of the repressed energies 
of a race. 





KUJAU F. PENNYPACKEK. 



See p. ()88 



WILLIAM WKIUHT. 





I»R. BAKTrioM)>lK\V FL'SSELL. 

See p. 695. 



ROBERT PURVIS. 



See p. 



STATION MA8TKR8 ON TIIK fjOAD. 



WILLIAM WEIGHT, ggj 



WILLIAM WRIGHT. 

MEMORIAL. 

William Wright, a distinguislied abolitionist of Adams countv, Penn- 
sylvania, was born on the 21st of December, 1788. Various eircnmstances 
conspired to make this unassuming Quaker an earnest Abolitionist and 
champion of the oppressed in every land and of every nationality and color. 
His uncle, Benjamin Wright, and cousin, Samuel Ji. Wright, were active 
members of the old Pennsylvania Abolition Society, and at the time of the 
emancipation of the slaves in this state were often engaged in lawsuits with 
slave-holders to compel them to release their bondmen, according to the 
requirements of the law. William AVright grew up under the influence of 
the teachings of these relatives. Joined to this, his location caused him to 
take an extraordinary interest in Underground Rail Road affairs. He 
lived near the foot of the southern slope of the South Mountain, a spur of 
the Alleghenies which extends, under various names, to Chattanooga, 
Tennessee. This mountain was followed in its course by hundreds of fugi- 
tives until they got into Pennsylvania, and were directed to William 
Wright's house.' 

In November, 1817, William Wright married Phebe Wierman, (born on 
the 8th of February, 1790,) daughter of a neighboring flirincr, and sister of 
Hannah W. Gibbons, wife of Daniel Gibbons, a notice of whom appears 
elsewhere in this work. Phebe Wright was the assistant of her husband in 
every good work, and their married life of forty-eight years was a long 
period of united and efficient labor in the cause of humanity. She still (1871) 
survives him. William and Phebe Wright began their Underground Rail 
Road labors about the year 1819. Hamilton Moore, who ran away from 
Baltimore county, Maryland, was the first slave aided by them. His mas- 
ter came for him, but William Wright and Joel Wierman, Phebe Wright's 
brother, who lived in the neighborhood, rescued him and sent him to 
Canada. 

In the autumn of 182!^, as Phebe Wright, surrounded by her little 
jchildren, came out upon her back j)orch in the performance of some house- 
pold duty, she saw standing before her in the shade of the early November 
morning, a colored man without hat, shoes, or coat. He asked if Mr. 
Wright lived there, and upon receiving an affirmative reply, said that he 
wanted work. The good woman, comprehending the situation at a glance, 
told him to come into the house, get warm, and wait till her husi)and came 
liome. He was shivering with cold and fright. When William M right 
3ame home the fugitive told his story. He came from Hagerstown, Mary- 
land, having been taught the blacksmith's trade there. In this lousiness 
twas his duty to keep an account of all the work done by hi m.v which 



692 THE UXDERO ROUND RAIL ROAD. 

record ho sliowed to his master at the end of the week. Knowing no written 
chariu'tin- hut the figure 5 he kept this account by means of a curious svstetn 
of hicro«^lypliics in whicli straight marks meant horse shoes put on, circles, 
cart-wheels fixed, etc. One day in happening to see his master's book he 
noticed that wherever five and one were added the figure 6 was used. 
Having practiced this till he could make it ho ever after used it in his ac- 
counts. As his master was looking over these one day, lie noticed the new 
figure and compelled the slave to tell how ho had learned it. He flow into a 
rage, and saitl, " I'll teach you how to be learning new figures," and picking 
uj) a liorse-shoe threw it at him, but fortunately for the audacious chattel, 
missed his aim. Notwithstanding his ardent desire for liberty, the slave 
considered it his duty to remain in bondage until he was twenty-one years 
old in order to repay by his labor the trouble and expense which his master 
had lia<l in roaring him. On the evening of his twenty-first anniversary he, 111 
turned his face toward the North star, and started for a land of fniedoni. If 
Arriving at Keisterstown, a village on the Westminster turnpike about 
twenty-five miles from Baltimore and thirty-five miles from Mr. Wright'si 
I'.ouse, he was arrested and placed in the bar-room of the country tavern in 
care of the landlady to wait until his captors, having finished some work in 
which they were engaged, could take him back to his master. The land- 
lady, being engaged in getting supper, set him to watch the cakes that were 
baking. As she was passing back and forth he ostentatiously removed his 
hat, coat, and shoes, and placed them in the bar-room. Having done this, 
he said to her, '■ I will step out a moment." This he did, she sending a 
boy to watch him. When i\\v boy came out he api)eared to be very sick 
and calU'd hastily for water. 'Tiie boy ran in to get it. Now was his 
golden opportunity. Jumping the fence he ran to a clump of trees which 
occupied low ground b(>hind the house and concealing himself in it for a 
moment, ran and continued to run, he knew not Avhither, until he found 
liimself at the toll gate near Petersburg, in Adams county. Before this he 
had kept in the fields and forests, but now foun<l himself compelled to come 
out upon the road. The toll-gate keeper, seeing at once that he was a fugi- 
tive, said to him, " I guess you don't know the road." " I guess I can find 
it niyself," was the reply. " Let me show you," said the man. "You may 
if you please," replied the fugitive. Taking him out behind his dwelling, 
he pointed across the fields to a new brick farm-house, and said, "Go there 
a;nl Inrpilre for Mr. Wright." The slave thanked him and did as he was 
directed. 

ibi remained with William Wright until April, 1820. During this short 
time he learned to read, write, and ci[)hcr as far as the single rule of three, 
as it was then called, or sim|)le proportion. Huring his resldeufje with 
William Wriy;ht, nothing c<nild exceed his kindness or jirratitude to the 
whole family. lie learned to graft trees, and thus rendered great assistance 



WILLIAM WRIGHT. 



693 



o William Wright in liis necessary business. When working in the kitchen 
luring the winter he would never allow Piiebe Wright to perform anv hard 
abor, always scrubbing the floor and lifting heavy burdens for her. Before 
le went away in the spring he assumed a name which his talents, persever- 
, mce, and genius have rendered famous in both hemispheres, that of James 
W. C. Pennington. The initial W. was for his benefactor's family, and C. 
or the family of his former master. From William Wright's he went to 
)aniel Gibbons', thence to Delaware county, Pennsylvania, and from there 
Xew Haven, Conn., where, while performing the duties of janitor at Yale 
.'ollege, he completed the studies of the college course. After a few years, 
le went to Heidelberg, where the degree of ]). I), was conferred upon him. 
ie never forgot William AVright and his family, and on his return from 
l^urope Ijrought them each a present. The story of his escape and wonder- 
hl abilities was spread over England, An American acquaintance of the 
tVright family was astonished, on visiting an Anti-slavery fair in London 
inany years ago, to see among the pictures for sale there, one entitled, 
William and Phebe Wright receiving James W. C. Pennington." The 
}v. died in Florida, in 1870, where he had gone to preach and assist in 
"pening schools amongst the Freemen. 
In 1842 a party of sixteen slaves came to York, Pa., from Baltimore 
J (ounty, Md. Here they were taken in charge Ijy ^\'ilIialn Wright, Joel 
) H;'isher, Dr. Lewis, and William Yocum. The last named was a constable, 
I 'nd used to assist the Underground Rail Road managers by pretending to 
lunt fugitives with the kidna])pers. Knowing wiiere the fugitives were he 
/as enabled to hunt them in the opposite directioii from that in which they 
ad gone, and thus give them time to escape.^ This constable and a colored 
lan of York took this party one by one out into Samuel Willis' corn-field, 
ear York, and hid them under the shocks. The following night Dr. 
'iBwis piloted them to near his house, at Lewisburg, York county, on the 
anks of the Conewago. Here they were concealed several days. Dr. Lewis 
arrying provisions to them in his saddle-bags. When the search for them 
ad been given up in William Wright's neighborhood, he went down to 
iewisburg and in company with Dr. Lewis took the whole sixteen across the 
'onewago, they fording the river and carrying the fugitives across on their 
orses. It was a gloomy night in November. Every few moments clouds 
oated across the moon, alternately lighting up and shading the river, which, 
welled by autumn rains, ran a flood. William Wright and Dr. Lewis 
lounted men or women behind and took children in their arms. When the 
'istone got over, the doctor, who professed to be an atheist, exclaimed, "Great 
rod ! is this a Christian land, and are Christians thus forced to flee for their 
berty?" William Wright guided this party to his house that night and 
Micealed them in a neighboring forest until it was safe for them to pro- 
ved on their way to Canada. 



694 ^HE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Just in the beginning of harvest of the year 1851, four men came off fron 
Washington county, Maryland, They were ahuost naked and seemed ti 
have come through great difficulties, their clothing being almost entirely 
torn off. As soon as they came, William Wright went to the store and go 
four pair of shoes. It was soon heard that their masters and the officers hai 
gone to Harri.sburg to hunt them. Two of them, Fenton and Tom, wen 
concealed at William Wright's, and the other two, Sam and one whose narai 
has been forgotten, at Joel Wierman's. In a day or two, as Williaii 
Wright, a number of carpenters, and other workmen, among whom wer( 
Fenton and Tom, were at work in the barn, a ])arty of men rode uj 
and reeosrnized the colored men as slaves of one of their number. Tin 
colored men said they had left their coats at the house. William Wrigh 
looked earnestly at them and told them to go to the house and get theii 
coats. They went off, and one of them was observed by one of the family t( 
take his coat hastily down from where it hung in one of the outhouses, a few 
moments afterward. After conversing a few moments at the barn, Willian 
Wright brought the slave-holders down to the house, where he, his wift 
and daughters engaged them in a controversy on the subject of slavery 
which lasted about an hour. One of them seemed very much impressed 
and labored hard to convince his host that he was a good master and woul< 
treat his men well. Finally one of the party asked William Wright to pro- 
duce the men. He replied that he would not do that, that they mighi 
search his premises if they Avished to, but they could not compel him t( 
bring forth the fugitives. Seeing that they had been duped, they beeanu 
very angry and proceeded forthwith to search the house and all the out- 
houses immediately around it, without, however, finding those whom thev 
sought. As they left the house and went toward the barn, William Wright 
waving his hand toward the former, said, "You see they are not anywhere 
there." They then went to the barn and gave it a thorough search. BetwetMi 
it and the house, a little away from the path, but in plain sight, stood tlx 
carriage-house, which they pm,^ed by without seeming to notice. After they 
had gone, ])oor Tom was found in this very house, curled up under the seat- 
of the old-fashioned family carriage. He had never come to the house 
at all, but had heard the voices of his hunters from his hiding-place, durin;j 
their whole search. About two o'clock in the morning, Fenton was foiimi 
by William Wright out in the field. He had run along the bed of a small 
water course, dry at that time of year, until he came to a rye field amid 
whose high grain he hid himself until he thought the danger was past 
From William Wl'ight's the slave-catchers went to Joel Wierman's, when 
despite all tliat could be done, they got poor Sam, took him off to Marylan* 
and sold him to the tr.iders to be taken far south. 

In 1856 William Wright was a delegate from Adams county to tin 
Convention at Philadelphia which nominated John C. Fremont for Presi- 



DB, BARTHOLOMEW FVSSELL. 695 

dent of the United States. As the counties were called in alphabetical 
order, he responded first among the Pennsylvania delegation. It is thought 
that he helped away during his whole life, nearly one thousand slaves. 
During his latter years, he was aided in the good work by his children, wlio 
never hesitated to sacrifice their own pleasure in order to help a\v:iy 
fugitives. 

His convictions on the subject of slavery seem to have been born with 
him, to have grown with his growth, and strengthened with his stren"th. 
He could not remember when he first became interested in the subject. 

William Wi'ight closed his long and useful life on the 25tli of October 
1865. More fortunate than his co-laborer, Daniel Gibbons, he lived to see 
the triumph of the cause in which he had labored all his life. His latter 
years were cheered by the remembrance of his good deeds in the cause of 
human freedom. Modest and retiring, he would not desire, as he does not 
need, a eulogy. His labors speak for themselves, and are such as are 
recorded upon the Lamb's Book of Life. 



Dr. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL. 

Dr. Fussell, whose death occurred within the current year, was no ordi- 
nary man. He was born in Chester county, Pa., in 1794, his ancestors 
being members of the Society of Friends, principally of English origin, 
who arrived in America during the early settlement of Pennsylvania, some 
being of the number who, with William Penn, built their homes on the 
unbroken soil, where Philadelphia now stands. 

He inherited all the bravery of these early pioneers, who left their homes 
for the sake of religious freedom, the governing principle of his life being a 
direct antagonism to every form of oppression. Removing in early man- 
hood, to Maryland, where negro Slavery was legally protected, ho became 
one of the most active opponents of the system, being a friend and co-laborer 
of Elisha Tyson, known and beloved as " Father Tyson," by all the slaves 
of the region, and to the community at large, as one of the most philan- 
thropic of men. 

While teaching school during the week, as a means of self-education, and 
reading medicine at night, the young student expended his surplus energy 
in opening a Sabbath-school for colored persons, teaching them the rudi- 
ments of knowledge, not for a few hours only, but for the whole day, and 
frequently finding as many as ninety pupils collected to receive the inestima- 
ble boon which gave them the power of reading the Bible for themselves. 
iTo the deeply religious nature of these Africans, this was the one blessing 
they prized above all others in his power to bestow, and the overflowing 
gratitude they gave in return, was a memory he cherished to the latest years 
of his life. 



696 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

After his graduation in medicine, being at one time called upon to deliver 
an address before the Medical Society of Baltimore, in the midst of a pro- 
slavery audience, and before slave-holding professors and men of authority, 
Dr. Fussell, with a courage scarcely to be comprehended at this late day, 
denounced " the most preposterous and cruel practice of Slavery, as replete 
with the causes of disease," and expressed the hope that the day would come 
" when Slavery and cruelty should have no abiding place in the whole 
habitable earth ; when the philosopher and the pious Christian could use the 
salutation of ' brother,' and the physician and divine be as one man ; when 
the rich and the poor should know no distinction ; the great and the small 
be equal in dominion, and the arrogant master and his menial slave should 
make a truce of friendship with each other, all following the same law of 
reason, all guided by the same light of Truth I" 

As a matter of course, a spirit so thoroughly awake to the welfare of 
humanity, would hail with joy and welcome as a brother, the appearance of 
such a devoted advocate of freedom, as Benjamin Lundy ; and, with all the 
warmth of his nature, would give love, admiration, and reverence to the 
later apostle of immediate emancipation, William Lloyd Garrison. 

It was one of the pleasures of Dr. Fussell's life that he had been enabled 
to take the first number of the "Liberator/' and to continue a subscriber 
without intermission, until the battle being ended, the last number was 
announced. 

He was himself, one of the most earnest workers in the Anti-slavery 
cause, never omitting in a fearless manner, to embrace an opportunity 
to protest against the encouragement of a pro-slavery spirit. 
^Returning to Pennsylvania, to practice liis profession, his home became 
one of the havens where the hunted fugitive from Slavery found food, 
shelter and rest. Laboring in connection with the late Thomas Garrett, of 
Wilmington, Del., and with many others, at available points, about two 
thousand fugitives passed through his hands, on their way to freedom, and 
amongst these, he frequently had the delight of welcoming some of his old 
Sabbath-school pupils. The mutual recognition was sometimes touching in 
the extreme. 

In later life, his anecdotes and reminiscences, told in the vivid style, 
resulting from a remarkably retentive memory, which could recall word, tone, 
and gesture, brought to life, some of the most interesting of his experionccs 
with these fleeing bondmen, whose histories no romance could .ever equal. 

Being one of the signers of the " Declaration of Sentiments," issued by 
the American Anti-slavery Society in 1833, he had also the gratification 
of attending the last meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, 
called to celebrate the downfall of Slavery in America, and the dissolution 
of an organization whose purpose was effected. There are those, who may 
remember how at that time, in perfect forgetfulness of self, the relation of 



DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL. 697 

the heroism of his friend, Elisha Tyson, seemed to recall for a moment, the 
vigor of youth to render the decrepitude of age almost majestic. 

But it was not Slavery alone, which occupied the thoughts and attention 
of this large-hearted man. He was well known as an advocate of common 
school education, of temperance, and of every other interest, which, in his 
view, pertained to the welfare of man. 

Unfortunately, he was addicted to the use of tobacco from his youth. 
Having become convinced that it was an evil, he, for the sake of consistency 
and as an example to others, resolutely abandoned the habit, at the age of 
seventy. He was fond of accrediting his resolve to a very aged relative, 
who, in remonstrating with him upon the subject, replied to his remark, that 
a sudden cessation from a practice so long indulged in, might result in his 
death : " Well, die, then, and go to heaven decently." 

As a practitioner of medicine, he was eminently successful, his intense 
sympathy with suffering, seeming to elevate his faculties and give them 
unwonted vigor in tracing the hidden causes of disease, and in suggesting to 
his mind alleviating agencies. His patients felt an unspeakable comfort in 
his presence, well knowing that the best possible remedy which his know- 
ledge, his judgment or his experience suggested, would be selected, let the 
difficulty and inconvenience to himself be what it would. In cases where 
life hung trembling in the balance, he would watch night after night, feed- 
ing the flickering flame until ho ])erceived it brighten, and this in the abode 
of misery just as freely as in the home of wealth. The life-long affection 
of those whom he recalled, was his reward where often none was sought 
or expected. 

He believed in woman as only a thoroughly good man can, and from early 
youth, he had been impressed with her peculiar fitness for the practice of 
medicine. The experience of a physician confirmed him in his sentiments, 
and it became one of his most earnest aspirations to open to her all the 
avenues to the study of medicine. In the year 1840, he gave regular 
instruction to a class of ladies, and it was through one (if these pupils, that 
the first female graduate in America was interested in the study of medicine. 
In 1846 he communicated to a few liberal-minded professional men, a plan 
for the establishment of a college of the highest grade for the medical educa- 
tion of women. This long-cherished plan, hallowed to him by the approba- 
tion of a beloved wife, was V\^ell received. Others, with indomitable zeal, 
took up the work, and finally, after a succession of disappointments and 
discouragements from causes within and without, the Woman's College, on 
North College avenue, Philadelphia, starting from the germ of his thought, 
entered on the career of prosperity it is so well entitled to receive. Though 
never at any time connected with the college, he regarded its success with 
the most affectionate interest, considering its proposition as one of the most 
important results of his life. 






698 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Happy in having lived to see Slavery abolished, and believing in the 
speedy elevation of woman to her true dignity as joint sovereign with man, 
and in the mitigation of the evils of war, intemperance, poverty, and crime, 
which might be expected to follow such a result, he rested from his labors, 
and died in peace. 

THOMAS SHIPLEY.* 

Thomas Shipley, one of the foremost in the early generation of philan- 
thropists who devoted their lives to the extinction of human slavery, was 
born in Phihidelpliia on the second of Fourth month, 1787. He was the 
youngest of five children of William and Margaret Shipley, his father 
having emigrated from Uttoxeter, in Staffordshire, England, about the year 
1750. From a very early period in the history of the Society of Friends 
his ancestors had been members of that body, and he inherited from them 
the strong sense of personal independence, and the love of toleration and 
respect for the rights of others which have ever characterized that body of 
people. 

Soon after his birth, his mother died, and he was thus early deprived of 
the fostering care of a pious and devoted parent, whose counsels are so 
important in forming the youthful mind, and in giving a direction to future 
life. 

A few years after the death of his mother, his father was removed, and 
Thomas was left an orphan before he had attained his sixth year. After 
this affecting event he wiis taken into the family of Isaac Bartram, who liad 
married his eldest sister. Here he remained for several years, acquiring the 
common rudiments of education, and at a suitable age was sent to West- 
town school ; after remaining there for a little more than a year, he met 
with an accident, which rendered it necessary for him to return home; and 
the effects of which prevented him from proceeding with his education. He 
fell from the top of a high flight of steps to the ground, and received an 
injury of the head, followed by convulsions, which continued at intervals for 
a considerable time, and rendered him incapable of any effort of mind or 
body. 

He was, during childhood, remarkably fond of reading, and was distin- 
guished among his friends and associates for uncommon ))orseverance in 
accomplishing anything he undertook, a trait which peculiarly marked him 
through life; his disposition is said to have been unusually amiable and 
docile, so as to endear him very strongly to his relatives and friends. 

After his removal from Westtown, he was again taken into the family of 
his brother-in-law, and remained under the care of his sister, who Avas very 

* This account of tho Life of Thomas Shipley is abridged from a Memoir by Dr. Isaac Parrish, 
published in 1S;57, 



^^ 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 699 

much attached to him, until he was placed as an apprentice to the hardware 
business. While here, he was entirely relieved of the atilictiou caused by 
the foil, and was restored to sound health. About the age of twenty-one, 
he entered upon the pursuits of the business he had selected. 

The exact time at which his attention was turned to the subject of slavery 
cannot be ascertained, but it is probable that a testimony against it was 
among his earliest impressions as a member of the religious Society of 
Friends. He joined the " Pennsylvania Society for the Promoting the 
Abolition of Slavery," etc., in 1817, and the anient interest which he took 
in its objects, was evinced on many occasions within the recollection of many 
now living. He was for many years an active member of its Board of 
Education, and took a prominent part in extending the benefits of learning 
to colored children and youth. 

. The career of Thomas Shipley, as it was connected with the interests of 
the colored community, abounds in incidents which have rarely occurred in 
the life of any individual. Being universally regarded as their adviser and 
protector, he was constantly solicited for his advice on questions touching 
their welfare. This led him to investigate the laws relating to this class 
of persons, in all their extended ramifications. The knowledge he thus 
acquired, together with his practical acquaintance with the business and 
decisions of our courts, rendered his opinion peculiarly serviceable on all 
matters affecting their rights. Never did a merchant study more closely 
the varied relations of business, and their influence on his interests, than did 
Thomas Shipley all those questions which concerned the well-being of" those 
for whom he was so warndy interested. He had volunteered his services as 
their advocate, and they could not have been more foithfully served had 
they poured out the wealth of Croesus at the feet of the most learned 
counsel. 

On every occasion of popular commotion where the safety of the colored 
people was threatened, he was found at his post, fearlessly defending their 
rights, and exerting his influence with those in authority to throw around 
them the protection of the laws. In the tumultuous scenes which disgraced 
Philadelphia, in. the summer of 1835, in which the fury of the mob was 
directed against the persons and property of the colored inhabitants, he acted 
with an energy and prudence rarely found combined in the same individual. 

The mob had collected and organized to the number of several hundred, 
and were marching through the lower part of the city, dealing destruction 
in their course ; the houses of respectable and worthy colored citizens were 
broken in upon, the furniture scattered to the winds, all they possessed 
destroyed or plundered, and they themselves subjected to the most brutal 
and savage treatment. Defenceless infancy and decrepid age were alike 
disregarded in the general devastation which these ruffians had decreed 
should attend their course. The color of the skin was the mark by which 



700 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

their vengeance was directed, and the cries and entreaties of" their innocent 
and defenceless victims were alike disregarded in the accomplishment of their 
ends. Already had several victims fallen before the fury of the ruthless 
band. Law and order were laid waste, and the officers of justice looked on, 
some perhaps with dismay, and others with indifference, while the rights of 
citizens were prostrated, and their peaceful and quiet homes invaded by the 
hand of violence. At such a time the voice of remonstrance or entreaty, 
would have been useless, and had the avowed friends of the colored man in- 
terfered in any public manner, the effect would probably have been to 
increase the fury of the storm, and to have directed the violence of the mob 
upon themselves. 

Under these perilous circumstances, Thomas Shipley was determined to 
attempt an effort for their relief. He could not look on and see those for 
whom he was so deeply interested threatened almost with exteriuinatiou 
without an effort for their preservation, and yet he was aware that his 
presence amongst the mob might subject him to assassination, without add- 
ing to the security of the objects of his solicitude. He, therefore, determined 
to dis«:uise himself in such a manner as not to be recognized, and to miuficle 
amongst the rioters in order to ascertain their objects, and if possible to con- 
vey such information to the proper authorities as might lead to the arrest of 
those most active in fomenting disorder. Accordingly he left his house late 
in the evening, attired so as to be completely disguised, and repaired to the 
scene of tumult. By this time much mischief had been done, and to add 
fresh fury to the multitude, and to incite them to new deeds of blood, nothing 
Mas wanting but some act of resistance on the part of" their victims, who, 
during the whole period, had conducted themselves with a forbearance and 
patience highly creditable to them as good citizens and upright Christians. 
Such an occasion was about to occur, and was prevented by the admirable 
coolness and forethought of Thomas Shipley, 

A number of colored men who had been driven to desperation by the acts 
of the mob, and who had relinquished the idea of protection from the civil 
authorities, determined to resort to arms, to defend themselves and their 
families from the further aggressions of their persecutors. They accordingly 
repaired to Benezet Hall, one of their public buildings in South Seventh 
Street, with a su{)i)ly of fire arms and ammunition, determined to fire upon 
the assailants, and maintain their post or die in the attemj)t. This fact 
became known to the leaders of the mob, and the cry was raised to march 
for the hall, and make the attack. Thomas Shipley who had mingled 
amongst the rioters, and apparently identified himself with them, was now 
perfectly aware of all their designs ; he knew their numbers, he had seen 
the implements of destruction which they were brandishing about them, and 
he was aware that the occurrence of such a conflict would be attended with 
the most disastrous results, and might be the beginning of hostilities which 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 701 

would terminnte in the destruction of the weaker party, or at least in a 
dreadful effusion of human blood. Seeing the position in which the parties 
were now placed, he left the ranks of the rioters, and I'an at the top of \\\s> 
speed to the house in which the colored people were collected, awaiting tlic 
approach of their enemy. As he drew near, they were about coming out to 
meet their assailants, highly excited by continued outrages, and determined 
to defend themselves or die. At this unexpected moment, their protector 
drew nigh ; he raised his voice aloud, and addressed the multitude. He 
deprecated the idea of a resort to physical force, as being calculated to in- 
crease their difficulties, and to plunge them into general distress, and entreated 
them to retire from the hall. His voice was immediately recognized ; the 
effect was electric; the whole throng knew him as their friend; their fierce 
passions were calmed by the voice of reason and admonitimi. They could 
not disregard his counsels; he had come among them, at the devd horn* of 
night, in the midst of danger and trial, to raise his warning voice against a 
course of measures they were about to pursue. They listened (o his remon- 
strances, and retreated before the mob had reached the building. At this 
juncture the Mayor and his officers assembled in front of the hall, and by 
prompt and energetic action succeeded in dispersing the mob, and throuLj;h 
the information received from Thomas Shipley, the ringleaders were secured 
and lodged in prison. 

The part which Thomas Shipley acted in the trying scenes so often pre- 
sented in our courts, during this unhappy period, has invested his character 
with a remarkable degree of interest. It is probable that his connection 
with the Pennsylvania Abolition Society was the means of enlisting his 
talents and exertions in this important service. 

The energy and zeal of our friend in his efforts for the reli(;f of those 
about to be deprived of their dearest rights, soon distinguishtvl him as the 
most efficient member of the Society, in this department of its duties. So 
intense was his interest in all cases where the liberty of his ftllow-mau was 
at issue, that, during a period of many years, he was scarcely ever absent 
from the side of the unhappy victim, as he sat bef )re our judicial tribunals, 
trembling for his fate. The promptings of interest, the pleasures and allure- 
ments of the world, the quiet enjoyment of a peaceful home, were all 
cheerfully sacrificed, when his services were demanded in these distressing 
cases. Often has he left the business, in which his pecuniary interests 
were materially involved, to stand by the unhappy fugitive in the hour of 
his extremity, with an alacrity and a spirit which could oidy be dis[)layed 
by one animated by the loftiest principles and the purest philanthropy. 

Who, that has ever witnessed one of these trying scenes, can forget his 
manly and honest bearing, as he stood before the unrelenting and arrogant 
claimant, watching with an eagle eye, every step of the process by which he 
hoped to gain his victim ? Who has not been struck with his expressive 



702 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, 

glances toward the judge, when a doubtful point arose in the investigation 
of tlie case ? Who has not caught tiie lively expression of delight which 
beamed from his countenance, when a fact was disclosed which had a favor- 
able bearing on the liberty of the captive ? Who has not admired the 
sagacity with which his inquiries were dictated, and the tact and acumen 
with which he managed every part of his cause? His principle was 
unhesitatingly to submit to existing laws, however unjust their decrees might 
be, but to scan well the bearing of the facts and principles involved in each 
case, and to see that nothing was wanting in the chain of evidence, or in the 
legal points in question, fully to satisfy the requisitions of law. If a doubt- 
ful point arose, he was unwearied in investigating it, and devoted hours, 
days, and even weeks, in the collection of testimony which he thought would 
have a favorable influence on the prisoner. 

Through his untiring vigilance, many victims have escaped from the 
hand of the oppressor, whose title to freedom, according to the laws of this 
commonwealth, was undoubted, and many others, whose enslavement was at 
least questionable. 

The time and labor expended by Thomas Shipley in protecting the 
intei'ests of his colored clients, would be almost incredible to those who 
were not aware of his extraordinary devotion to the cause. The only notice 
which can be found among his papers, of the various slave cases in which 
he was engaged, is contained in a memorandum book, which he commenced 
in the summer of 1835. In this book he has noted, in the order of their 
occurrence, such instances of difficulty or distress as demanded his inter- 
ference, almost without a comment. I find from this book, that his advice 
and assistance were bestowed in twenty-five cases, from Seventh mo. lGth,to 
EightJi mo. 24th, 1836, a period of little more than a month. A number of 
these cases required the \vriting of letters to distant- places ; in some it was 
necessary for him to visit the parties interested; and others demanded his 
personal attendance at court. This perhaps, may be considered as a fair 
average of the amount of labor which he constantly expended in this depart- 
ment of his benevolent efforts; and when we consider the time occupied iu 
the necessary duties of his ordinary avocations, it must be evident that he 
j)ossossed not only extraordinary humanity, but uncommon activity and 
energy, to have accomplished so much. 

In the memorandum book referred to, under date of Twelfth mo., 1835, I 
find the following note: Spent eighteen days in the trial of A. Hemsley, 
and his wife Nancy, and her three children, arrested at Mount Holly, the 
husband claimed by Goldsborough Price, executor of Isaac Boggs, of Queen 
Ann's county, Maryland, and the wife and children by Richard D. Cooper, 
of the same county. John Willoughby, agent for both claimants. B. R. 
Brown and B. Clarke, attorneys for the claimant, and D. P. Brown, J. R* 
Slack, E. B. Cannon, and G. W. Camblos, for defendants. After a full 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 703 

argument, in which a manumission was produced for Nancy, from R. D. 
Cooper's father, she and her children were discharged, but her husband was 
remanded ; on which a certiorari was served on the judge, and a habeas corpus 
placed in the sheriff's hands." 

" Alexander was discharged by the Supreme Court, at Trenton, Third 
mo. 5th. The circumstances of the case, were briefly the following : The 
woman and children had been regularly manumitted in Delaware by the 
father of the claimant, while the title of the father to freedom was less posi- 
tive, though sufficiently clear to warrant a vigorous effort on his behalf 

The first object of the counsel on the part of the alleged fugitive, was to 
prove the manumission of the mother and children, and, as it was thought, 
the necessary documents for that purpose were collected anil arranged. After 
the trial had proceeded, however, for a short time, the attorney for the 
defendants discovered a defect in the testimony on this i)oint; the necessary 
papers, duly authenticated by the Governor or Chief Justice of Delaware, 
were missing, and without them it was impossible to make out the case. 
The fact was immediately communicated to Thomas Shipley — he saw that 
the papers must be had, and that they could not be procured without a visit 
to Dover, in Delaware. He at once determined to repair thither iu person, 
and obtain them. Without the knowledge of the claimant's counsel, who 
might have taken advantage of the omission, and hurried the case to a deci- 
sion ; he started on the evening of the sixth day, and traveled as fast as 
possible to Dover, in the midst of a season unusually cold and inclement. 
On the next morning inquiries were made in all directions for friend 
Shipley ; it was thought strange that he should desert his post in the midst 
of so exciting and momentous a trial, and at a time when his presence 
seemed to be particularly required. The counsel for the prisoners, who were 
aware of his movements, proceeded with the examination of witnesses as 
slowly as possible, in order to allow time for procuring this important link 
in the chain of testimony, and thus to procrastinate the period when they 
should be called upon to sum up the case. 

Fortunately, on the evening of the day on which Thomas Shipley set out 
upon his journey, it was proposed to adjourn, and farther proceedings 
were postponed until Second day morning. At the meeting of the court, 
in the morning, the expected messenger was not there, and the ingenuity ol 
the counsel was taxed still farther to procrastinate the important period. 
After three hours had been consumed in debate upon legal points, he, who 
was so anxiously looked for, came hurrying through the crowd, making his 
way toward the bench. His countenance and his movements soon convuiced 
the wondering spectators that he was the bearer of gratifying news, and \i\ 
a few minutes, the mystery of his absence was revealed, by the production 
of a document which was the fruit of his effort. The papers completely 
established the legal title of the mother and children to their freedom, and 



704 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

placed them out of the reach of further persecution. An attack of illness 
was the result of the extreme exertion and fatigue endured by this devoted 
man, in his earnest advocacy of the rights of these friendless beings. 
, The freedom of the husband and father, was, however, still in jeopardy. 

-'If the decision of the court should be against him, he would be torn from 
the bosom of his now joyful and emancipated family, and consigned to a life 
of bondage. To avert this calamity, the counsel for the prisoner suggested 
an expedient as humane as it was ingenious. He proposed that a writ of 
certiorari which would oblige the judge to remove the case to the Supreme 
Court and a habeas corpus from the Chief Justice of the State, should both 
be in readiness when the decision of the judge should be pronounced, in case 
that if it should be unfavorable, the writs might be at once served, and the 
prisoner remanded to the sheriff of the county, to be brought up before the 
Supreme Court at Trenton for another trial. 

To procure these writs, it was necessary to obtain the signature of the 
chief justice of New Jersey, who resided at Newark, and again Thomas 
Shipley was ready to enter with alacrity into the service. He saw the im- 
portance of the measure, and that it would require prompt action, inasnuich 
as the decision of the judge would probably be pronounced on the following 
day. It fortunately ha})pened that a friend was just about leaving for 
Newark, in his own conveyance, and feeling an interest in the case, he 
kindly invited friend Shipley to accompany him. They left in the after- 
noon, traveled all night, and arrived at Newark by daylight the following 
morning. The weary traveler was unwilling, however, to retire to bed, 
although the night was exceedingly cold and tempestuous, but he proceeded 
at once to the house of the chief justice. He called the worthy judge from 
his bed, offering the imjwrtance of his business, and the necessity of speedy 
action, as an apology for so unseasonable a visit. Chief Justice Hornblower, 
on being informed of the circumstances of the case, expressed his pleasure at 

. having it in his power to accede to his wishes and treated him with a respect 
and kindness which the disinterested benevolence of his mission was calcu- 
lated to inspire. 

Having obtained the necessary ])apers, he left at once for Mount Holly, 
where he arrived on the following day, in time to place the writs in the 
hands of the sheriff, just before the decision of Judge H. was pronoimced. 
Had he consulted his ease or convenience, and deferred his visit to ISewark 
a few hours, or had he, as most men, under similar circunlstances would 
have done, reposed his weary limbs, after a cold and dreary ride of eighty 
miles, in order to enable him to return with renewed strength, he would 
have arrived too late to render this meritorious effort effectual. As it was, 
he was there in time. The judge, according to the expectation of the friends 
of the colored man, gave his decision in favor of the slave-holders, and 
ordered poor Alexander to be given up to the tender mercies of the exaspe- 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 



705 



rated claimant. The decision sent a thrill of indignation through the 
anxious and excited multitude, which perhaps, was never equalled amongst 
the inhabitants of that quiet town. The friends of humanity had assembled 
from all parts of the country to witness the proceedings in the case. ]Many 
of them were personally acquainted with the prisoner ; they knew him to be 
a man of intelligence and integrity ; he was an industrious and orderly 
citizen, and was universally respected in the neighborhood. He was now 
about to be made a slave, and was declared to be the property of another. 
The father was about to be torn from his helpless children; the husband in 
defiance of the Divine command, was to be wrested from the fond embrace 
of his sorrowing wife, to spend his days in misery and toil. And this was 
to be done before the eyes of those who had a just regard for human rights, 
a hearty hatred of oppression. Is it wonderful, that under such circum- 
stances, there should have been a deep abhorrence for the perpetrators of 
tills outrage upon humanity, and a general sympathy for the innocent 
captive ? 

But it was decreed that those feelings of honest indignation should be 
speedily supplanted by the warm outpouring of public gratitude and joy. 
While the feeling of the spectators was in this state of intense interest and 
excitement, the judge, stern and inflexible in his purposes, and the clan of 
greedy claimants ready to seize upon their prey, the sheriff pro<luced his 
writ of certiorari and handed it to the court. It was instantly returned, and 
the judge who sat unmoved, by a scene to which he was not unaccustomed, 
and conceiving, perhaps, that his official dignity was impugned, persisted in 
his determination that the prisoner should be handed over to the claimant. 
The prudence and foresight of Thomas Shipley and his friends had pro- 
vided, however, for this anticipated difficulty. Happily for the prisoner, he 
was yet embraced under the provision of that constitution, which secured to 
him the protection of a habeas corpus, and this threw around him a shield 
which his enemies could not penetrate. A writ of habeas corpus, signed by 
the chief justice of the State and demanding the body of the prisoner, before 
the Supreme Court at its next term, was now produced ! 

The astonished judge found himself completely foiled. He had exercised 
his authority to its utmost limit, in support of the claims of his slave-hold- 
ing friends, and had given the influence of his station and character, to 
bolster up the "patriarchal institution;" but it was all in vain. Just as 
they supposed they had achieved a victory, they were obliged with fallen 
crests, to succumb to the dictates of a higher tribunal, and to see their 
victim conveyed beyond their reach in the safe keeping of the sheriff. 

In the Third month, (March,) the case was brought up before the Supreme 

Court for final adjudication. In the meantime, Thomas Shipley adopted 

vigorous measures to have the facts collected and arranged. He procured 

the aid of an intelligent and humane friend of the cause, who resided near 

45 



706 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

Trenton, to attciul, jiersonally to the case, and secured the legal services of 
Theodore Frelinglmysen, well known as one of the most gifted and virtuous 
statesmen of the age, and as a warm and zealous friend of tiie oppressed. 
Under these happy auspices, the case came before the Supreme Court, and 
gave rise to a highly interesting and im[)ortant argument; in which the dis- 
tinguished Frelinghuysen appeared as the disinterested advooiite of the 
prisoner, and urged upon the court his claim to liberty, under the laws of 
New Jersey, in a speech which was one of his most brilliant and eloquent 
efforts, and addefl another to the many laurels which his genius and philan- 
thropy have achieved. 

The opinion of Chief Justice Hornblower was given at length, and is 
said to have displayed a soundness and extent of legal knowledge, with a 
spirit of mildness and humanity, well worthy of the highest judicial tribunal 
of New Jersey. 

» By this decision, Alexander Helmsley was declared to be a freeman, and 
returned with rejoicing into the bosom of his family, and to the enjoyment 
of the rights and privileges of a free citizen. 

Thus terminated this interesting case, which for several months agitated 
the public mind of Burlington county, to an extent almost unequalled. 

Such disinterested devotion to the defence of the rights of the oppressed, 
had it been displayed only in the instance recited, would be sufficient to 
enroll the name of Thomas Shipley on the list of the benefactors of his race; 
but Avhon we consider that, for a period of twenty years, his history abounds 
in similar incidents, and that he uniformly stood forth as the unilinchiug 
advocate of the oppressed, regardless of the sacrifices which he was obliged 
to make on their behalf, we are disposed to view him as one of that noble 
band whose lives have been consecrated to deeds of charity and benevolence, 
and whose names will illumine the moral firmament, so long as virtue and 
truth shall command the homage of mankind. 

Thomas Shipley was one of the founders of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, and was an active agent in those stirring movements which soon 
aroused the nation to a full consideration of the enormities of Slavery. He 
was a prominent member of the Anti-slavery Convention, which assembled 
in this city in 1833, and a signer of their declaration of sentiments. 

During the last few years of his life, he was more devotedly engaged in 
his abolition labors than at any ]>revious period. It was his constant desire 
to diifuse the principles which had been so fearlessly proclaimed by the Con- 
vention, and to encourage the formation of Anti-slavery societies throughout 
the sphere of his influence. He was one of the most prominent members 
of the Philadelphia Anti-slaver}' Society, which was formed through much 
opposition, in 1835, and he steadily adhered to its meetings, notwithstand- 
ing the threats which were so loudly made by the enemies of public order. 

In the midst of the poj)uhir connnotions and tumults, which marked the 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 707 

progress of Anti-slavery principles, he stood calm and nnnioved. Having 
been long known as a firm friend of the rights of the colored man, and 
being amongst the most efficient pnblic advocates of his cause, he \vas of 
course subjected to the reviling;? which were so liberally heaped nixm tlie 
Abolitionists at that time. His name was associated with that of Tappaii, 
Birney, Green, Jay, Garrison, and other leading Abolitionists, who were 
singled out by slave-holders and their abettors as fit subjects for the mcnri- 
less attacks of excited mobs. 

In several attempts which were made in this city to stir up the passions 
of the ignorant against the advocates of human rights, his person and 
property were openly threatened with assault. Such menaces failed, however, 
to deter him from the steady performance of what he believed to be a solemn- 
duty. Being fully satisfied of the truth of the principles which he had 
espoused, he relied with unwavering confidence upon Divine power for their 
ultimate triumph, and for the protection of those who advocated them. 
When his friends expressed their anxiety for his safety, he always allayed 
their apprehensions, and evinced by the firmness and benignity of his 
manner that he was divested of the fear of man, and acted under the infiu- 
ence of that spirit "which is from above. 

The active part which Thomas Shipley took in Anti-slavery move- 
ments, did not diminish his interest in the prosperity and usefulness of the 
old Pennsylvania Society. He was a steady attendant on its meetings, and 
exercised his wonted care on all subjects connected with its interests. 

A short time previous to his death, his services were acknowledged by his 
fellow-memljers, by his election to the office of president. 

The incessant and fatifruino; labors in which he was ensjaored, had sensiblv 
affected the vigor of a constitution naturally delicate, and rendered iiim 
peculiarly liable to the inroads of disease. He was, seized in the autumn of 
1836, with an attack of intermittent fever, which confined him to the house 
for ten or twelve days, and very much reduced his strength ; while recover- 
ing from this attack, he experienced an accession of disease which termi- 
nated his life in less than twenty-four hours. But a few hours before his 
death, he inquired of his physicians as to the probable issue of his case; 
when informed of his critical condition, he received the intelligence with 
composure, and immediately requested Dr. Atlee, who was by his side, to 
take down some directions in regard to his affiiirs, on paper. In a few 
minutes after this, he quietly lapsed into the sleep of death, in the morning, 
on the 17th of Ninth month, 1836. 

His last words were, " I die at peace with all mankind, and hope that my 
t:-esp,isscs may be as freely forgiven, as I forgive those who have trespassed 
agninst me." 

To all wlio knew him well, of whatever class in the community, the 
fdings of this unexpected event brought a personal sorrow. It was felt that 



708 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 

a man of rare probity and virtue had gone to liis reward. But to the 
colored people the intelligence of his death was at once startling and con- 
founding. Their whole community was bowed down in public lamentation, 
for their warmest and most steadfast friend was gone. 

They repaired in large numbers to the house of their benefactor to obtain 
a last glance at his lifeless body. Parents brought their little ones to the 
house of mourning, and as they gazed upon the features of the departed, 
now inanimate in death, they taught their infant minds the impressive 
lesson, that before them were the mortal remains of one who had devoted 
his energies to the disenthral men t of their race, and whose memory they 
should ever cherish with gratitude and reverence. When the day arrived 
for committing his remains to the grave the evidence of deep and pervading 
sorrow among these wronged and outraged people was strikingly apparent. 

Thousands, whose serious deportment and dejected countenances evinced 
that they were fully sensible of their loss, collected in the vicinity of his 
dwelling, anxious to testify their respect for his memory. Theirs was not the 
gaze of the indifferent crowd, which clusters around the abodes of fashion 
and splendor, to witness the pomp and circumstance attendant on the interment 
of the haughty or the rich. It was a solemn gathering, brought together by k 
the impulse of feeling, to mingle their tears and lamentations at the grave "' 
of one whom they had loved and revered as a protector and a friend. 

When the hearse arrived at the quiet burial place in Arch street, where 
the Friends for many generations have buried their dead, six colored men 
carried the body to its last resting-place, and the silent tear of the son of 
Africa over the grave of his zealous friend, was more expressive of real affec- 
tion than all the parade which is sometimes brought so ostentatiously before 
the public eye. In the expressive words of the leading newspaper of the 
day, " Aaron Burr was lately buried with the honors of war. Thomas 
Shipley was buried with the honors of peace. Let the reflecting mind pause 
in the honorable contrast." 

As a public speaker Thomas Shipley was clear, cogent, sometimes eloquent, 
and always impressive. He never attempted oratorical effect, or studied 
harangues. He generally spoke extemporaneously, on the spur of the occa- 
sion, and what he said came warm from the heart. It was the simple and 
unadorned expression of his sentiments and feelings. He was, however, 
argumentative and even logical, when the occasion required it. ^\heu 
intensely interested, his eye was full of deep and piercing expression. 

Although his education had been limited, and his pursuits afforded him 
b'lt little leisure time, yet ho indulged his fondness for reading, and exhibited 
a refined literary taste in his selections. He has left amongst his books and 
papers eight manuscript volumes of about one hundred and fifty pages each, 
filled with selections, co])ied in his own handwriting, and culled from the 
writings of many of the most gifted authors, both in poetry and prose. 



THOMAS SHIPLEY. 709 

These extracts are generally of a moral and religious caste, and include 
scraps from Young, Milton, Addison, Burns, Cowper, Watts, Akenside, 
Pope, Byron, Hemans, and many others. 

In the domestic and social circle, his conversation was animated and in- 
structive, and always tempered by that kindness and amenity of manners 
which endeared him to his family and friends. 

He was no bigot in religion. While a firm believer in the doctrines of 
the Gospel as maintained by the orthodox Society of Friends, he yet held 
that religion was an operative principle producing the fruits of righteousness 
and peace, in all of whatever name, who are sincere followers of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. In conclusion we may add, that more than most men he bore 
about with him the sentiment of that old Roman, "Nihil humanum alienum 
a me puto," while he added to it the higher thought of the Christian, that 
he who loveth God loveth his brother also. We need not dwell upon the 
life of such a man. To-day, after the lapse of more than a generation, his 
memory is fresh and green in the hearts of those who knew him, and who 
still survive to hand down to their children the story of the trials of that 
eventful period in our history. 

To the Memory of 
THOMAS SHIPLEY, 

President of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, 
Who died on the 17th of Ninth mo., 1836, a devoted Christian and Philanthropist. 

BY JOHN G. WHITTIEB. 

Gone to thy Heavenly Father's rest — 

The flowers of Eden round thee blowing! 
And, on thine ear, the murmurs blest 

Of Shiloah's waters softly flowing ! 
Beneath that tree of life which gives 
To all the earth its healing leaves — 
In the white robe of angels clad, 

And wandering by that sacred river. 
Whose streams of holiness make glad 

The city of our God forever I 

Gentlest of spirits ! — not for thee 

Our tears are shed, our sighs are given : 
Why mourn to know thou art a free 

Partaker of the joys of Heaven ? 
Finished thy work, and kept thy faith 
In Christian firmness unto death — 
And beautiful as sky and earth, 

When Autumn's sun is downward going, 
The blessed memory of thy worth 

Around thy place of slumber glowing I 



'10 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

But, wo for U3 1 — who linger still 

With feebler strength and hearts less lowly, 
And minds less steadfast to the will 

Of Him, whose every work is holy ! 
For not like thine, is crucified 
The spirit of our human pride: 
And at the bondman's tale of woe, 

And for the outcast and forsaken, 
Not warm like thine, but cold and slow, 

Our weaker sympathies awaken I 

Darkly upon our struggling way 

The storm of human hate is sweeping; 
Hunted and branded, and a prey, 

Our watch amidst the darkness keeping ! 
Oh I for that hidden strength which can 
Nerve unto death the inner man 1 
Oh — for thy spirit tried and true 

And constant in the hour of trial — 
Prepared to suffer or to do 

In meekness and in self-denial. 

Oh, for that spirit meek and mild, 

Derided, spurned, yet uncomplaining — 
By man deserted and reviled. 

Yet faithful to its trust remaining. 
Still prompt and resolute to save 
From scourge and chain the hunted slave ! 
Unwavering in the truth's defence 

E'en where the fires of hate are burning, 
The unquailing eye of innocence 

Alone upon the oppressor turning 1 

Oh, loved of thousands ! to thy grave. 

Sorrowing of heart, thy brethren bore thee I 
The poor man and the rescued slave 

Wept as the broken earth closed o'er thee — 
And grateful tears, like summer rain, 
Quickened its dying grass again ! — 
And there, as to some pilgrim shrine, 

Shall come the outcast and the lowly, 
Of gentle deeds and words of thine 

Kecalling memories sweet and holy I 

Oh, for the death the righteous die ! 

An end, like Autumn's day declining, 
On human hearts, as on the sky, 

With holier, tenderer beauty shining! 
As to the parting soul were given 

The radiance of an opening heaven I 
As if that pure and blessed light 

From off the eternal altar flowing, 
Were bathing in its upward flight 

The spirit to its worship going! 



E OBER T PUR VIS. 7 1 1 

ROBERT PURVIS 

Was born in Charleston, S. C. on the 4th day of August, 1810. His 
father, William Purvis, was a native of Ross county, in Northiiniberl:ui<], 
England. His mother was a free-born woman, of Charleston. His mater- 
nal grandmother was a Moor; and her father was an Israelite, named Kai-Dii 
Judah. Robert Purvis and his two brothers were brou2;ht to the North h\ 
their parents in 1819. In Pennsylvania and New England he reeeived his 
scholastic education, finishing it at Amherst College, Since that time his 
home has been in Philadelphia, or in the vicinity of that eitv. 

His interest in the Anti-slavery cause began in his childhood, inspiretl by 
such books as " Sandford and Merton," and Dr. Toney's " Portraiture of 
Slavery," wliich his father put into his hands. His father, though resident 
in a slave state, was never a slaveholder; but was heartily an Abolitionist in 
principle. It was Robert Purvis' good fortune, before he attained his 
majority, to make the acquaintance of that earnest and self-sacrificing pio- 
neer of freedom, Benjamin Lundy; and in conjunction Avith him, was an 
early laborer in the anti-slavery field. He was a member of the Conven- 
tion held in Philadelphia in 1833, which formed the American Anti-slavery 
Society ; and among the signatures to its Declaration of Sentiments, the 
name of Robert Purvis' is to be seen ; a record of which his posterity to the 
latest generation may be justly proud. During the whole period of that 
Society's existence he was a member of it; and was also an active member 
and officer of The Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society. To the cause of the 
slave's freedom he gave with all his heart his money, his time, hfs talents. 
Fervent in soul, eloquent in speech, most gracious in manner, he was a 
favorite on the platform of Anti-slavery meetings. High-toned in moral 
nature, keenly sensitive in all matters pertaining to justice and integrity, he 
was a most valuable coadjutor with the leaders of an unpopular reform ; and 
throughout the Anti-slavery conflict, he always received, as he always 
deserved, the highest confidence and warm personal regard of his fellow- 
laborers. 

His faithful labors in aiding fugitive slaves cannot be recorded within the 
limits of this sketch. Throughout that long period of peril to all who dared 
to "remember those in bonds as bound with them," his house was a well-known 
station on the Underground R lil Road ; his horses and carriages, and his 
personal attendance, were ever at the service of the travelers upon that road. 
In those perilous duties his family heartily sympathized with him, and cheer- 
fully performed their share. 

He has lived to witness the triumph of the great cause to which ho 
devoted his youth and his manhood ; to join in the jubilee song of the 
American slave ; and the thanksgiving of the Abolitionists ; and to testify 
that the work of his life has been one " whose reward is in itself." 



712 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



JOHN HUNN. 



Almost within the lions' den, iu daily sight of the enemy, in the little 
slave-holding State of Delaware, lived and labored the freedom-lovin<r, 
earnest and whole-souled Quaker abolitionist, John lluun. His headquarters 
were at Cantwell's Bridge, but, as an engineer of the Underground Rail 
lioad, his duties, like those of his fellow-laborer Thomas Garrett, wei-e not 
confined to that section, but embraced other places, and were attended with 
great peril, constant care and expense. He was well-known to the colored 
people far and near, and was especially sought with regard to business per- 
taining to the Underground Rail Road, as a friend who would never fail to 
assist as far as possible in every time of need. Through his agency many 
found their M'ay to freedom, both by land and water. 

The slave-holders regarding him with much suspicion, watched him 
closely, and were in the habit of "breathing out threatenings and slaughter" 
very fiercely at times. But Hunn was too plucky to be frightened by their 
threats and menaces, and as one, commissioned by a higlier power to remem- 
ber those in bonds as bound witt them he remained faithful to the slave. 
Men, women or children seeking to be unloosed from the fetters of Slavery, 
could not make their grievances known to John Hunn without calling forth 
his warmest sympathies. His house and heart were always open to all such. 
The slave-holders evidently concluded that Hunn could not longer be tole- 
rated, consequently devised a plan to capture him, on the charge of aiding 
off a woman with her children. 

[John Hunn and Thomas Garrett were conjointly prosecuted in this case, 
and in the sketch of the latter, the trial, conviction, etc., are so fully referred 
to, that it is unnecessary to do more than allude to it here]. 

These noted Underground Rail Road offenders being duly brought before 
the United States District Court, in May, 1848, Judge Taney, presiding, 
backed by a thoroughly pro-slavery sentiment, obviously found it a very 
easy matter to convict them, and a still easier matter to fine them to the 
extent of every dollar they possessed in the world. Thousands of dollars 
were swept from Hunn in an instant, and his family left utterly destitute; 
but he was by no means conquered, as he deliberately gave the court to 
understand in a manly speech, delivered while stiinding to receive his sen- 
tence. There and then he avowed his entire sympathy with the slave, and 
declared that in the future, as in the past, by the help of God, ho would 
never withhold a helping hand from the down-trodden in the hour of dis- 
tress. That this pledge was faithfully kept by Hunn, there can be no 
question, as he continued steadfiLst at his post until the last fetter was broken 
by the great proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. 

He was not without friends, however, fi>r even near by, dwelt a fi'W well- 
tried Abolitionists. Kzekiel Jenkins, Mifflin Warner, and one or two others, 



JOHN EUNN. 713 

whole-souled workers in the same cause with Ilutm ; he was therefore uot 
forgotten in the hour of his extremity. 

Wishing to produce a sketch worthy of this veteran, we addressed liim on 
the subject, but failed to obtain all the desired material. His reasons, 
however, for withholding the information which we desired were furnished, 
and, in connection therewith, a few anecdotes touching Underground Uail 
Road matters coming under his immediate notice, which we here take great 
pleasure in transcribing. 

Beaufort, S.C llth.mo. 7th, 1871. 

Wm. Still, Dear Friend: — In thy first letter thee asked for my 
photograph as well as for an opinion of the book about to be edited by thy- 
self. 1 returned a favorable answer and sent likeness, as requested. I in- 
cidentally mentioned that, probably some of my papers might be of service 
to thee. The papers alluded to had no reference to myself; but consisted 
of anecdotes and short histories of some of the fugitives from the hell of 
American Slavery, who gave me a call, as engineer of the Underground 
Rail Road in the State of Delaware, and received the benefit of my advice 
and assistance. 

I was twenty-seven years-old when I engaged in the Underground Rail 
Road business^ and I continued therein diligently until the breaking up of 
that business by the Great Rebellion I then came to South Carolina to 
witness the uprising of a nation of slaves into the dignity and privileges of 
mankind. 

Nothing can possibly have the same interest to me. Therefore, I propose 
to remain where this great problem is in the process of solution ; and to give 
my best efforts to its successful accomplishment. In this matter the course 
that I have pursued thus far thj'ough life has given me solid satisfaction. I 
ask no other reward for any efforts made by me in the cause, than to feel 
that I have been of use to my fellow-men. 

No other course would have brought peace to my mind ; then why should 
any credit be awarded to me ; or how can I count any circumstance that 
may have occurred to me, in the light of a sacrifice? If a man pursues the 
only course that will bring peace to his own mind, is he deserving of any 
credit therefor ? Is not the reward worth striving for at any cost ? Indeed 
it is, as I well know. 

Would it be well for me, entertaining such sentiments, to sit down and 
write an account of my sacrifices ? I think uot Therefore please hohl me 
excused. I am anxious to see thy book, and will forward the price of one 
as soon as I can ascertain what it is. 

Please accept my thanks for thy kind remembrance of me. I am now 
fifty-three years old, but I well remember thy face in the Anti-slavery Office 
in Fifth street, when I called on business of the Underground Rail Road. 
Our mutual friend, S. D. Burris, was the cause of much uneasiness to us lu 



714 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

those times. It required much trouble, as well as expense to save him from 
the slave-traders. I stood by him on the auction-block; and when I stepped 
down, they thought they had him sure. Indeed he thought so himself for 
a little while. But we outwitted them at last, to their great chagrin. Those 
were stirring times, and the people of Dover, Delaware, will long remember 
the time when S. D. Burris was sold at public sale for aiding slaves to 
escape from their masters, and was bought by the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery 
Society. I remain very truly thy friend, John Hunn. 

THE CASE OP MOLLY, A SLAVE, BELONGING TO R B , OF SifYRKA, DELAWARE. 

BY JOHN HUNN, ENGINEER OF THE UNDERGROUND BAIL ROAD. 

Molly escaped from her master's farm, in Cecil county, Maryland, and 
found a place of refuge in the house of my cousin, John Alston, near Mid- 
dletown, Delaware. The man-hunters, headed by a constable with a search 
warrant, took her thence and lodged her in New Castle Jail. This fact 
was duly published in the county papers, and her master went after his 
chattel, and having paid the expenses of her capture took immediate posses- 
sion thereof. 

She was hand-cuffed, and, her feet being tied together, she was placed in 
the wagon. Before she left the jail, the wife of the sheriff gave her a piece 
of bread and butter, which her master kicked out of hor hand, and swore that 
bread and butter was too good for her. After this act her master took a 
drink of brandy and drove off. 

lie stopped at a tavern about four miles from New Castle and took 
another drink of brandy. He then proceeded to Odessa, then called Cant- 
wcU's Bridge, and got his dinner and more brandy, for the day was a cold 
one. He had his horse fed, but gave no food to his human chattel, who 
remained in the wagon cold and hungry. After sufficient rest for himself 
and horse he started again. He was now twelve miles from home, on a 
good road, his horse was gentle, and he himself in a genial mood at the 
recovery of his bond-woman. lie yielded to the influence of the liquor he 
had imbibed and fell into a sound sleep. Molly now determined to make 
another effort for her freedom. She accordingly Avorkcd herself gradually 
over the tail board of the wagon, and fell heavily upon the frozen ground. 
The horse and wagon passed on, and she rolled into the bushes, and waited 
for deliverance' from her bonds. This came from a colored man who was 
passing that way. As he was neither a priest nor a Levite, he took the rope 
from her feet and guided her to a cabin near at hand, where she was kindly 
received. Her deliverer could not take the hand-cuffs off, but promised to 
bring a person, during the evening, who couhl ]ierfbrm that operation. He 
fulfilled his promise, and brought her that night to my house, which was in 
sight of the one whence she had been taken to New Cttstle Jnil. 

I had no fear for her safety, as I i)elieved that her master would not think 



JOHN HUNN. 715 

of looking for her so near to the place where she had been arrested. 
Molly remained with us nearly a month; but, seeing fugitives coming and 
going continually, she finally concluded to go further North. I wrote to 
my friend, Thomas Garrett, desiring him to get a good home for Molly. 
This he succeeded in doing, and a friend from Chester county, Pennsylvania, 
came to my house and took Molly with him. She remained in his family 
more than six months. 

In the mean time the Fugitive Slave Law Wiis passed by Congress, and 
several fugitives were arrested in Philadelphia and sent back to their masters. 
Molly, hearing of these doings, became uneasy, and finally determined to "-o 
to Canada. She arrived safely in the Queen's Dominions, and felt at last 
that she had escaped from the hell of American Slavery. 

Molly described her master as an indulgent one when sober, but when he 
was on a "spree" he seemed to take great delight in tormenting her. lie 
would have lier beaten unmercifully without cause, and then have her stripes 
washed in salt water, then he would have her dragged through the horse 
pond until she was nearly dead. This last operation seemed to afford him 
much pleasure. When he became sober he would express regret at having 
treated her so cruelly. I frequently saw this master of Molly's, and was 
always treated respectfully by him. He would have his " sprees " after 
Molly left him. 

AN ACCOUNT OF THE ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY OF SAMUEL HAWKINS AND FAMILY, 
OP QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTY, MARYLAND, ON THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, 
IN THE STATE OF DELAWARE. BY JOHN HUNN. 

On the morning of the 27th of 12th month (December), 1845, as I was 
washing my hands at the yard pump of my residence, near Middletown, New 
Castle county, Delaware, I looked down the lane, and saw a covered wagon 
slowly approaching my house. The sun had just risen, and was shining 
brightly (after a stormy night) on the snow which covered the ground to the 
depth of six inches. My house was situated three quarters of a mile from 
the road leading from Middletown to Odessa, (then called CantwelTs Bridge.) 
On a closer inspection I noticed several men walking beside the wagon. 
This seemed rather an early hour for visitors, and I could not account for 
the circumstance. AVhen they reached the yard fence I met them, and a 
colored man handed me a letter addressed to Daniel Corbit, John Alston or 
John Hunn ; I asked the man if he had presented the letter to either of the 
others to whom it was addressed ; he said, no, that he had not been able to 
see either of them. The letter was from my cousin, Ezekiel Jenkins, of 
Camden, Delaware, and stated that the travelers were fugitive slaves, under 
the direction of Samuel D. Burns (who handed me the note). The party 
consisted of a man and his wife, with their six children, and four fine-look- 
ing colored men, without counting the pilot, S. D. Burris, who was a free 
man, from Kent county, Delaware. 



716 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

This was the first time that I ever saw Burris, and also the first time that 
I had ever been called upon to assist fugitives from the hell of American 
Slaver}'. The wanderers were gladly welcomed, and made as comfortable 
as possible until breakfast was ready for them. One man, in trying to pull 
his boots off, found they were frozen to his feet ; he went to the pump and 
filled them with water, thus he was able to get them off in a few minutes. 

This increase of thirteen in the family was a little embarrassing, but after 
breakfast they all retired to the barn to sleep on the hay, except the woman 
and four children, who remained in the house. They were all very weary, 
as they had traveled from Camden (twenty-seven miles), through a snow- 
storm ; the woman and four children in the wagon with the driver, the 
others walking all the way. Most of them were badly frost-bitten, before 
they arrived at my house. In Camden, they were sheltered in the houses 
of their colored friends. Although this was my first acquaintance with S. 
D. Burris, it was not my last, as he afterwards piloted them himself, or was 
instrumental in directing hundreds of fugitives to me for shelter. 

About two o'clock of the day on which these fugitives arrived at ray 
house, a neighbor drove up with his daughter in a sleigh, apparently on a 
friendly visit. I noticed his restlessness and frequent looking out of the 
window fronting the road ; but did not suppose, that he had come "to spy 
out the land." 

The wagon and the persons walking with it, had been observed from his 
house, and he had reported the fact in Middletown. Accordingly, in half 
an hour, another sleigh came up, containing a constable of Middletown, 
"William Hardcastle, of Queen Ann's county, Maryland, and William 
Chesnut, of the same neighborhood. I met them at the gate, and the con- 
stable handed me an advertisement, wherein one thousand dollars reward 
was offered for the recovery of three runaway slaves, therein described. 

The constable asked me if they were in my house? 1 said they were not! 
He then asked me if he might search the house? I declined to allow him 
this privilege, unless he had a warrant for that purpose. While we stood 
thus conversing, the husband of the woman with the six children, came out 
of a house near the barn, and ran into the wootls. The constable and his 
two companions immediately gave chase, with many halloos ! After running 
more than a mile through the snow, the fugitive came toward the house; I 
went to meet him, and found him with his back against the barn-yai-d fence, 
with a butcher's knife in his hand. The man hunters soon came up, and the 
constable asked me to get the knife from the fugitive. This I declined, 
unless the constable should first give me his pistol, with which he was 
threatening to shoot the man. He complied with my request, and the fugi- 
tive handed me the knife. Then he produced a pass, properly authenticated, 
and signed by a magistrate of Queen Ann's county. Maryland, certifying 
that this man was free ! and that his name was Samuel Hawkins. 



JOHN HUNK 717 

"William Hardcastle now advanced, and said that he know the man to be 
free; but that he was accused of running away with his wife and children 
who were slaves. He also said, that this man had two boys with him, who 
belonged to a neighbor of his, named Charles Wesley Glanding, and that 
the four other children and mother belonged to Catharine Turner, of Queen 
Ann's county, Maryland. Hardcastle further expressed his belief, that tiiis 
man knew where his wdfe and children were at that time, and insisted that 
he should go before a magistrate in Middletown, and be examined in re'^ard 
thereto. He also expressed doubts as to the genuineness of this pass, and 
wished the man to go to Middletown on that account also. As there was no 
other course to pursue under the circumstances, I had my sleigh brought out, 
and we all went to Middletown, before ray friend, William Streets, who was 
then in commission as a magistrate. It was now after dark of this short 
winter's day. Soon after our arrival at the office of William Streets, Hard- 
castle j)ut his arm very lovingly around the neck of the colored man, Samuel 
Hawkins, and drew him into another room. In a short time, Samuel came 
out, and told me that Hardcastle had agreed, that if he, Hawkins, would 
give up his two older boys, who belonged to Charles Wesley Glanding; 
' then he might pursue his journey with his wife and four children. I asked 
him if he believed Hardcastle would keep his promise? He replied: "Yes! 
I do not think master William would cheat me." I assured him -that he 
would cheat him, and that the offer was made for the purpose of not only 
getting the two older boys (fourteen and sixteen years of age), but his wife 
and other children to the office, when all of them would be taken together 
to the jail, in New Castle. Samuel thought differently, and at his request, 
I wrote to my wife for the delivery of the family of Samuel Hawkins to the 
constable. They were soon forthcoming, and on their arrival at the office, a 
commitment was made out for the whole party. Samuel and his two older 
sons were hand-cuffed, amidst many tears and lamentations, and they all 
went off under charge of the man-hunters, to New Castle jail, a distance of 
eighteen miles. 

William Streets committed the whole party as fugitives from Slavery, 
while the husband (Samuel), was a free man. This was done on account of 
the detestation of the wacked business, as much as on account of his friend- 
ship for me. 

On their arrival at the jail, about midnight, the sheriff was aroused, and 
the commitment shown to him ; after reading it, he asked Samuel if he was 
a slave? He said no, and showed his pass (which had been pronounced 
genuine by the magistrate). The sheriff hereupon told them, that the com- 
mitment was not legal, and would not hold them lawfully. It was now 
lirst day (Sunday), and the man-hunters were in a quandary. 

The constable finally agreed to go back and get another commitment, if 
the sheriff would take the party into the jail until his return; Hardcastle 



718 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

also urged the sheriff to adopt this plan. Accordingly they were taken into 
the jail. 

The sheriff's dauo:hter had heard her father's conversation with the con- 
stable, accordingly she sent word on First-day morning, to my revered 
friend, Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, five miles distant, in regard to the 
matter, inviting him to see the fugitives. Early on Second day morning 
(Monday), Thomas went over with John Wales, attorney at law. The 
latter soon obtained a writ of habeas corpus from Judge Booth of New 
Castle, which was served upon the sheriff; who, therefore, brought the 
whole party before Judge Booth, who discharged them at once, as being 
illegally detained by the sheriff. Thomas Garrett,-with the consent of the 
judge, then hired a carriage to take the woman and four children over to 
AVilmington, Samuel and the two older boys walked, so they all escaped 
from the man-hunters. They went from Wilmington to Byberry, and 
settled near the farm of Kobert Purvis. Samuel Hawkins and wife have 
since died, but their descendants still live in that neighborhood, under the 
name of Hackett. 

Soon after the departure of the fugitives from New Castle jail, the consta- 
ble arrived with new commitments from William Streets, and presented 
them in due form to the sheriff; who informed him that they had been 
liberated by order of Judge Booth ! A few hours after, William Hardcastle 
arrived from Philadelphia, expecting to take Samuel Hawkins and his 
family to Queen Ann's county, Maryland. Judge of his disappointment at 
finding they were beyond his control — absolutely gone! They returned to 
Middletown in great anger, and threatened to prosecute William Streets for 
his participation in the affair. 

A.fter the departure of the Hawkins family from Middletown, I returned 
home to see what had become of S. D. Burris and his four men. I found 
them taking some solid refreshment, preparatory to taking a long walk in 
the snow. They left about nine P. M., for Wilmington. I sent by S. D. 
Burris a letter to Thomas Garrett, detailing the arrest and commitment of S. 
Hawkins and family to New Castle jail. They all arrived safely in Wil- 
mington before daylight next morning. Burris waited to hear the result of 
the expedition to New Castle ; and actually had the pleasure of seeing S. 
Hawkins and family arrive in Wilmington. 

Samuel Burris returned to my house early on Third day morning, with a 
letter from Thomas Garrett, giving me a description of the whole transac- 
tion. My joy on this occa.sion was great ! and I returned thanks to God for 
this wonderful escape of so many human beings from the charnel-house of 
Slavery. 

Of course, this circumstance excited the ire of many jiro-slavery editors 
in Maryland. I had copies of several papers sent me, wherein I was 
described as a man unfit to live in a civilized community, and calling upon 





JOHN UUNN, 

CHIEF ENGINEER OF THE SOUTHERN END. See p. ll'i 



SAMUEL RIIOADS, 

BTOCKHOLDER. See p. 719. 





WILLIAM W lliri'i;i{, 

CONDUCTOR .\T COLUMBIA. See J). 73y 



SAMUKL U. IIIUKIS, 

UONDUCTOR. See i>. "W. 



OFFICERS OF THE ROAD. 



SAMUEL RHOADS. 719 

the inhabitants of Middletown to expel such a dangerous person from tiiat 
neighborhood! They also told exactly where 1 lived, which enabled many 
a poor fugitive esca[)ing from the house of bondage, to find a hearty welcome 
and a resting place on the road to liberty. Thanks be to God ! for His 
goodness to me in this respect. 

The trial which ensued from the above, came off before Chief Justice 
Taney, at New Castle. My revered friend, Thomas Garrett, and myself, 
were there convicted of harboring fugitive slaves, and were fined accord- 
ingly, to the extent of the law ; Judge Taney delivering the sentence. A 
detailed account of said trial, will fully appear in the memoirs of our 
deceased friend, Thomas Garrett. 



SAMUEL RHOADS 

Was born in Philadelphia, in 1806, and was through life a consistent 
member of the Society of Friends. His parents were persons of great re- 
spectability and integrity. The son early showed an ardent desire for 
improvement, and was distinguished among his young companions for warm 
affections, amiable disposition, and genial marmers, rare purity aud refine- 
ment of feeling, and a taste for literary pursuits. Preferring as his associates 
those tq whom he looked for instruction and example, and aiming at a high 
standard, he won a position, both mentally and socially, superior to his 
early surroundings. With a keen sense of justice and humanity, he could 
not fail to share in the traditional opposition of his religious society to 
slavery, and to be quickened to more intense feeling as the evils of the 
system were more fully revealed in the Anti-slavery agitation which in his 
early manhood began to stir the nation. 

A visit to England, in 1834, brought him into connection and friendship 
with many leading Friends in that country, who were actively engaged in the 
Anti-slavery movement, and probably had much to do with directing his 
attention specially to the subject. Once enlisted, he never wavered, but as 
long as slavery existed by law in our country his influence, both publicly 
and privately, was exerted against it. He\Viis strengthened in his course by 
a warm friendship and frequent intercourse with the late Abraham L. 
Pennock, a man whose unbending integrity and firm allegiance to duty were 
equalled only by his active benevolence, broad charity, and rare clearness of 
judgment. Samuel Rhoads, like him, while sympathizing with other phases 
of the Anti-slavery movement, took especial interest in the subject of abstain- 
ing from the use of articles produced by slave labor. Believing that the 
purchase of such articles, by furnishing to the master the only possibility of 
pecuniary profit from the labor of his slaves, sui)plicd one motive for hold- 
ing them in bondage, and that the purchaser thus became, however unwitt- 



720 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ingly, a partaker in the guilt, he felt conscientiously bound to withhold his 
individual support as far as practicable, and to recommend the same course 
to others. 

His practical action upon these views began about the year 1841, and was 
persevered in, at no small expense and inconvenience, till slavery ceased in 
this country to have a legal existence. About this time he united with the 
American Free Produce Association, which had been formed in 1838, and 
in 1845 took an active part in the formation of the Free Produce Associa- 
tion of Friends of Philadelphia, Y. M. ; both associations having the object 
of promoting the production by free labor of articles usually grown by slaves, 
particularly of cotton. Agents were sent into the cotton States, to make 
arrangements with small planters, who were growing cotton by the labor of 
themselves and their families without the help of slaves, to obtain their 
crops, which otherwise went into the general market, and could not be dis- 
tinguished. A manufactory was established for Avorking this cotton, and a 
limited variety of goods were thus furnished. In all these operations Samuel 
Rhoads aided efficiently by counsel and money. 

In 1846, "The Non-slave-holder," a monthly periodical, devoted mainly 
to the advocacy of the Free Produce cause, was established in Philadelphia, 
edited by A. L. Pennock, S. Rhoads, and George W. Taylor. It was con- 
tinued five years, for the last two of which Samuel Rhoads conducted it 
alone. He wrote also a pamphlet on the free labor question. From July, 
1856 to January, 1867 he was Editor of the " Friends' Review," a weekly 
paper, religious and literary, conducted in the interest of his own religious 
society, and in this position he gave frequent proofs of interest in the slave, 
keeping his readers well advised of events and movements bearing upon the 
subject. 

While thus awake to all forms of anti-slavery effort, his heart and hand 
were ever open to the fugitive from bondage, who appealed to him, and none 
such were ever sent away empty. Though not a member of the Vigilance 
Committee, he rendered it frequent and most efficient aid, especially during 
the dark ten years after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law. 

A second visit to England, in 1847, had enlarged his connection and cor- 
respondence with anti-slav^ery friends there, and in addition to his own 
contributions, very considerable sums of money were transmitted to him, 
especially through A. H. Richardson, for the benefit of the fugitives. Often 
when the treasury of the Committee ran low, he came opportunely to their 
relief with fiinds sent by his English friends, while his sympathy and encourage- 
ment never failed. The extent of his assistance in this direction was known 
to but few, but by them its value was gratefully acknowLxlged. None 
rejoiced more than he in the overthrow of American slavery, though its end 
came in convulsion and bloodshed, at which his spirit revolted, not by the 
peaceful means through which he with others had labored to bring it about 



GEORGE CORSON. 721 

He had some years before been active in preparing a memorial to Con- 
gress, asking that body to make an effort to put an end to slavery in the 
States, by offering from the national treasury, to any State or States which 
would emancipate the slaves therein, and engage not to renew the system, 
compensation for losses thus sustained. This proposition was made, not as 
admitting any right of the mastei-s to compensation ; but on tlie ground that 
the whole nation, having shared in the guilt of maintaining slavery, inii:;lit 
justly share also in whatever pecuniary loss might follow its abandonment. 

This memorial was sent to Congress, but elicited no response ; and in the 
fulness of time, the nation paid even in money many times any ]>ossible 
price that could have been demanded under this plan. Samuel Riioads 
died in 1868. 

GEORGE CORSON 

Was born in Plymouth township, Montgomery county, Pennsylvania, 
January 24th, 1803. He was the son of Joseph and Plannah Corson, He 
was married January 24th, 1832, to Martha, daughter of Samuel and 
Susanna Maulsby. 

There were perhaps few more devoted men than George Corson to the 
interests of the oppressed everywhere. The slave, fleeting from his master, 
ever found a home with him, and felt while there that no slave-hunter would 
get him away until every means of protection should fail. He was ever 
ready to send his horse and carriage to convey them on the road to Canada, 
or elsewhere towards freedom. His home was always open to entertain the 
anti-slavery advocates, and being warmly supported in the cause by his ex- 
cellent wife, everything which they could do to make their guests comfort- 
able was done. The Burleighs, J. Miller McKim, Miss Mary Grew, F. 
Douglass, and others will not soon forget that hospitable home. It is to be 
regretted that he died before the emancipation of the slaves, which he had 
so long labored for, arrived. In this connection it may not be improper to 
state that simultaneously with his labors in the Anti-slavery cause, he was 
also laboring with zeal in the cause of Temperance. Of his efforts in that 
direction through nearly thirty years, our space will not allow us to speak. 
His life and labors were a daily protest against the traffic of rum. There is 
also another phase of his character which should be mentioned. Whenever 
he Saw animals abused, horses beaten, he instantly interfered, often at great 
risk of personal harm from the brutal drivers about the lime quarries and 
iron ore diggings. So firm, so determined was he, that the cruellest ruffian 
felt that he must yield or confront the law. Take him all for all, there 
will rarely be found in one man more universal benevolence and justice than 
was possessed by the subject of this notice. 

Hiram Corson, brother of the subject of this sketch, and a faithful co- 
46 



722 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

laborer in tlio cause, in response to a request that he would furnish a 
reminiscence touching his brother's agency in assisting fugitives, wrote as 
follows : 

November \st, 1871. 

Dear Robert: — Wm. Still wishes some account of the case of the negro 
slave taken from our neighborhood some years ago, after an attempt by my 
brother George to release him. (About thirty years ago.) George had been 
on a visit to our brother Charles, living at the fork of the Skippack and Per- 
kiomen Creeks, in this county, and on his return, late in the afternoon, while 
coming along an obscure road, not the main direct road, he came up to a 
man on horseback, who was followed at a distance of a few feet by a colored 
man with a. rope tied around his neck, and the other end held by the person 
on horseback. 

George had had experience with those slave-drivers before, as in the case 
of John and James Lewis, and withal had become deeply interested in the 
Anti-slavery cause. He, therefore, inquired of the mounted man, what the 
other had done that he was to be thus treated. He quietly remarked that 
he was his slave and had run away. He then asked by what authority he 
held him. He said by warrant from Esquire Vanderslice. Indignant at 
this great outrage, my brother hurried on to Norristown, and waited his 
arrival with a process to arrest him. The slave-master, confident in his 
rights, bold in the country of those pretended freemen, who were ever ready 
to kiss the rod of Slavery, came slowly riding into Norristown, just before 
sunset, with the rope still fast to the slave's neck. He was immediately 
taten before a Justice of the Peace, whose name I do not now remember. 
The people gathered around ; anxious inquiries were made as to the person 
who had the audacity to question the right of this quiet, peaceable man to 
do with his slave as he pleased. Great scorn was expressed for the busy 
Abolitionists. Much sympathy given to the abused slave owner. It was soon 
decided, by the aid of a volunteer lawyer, whose sons have since fought the 
battle for freedom, that the slave-owner had a right to take his slave whcrc- 
ever, and in whatever w'ay he pleased, through the country, and not only 
that, but at his call for help it was the bounden duty of every man, called 
upon, to aid him ; and the person who had the audacity to stop him was 
threatened with punishment. 

But George's blood was up, so pained was he at the sight of a man, a poor 
man, a helpless man, being dragged through from Pennsylvania with a 
halter around his nock, that, amidst the jeers and insults of the debased 
crowd, he denounced Slavery, its aiders and abettors, in tones of scorn and 
loathing. But the man thief was left with his prey. Through the advice 
of those who stood by the slave laws and who knelt before the slave power, 
as personified by that hunter of slaves, the rope was taken from the neck. 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 723 

and the man guarded while the master regaled himself. That night he dis- 
appeared with his man. 

I can also give a few particulars of the escape of the Gorsuch murderers, 
from Norristown on their way to Canada. There should be a portrait of 
Daniel Ross, and a history of his labors during twenty or more vears. 
Hundreds were entertained in his humble home, and it was in his home that 
the Gorsuch murderer was secreted. He must not be left out. I can also 
get the whole history, escape, capture, trial, conviction and redemption of 
James and John Lewis, and one other. They were captured here M'itliin 
sight of our house. George Corson, Esq., published it all, about ten years 
ago. Respectfully, 

Robert R. Cobson. IHuam Coiison. 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 

Mr. Still has asked me to record the part that my father bore in the Anti- 
slavery enterprise, as it began tuid grew in this city. I comply, because 
the history of that struggle would be very incomplete, if from it were 
omitted the peculiar work which my father's position here shaped for him. 
Yet I can only indicate his work, not portray it ; tell some of its elements, 
and then leave them to the moral sympathies of the reader to upbuild. For, 
first, his labor for the love of man was evenly distributed through the 
mould and movements of his entire life ; and from a perpetual current of 
nourishing blood, one cannot name those particular atoms that are busiest or 
richest to sustain vitality. And, further, if I could hear his voice, it would 
forbid any detailed account of what he accomplished and endured. It was 
all done unobtrusively in his life; bravely, defiantly, in regard of the evil 
to be met and mastered, but as unconsciously in regard of himself as every 
conviction works, when it is as broad as the entire spiritual life of a man 
and has his entire spiritual force to give it expression. I know, therefore, 
that while I should be permitted to mention so much of his service as the 
history of the conflict might demand, I should be forbidden all talc of sacrifice 
and labor that mere personal narrative would include; and I ask now only 
this : What peculiar influence did he exert for the furtherance of the cause 
which So largely absorbed his labor and life ? Did he contribute anything 
to it stamped with the signature of so clear an individuality that no other 
man could have contributed quite the same? To this I maintain an affirma- 
tive answer ; and in witness of its truth, I sketch the general course of his 
life, that through it we may find those elements of his character which intui- 
tively ranged him on the side of the slave. 

When my father came to Philadelphia in 1834, his sentiments in regard 
to Slavery were those held generally in the North — an easy-going wish to 
avoid direct issue with the South on a question supposetl to be peculiarly 



724 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

theirs. But the winds of Heaven owned to no decorous limit in Mason and 
Dixon's line; and there were larger winds blowing than these — winds risino' 
in the vast laboratories of the general human heart, and destined to sweep 
into all the vast spaces of human want and woe. The South was finding, 
through her blacks' perpetual defiance of torture and death for freedom, that 
there was perhaps something, even in a negro, which most vexatiously 
refused to be counted in with the figures of the auctioneer's bill of sale; 
and now the North's lesson was coming to her — that the soul of a 
century's civilization was still less purchasable than the soul of a slave. 
A growing feeling of humanity was stirring through the northern States, 
It was not the work, I think, of any man or body of men ; it was rather 
itself a creative force, and made men and bodies of men the results of its 
awakening influence. To such a power, my father's nature was quickly 
responsive. Both his head and his heart recognized the terrible wrongs of 
the enslaved, and the urgency with which they pressed for remedy ; but 
where was the means? From the first, he felt that the movement which 
bi'ought Freedom and Slavery fairly into the field and squarely against each 
other, threw unnecessary obstacles in its own way by the violence with which 
it was begun and prosecuted. If he were to work at all in the cause, he 
determined to work \vithin the limits of recognized law. The Colonization 
Society held out a good hope ; at least, he could see no other as close to the 
true but closer to the feasible ; and, after connecting himself with it, he 
seems to have been content for a while on the score of political matters, and 
to have devoted himself to what he had adopted as his chief purpose in life. 
This was, enlarging the sjihere of female education, and giving it a more 
vigorous tone. To this he tasked all his abilities. His convictions on the 
subject were very earnest ; his strength of character sufficient to bear them 
out; so that, in a short time, he was able to establish his school so firmly in 
the respect of this community, that, for twenty-five years, all the odium that 
his activity in the Anti-slavery cause drew upon him did not for a moment 
abate the public confidence accorded to his professional power. 

It was in 1836, in one of his vacations, that his mind was violently 
turned inwards to re-examine his status upon the Anti-slavery question. He 
happened to be visiting his old college-friend, Salmon P. Chase, at Cincin- 
nati, and, fortunately for the spiritual life of both men, it was at the time of 
the terrible riots that broke up the press of John G. Birney. Both being 
known as already favoring the caiise of the slave, they stood in much peril 
for several days; but when the dark time was passed, the clearness that 
defined their sentiments was seen to be worth all the personal danger that 
had bought it. Self-delusion on the subject was no longer possible. The 
deductions from the facts were as plain as the facts themselves. The two 
friends took counsel together, and adopted the policy from which thencefor- 
ward neither ever swerved. A great cloud was rolled from their eyes. In 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 725 

all this turmoil of riot, they saw on the one side, indeed, a love of man o;rcat 
in its devotion; but on the other, a moral deadness in the North so |)roiuiiiid 
and determined that it threatened thus brutally any voice that would disturb 
it Their duty, then, was evident: to fling all the forces of their lives, and 
by all social and political means, right against this inertness, and shatter it 
if they could. To Mr. Chase, the course of things gave the larger political 
work ; to my father, the larger social. His diary records how amazed he 
was, when he returned to Philadelphia, at his former blindness, and how 
thankful to the spirit of love that had touched and cleansed his eyes that he 
might see God's image erect. He knew now that his lot had been cast in 
the very stronghold of apathy, the home of a lukewarm spirit, wliich, not con- 
taining anything positive to keep it close to the right, let its sullen negative- 
ness gi-avitate towards the wrong. It will be difficult to make coming 
generations understand, not the flaming antagonism to humanity, but the 
more brutal avoidance of it that ruled the political tone in this latitude, from 
1836 to 1861. I have thought of the word bitterness, as expressing it; but 
though that might convey somewhat of its recoil when disturbed, it pictures 
nothing of its inhuman solicitude against all disturbance. Conservatism, it 
was called ; and certainly it did conserve the devil admirably. At the 
South, one race of men were so basclj wielding a greater physical j)ower 
over another race of men, as to crush from them the attributes of self-resjKtn- 
sible creatures ; Philadelphia, the city of the North nearest the wrong, made 
no plea for humanity's claims. It went on, this monstrous abrogation of 
everything that lends sanctity to man's relations on earth, till slaves were 
beasts, with instincts annihilated, and masters demons, with instincts re- 
versed ; Philadelphia made no plea for the violated rhythm of life on 
either side. Even the Church betrayed its mission, and practically aided 
in stamping out from millions the spirit that related them to the Divine; 
still Philadelphia made no plea for God's love in his humanity. Utterly 
insensible to the most piercing appeals that man can make to man, she loved 
her hardness, clung to it ; and if, now and then, a voice from the North blew 
down, warningly as a trumpet, the great city turned sluggishly in her bed 
of spiritual and political torpor, and cried : Let be, let be ! a little more 
slumber! a little more folding of the hands to my moral dcath-slee]) ! 

This souring of faith, this half-paralysis of the heart's beating, this 
blurring of the intuitions that make manhood possible, were wliat my 
father found here in that year of our Lord's grace, 1836. It will be worth 
while to watch him move into the fight and bear his part in its thickest, just 
to learn how largely history lays her humanitarian advances on a few will- 
ing souls. 

The means which lay readiest to his use for rousing the dormant sjunt 
of the city was his social position. And yet how hard, one would tlimk, 
it must have been to make this sacrifice. He came accredited by all 



7v(j mil, uiMJrjriKjrJciuviyu xi^iiij jxujiu. 

the claims of finished culture, a man consecrated to the scholar's life.* Then, 
with the sensitiveness that springs from intellectual breeding, one will look 
to see him shrink from conflict with the callous condition of feeling arouijd 
him. The glamour of book-lore will spread over it, and hide it from his 
sight.. He has a noble enough mission, at all events: to raise the standard 
of educational culture in a city that hardly knows the meaning of the terra; 
and if any glimpse should come to him of the lethargic inhumanity around' 
him, he can afford to let it pass as a glimpse — his look being fixed on the 
sacred heights which the scholar's feet must tread. 

Ah, how his course, so difierent, proves to us that the true scholar is 
alwavs a scholar of truth. No matter what element of the public sentiment 
he met — the listlessness of pampered wealth ; the brutal i>rtj'udice of" some 
voting savage ; the refined sneer of lettered dilettanteism ; the purposed 
aversion of trade or pulpit fearing disturbed markets or pews ; — he beat 
lustily and incessantly at all the parts of the iron image of wrong sitting 
stolidly here with close-shut eyes. No matter when it Avas, on holiday or 
working-day or Sabbath ; at home and abroad ; in the parlor, the street, the 
counting-room ; in his school and in the Church ; — he bore down on this 
apathy and its brood of scorns like a west wind that sweeps through a 
city dving under weight of miasma. And the wind might as well cease 
blowing yet not cease to be wind, as my father's influence stop and himself 
live. It scattered the good seed everywhere. How often have I heard him 
sav, " I know nothing of what the harvest will be ; I am responsible only 
for the sowing." And bravely went the sowing on, with the broadcast lar- 
gesse of love. There was no breeze of talk that did not (?arry the seeds; — 
to the wayside, for from those that even chance upon the truth the fowls of 
the air cannot take it all ; to thin soil and among thorns, for no heart so 
feeble or choked that will not find in a single day's growth of truth germi- 
nation for eternity ; to stony places, for no cranny in the ro(;ks that can hold 
a seed but can be a home for riving roots; — "And other fell on good ground 
and did bring forth fruit." 

Thus it was primarily to rouse those of his own class that he labored, to 
gall them into seeing (though they should turn again and rend him) that 
moral supineness is moral decay, that the soul shrivels into nothingness 
when wrong is acquiesce<l in, as surely as it is torn and scattered by the furies 
let loose within it, when wrong is done. But just there lay the difficulty 
and pain of his mission : that, from his acknowledged standing in the 
literary world, and as a leader in the interests of liighor education, his path 
brought him into contact mainly with the cultured, and it was among these 

* All that I here write of ray father, T write pqually of his ci-lal>oror in the same sphere of work—" 
Rev. W. II. Furncss; and it it is true of others whom 1 di'l not know, thc-n to th'-ir memory also I 
bear this record of tho two whoso labors and characters it has been the dc-epcst privilege of my life to 
know so well. 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 'i-2'j 

that the pro-slavery spirit ruled with its bitterest stringency. Not i-iiltiircd: 
let us unsay the word ; rather, with the gloss and hard polish which read- 
ing and wealth and the finer appointments of living can throw over spiritual 
arrest or decay. Culture is a holy word, and dare be used of intellectual 
advance only when the moral sympathies have kept equal step. It inr-ludes 
something beyond an amateur sentiment in favor of what we favor. If it 
does not open the ear to every cry of humanity, struggling uj) or slipping 
back, it is no culture properly so called, hut a sham, a mask of wax, a varnish 
with cruel glitter; and what a double wrath will be pounsd on him who 
cracks the wax and the varnish, not only because of the rude awakening, 
but because the crack shows the sham. 

It is impossible for us now to realize what revenge this class dealt to my 
ftither for twenty-five years. Consider their power of revenge. They could 
not force a loss of property or of life, it is true ; they made no open assault 
in the street; their ^delicacy' held itself above common vituperation. But 
they wielded a greater power than all these over a man whose eveiy accom- 
plishment made him their equal, and they used it without stint. They 
doomed him to the slow martyrdom of social scorn. They shut their doors 
against him. They elbowed him from eveiy position to which he had a 
wish or a right, except public respect, and they could not elbow him from 
that unless they pushed his character from its poise. They cut him off from 
every friendly regard which would else have been devotedly his, on that 
level of educated life, and limited him to 'solitary confinement' Mithin 
himself. They compelled him to walk as if under a ban or an anathema. 
Had he been a leper in Syrian deserts, or a disciple of Jesus among Phari- 
sees, he could not have been more utterly banished from the region of homes 
and self-constituted piety. They showered ineffable contempt upon him in 
every way consistent with their littleness and — refinement. Slight, sneer, 
insult, all the myriad indignities that only 'good society' can devise, these 
were what my father received in return for his love and his work in love. 

How little personal relation all this obloquy bore to him, let this stand as 
evidence: that he not only continued his work, but daily gave it more 
caustic energy and wider scope. As I have hinted, he did not, in political 
matters, give in his adherence to that class of abolitionists who, as he 
thought, threw away their best chances of success in refusing to work within 
constitutional provisions. He was prouder that this single community should 
call him " abolitionist," tliough it spat the word at him, than if the whole 
earth should hail him with the kingliest title; but he loved the name too 
well not to make it stand for some practical fact, some feasible and organized 
effort. He believed that our National Constitution did,, indeed, hold many 
compromises with Slavery, but was framed, in the majority of its provisions 
and certainly in the totality of its spirit, in the interests of freedom ; and 
that it only needed enforcement by the choice of the ballot-box to bring the 



728 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

South either to an amicable or a hostile settlement of the question. Which, 
he did not ask or care. The duty of the present could not be mis-read; it 
was written in the vote. • 

With these views, he gave much time and work to organizing in this 
State, " The National Liberty Party/' in 1840, and to securing from Penn- 
sylvania some of the seven thousand votes that were cast for John G. Birney 
in that year throughout the Union. By the time another election came, the 
party had swelled its numbers to seventy thousand. To contribute his share 
towards this success, tract after tract, address after address, were written and 
sent broadcast; meetings were convened, committees formed, resolutions 
framed, speeches made, petitions and remonstrances sent, public action 
fearlessly sifted and criticised ; in short, because he held a steady faith in 
men's humane promptings when ultimately reached, he 'cried aloud' to 
them by every access, and 'spared not' to call them from their timidity and 
time-serving to manly utterance through the ballot-box. 

Of such appeals, his address of the " Liberty Party of Pennsylvania, to 
the people of the State," issued in 1844, may stand as a sample. It is a 
vivid portrayal of the slavp power's insidious encroachments, and of its 
monopolized guidance of the Government. It gathers up the national statistics 
into groups, shows how new meaning is reflected from them thus related, that 
all unite to illustrate the single fact of the South's steady increase of power, 
her tightening grasp about the throat of government, and her buffets of 
threat to the North when a wcedling palm failed to palsy fast enough. It 
warns northern voters of the undertow that is drawing them, and adjures 
them, by every consideration of political common sense, not to cast their 
ballots for either of the pro-slavery candidates presented. The couclusion 
of this address is as follows : 

OUR OBJECT. 

"And now, fellow-citizens, you may ask, what ia our object in thus exhibiting to yon 
the alarming influence of the slave power? Do we wish to excite in your bosoms feelings 
of hatred against citizens of a common country? Do we wish to array the PVee ' states 
against the Slave states in hostile strife? No, fellow-citizens. But we wish to show you 
that, while the slave states are inferior to us in free population, having not even one half 
of ours ; inferior in morals, being the region of bowie knives and duels, of assassinations 
and lynch law ; inferior in mental attainments, having not one-fourth of the number that 
can read and write; inferior in intelligence, having not one-fifth of the number of literary 
and scientific periodicals; inferior in the products of agriculture and manufactures, of 
mines, of fisheries, and of the forest ; inferior, in short, in everything that constitutes 
the wealth, the honor, the dignity, the stal)ility, the happiness, the true greatness of a 
nation, — it is wrong, it is unjust, it is absurd, that they should have an influence in all the 
departments of government so entirely disproportionate to our own. We would arouse 
you to your own true interests. We would have you, like men, firmly resolved to mam- 
tain your own rights. We would have you say to the South, — if you choose to hug to your 
bosom that system which is continually injuring and impoverishing you; that system 
which reduces two millions and a half of native Americans m vour midst to the most 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 729 

abject condition of ignorance and vice, withholding from them the very key of knowledge; 
that system which is at war with every principle of justice, every feeling of humanity ; 
that system which makes man the property of man, and perpetuates that relation from 
one generation to another ; that system which tramples, continually, upon a majority of 
the commandments of the Decalogue ; that system which could not live a day if it did not 
give one party supreme control over the persons, the health, the liberty, the happiness, 
the marriage relations, the parental authority and filial obligations of the other ; — if you 
choose to cling to such a System, cling to it ; but you shall not cross our line ; you shall 
not bring that foul thing here. We know, and we here repeat it for the thousandth time 
to meet, for the thousandth time, the calumnies of our enemies, that while we may present 
to you every consideration of duty, we have no right, as well as no power, to alter your 
State laws. But remember, that slavery is the mere creature of local or statute law, and 
cannot exist out of the region where such law has force. ' It is so odious/ says Lord 
Mansfield, ' that nothing can be suffered to support it hni positive law.' 

" We would, therefore, say to you again, in the strength of that Constitution under which 
•we live, and which no where countenances slavery, you shall not bring that foul thing 
here. You shall not force the corrupted and corrupting blood of that system into every 
vein and artery of our body politic. You shall not have the controlling power in all the 
departments of our government at home and abroad. You shall not so negotiate with 
foreign powers, as to open markets for the products of slave labor alone. You shall not 
so manage things at home, as every few years to bring bankruptcy upon our country. 
You shall not, in the apportionment of public moneys, have what you call your ' pro- 
perty ' represented, and thus get that which, by no right, belongs to you. You shall not 
have the power to bring your slaves upon our free soil, and take them away at pleasure ; 
nor to reclaim them, when they, panting for liberty, have been able to escape your grasp; 
for we would have it said of us, as the eloquent Curran said of Britain, the moment the 
slave touches our soil, ' The ground on which he stands is holy, and consecrated to the 
Genius of Universal Emancipation.' 

" Thus, fellow-citizens, we come to the great olject of the Liberty Party: Ab-solute 

AND UNQUALIFIED DIVORCE OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT FROM ALL CONNECTION WITH 

si-AVERY. We would employ every constitutional means to eradicate it from our entire 
country, because it would be for the highest welfare of our entire country. We would 
have liberty established in the District, and in all the Territories. * * We 

would have liberty of speech and of the press, which the Constitution guarantees to us. 
We would have the right of petition most sacredly regarded. We would secure to every 
man what the Constitution secures, ' The right of trial by jury.' We would do what we 
can for the encouragement and improvement of the colored race, and restore to them that 
inestimable right of which they have been so meanly, as well as unjustly, deprived, the right 
OF SUFFRAGE. We would look to the best interests of the country, and the whole country, 
and not legislate for the good of an Oligarchy, the most arrogant that ever lorded it over 
an insulted people. We would have our commercial treaties with foreign nations regard 
the interests of the Free states. We would provide safe, adequate, and permanent mar- 
kets for the produce of free labor. And, when reproached with slavery, we would be able 
to say to the world, with an open front and a clear conscience, our General Government 
has nothing to do with it, either to promote, to sustain, to defend, to sanction, or to ap-' 
prove. 

"Thus, fellow-citizens, you see our objects. You may now ask, by what mpans we hope 
to attain them. We answer, by political action. What is political action? It ia 
acting in a manner ap2:>ropriaie to those objects which we wish to secure through the agency 
of the different departments of Government. * * The only way in which 

-we ca,a act constitutionally, is to go to the ballot box, and there, silently and unostenta- 



730 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tiously, deposit a vote for such men as will do what they can to carry out those principles 
which we have so much at heart. ****** 

" Come, then, men of Pennsylvania, come and join us in this good work. Join. us, to use 
such moral means as to co: -ect public sentiment throughout the region where slavery 
exists, and to impress upon the people of the Free states a manly sense of their own 
rights. Join us, to place "just men" in all our public offices; men whose example a 
whole people may safely imitate. Join us to free our General Government from the ig- 
nomiuious reproach of slavery ; to restore to our country those principles which our fathers 
so labored to establish ; and to hand these principles down afresh to successive genera- 
tions. It is the cause of truth, of humanity, and of God, to which we invite your aid. It 
is a cause of which you never need be ashamed. Living, you may be thankful, and dying, 
you may be thankful, for having labored -in it. We have, as co-laborers with us, the 
noblest allies that man can wish. Within, we have the deepest convictions of conscience, 
the clearest deductions of reason ; and, all over the world, wherever man is found, the first, 
the most ardent longings of the human soul. Without, we have the happiness of nearly 
three millions of the human race ; the honor, as well as the best interests of our whole 
pountry ; and the universal consent of all good men whose moral vision is not obscured by 
the mist of a low, misguided selfishness : while we seem to hear, as it were, the voices of 
the great and the good, the patriot and the philanthropist, of a past generation, calling to 
us and cheering us on. But, above all these, and beyond all these, we have with us the 
highest attributes of Ood, Justice and Mercy. With Buch allies, and in such a cause, who 
can doubt on which side the. victory will ultimately rest. 

" May He who guides the destinies of nations, and without whose aid ' they labor in 
vain that build,' so incline your hearts to exert your whole influence to place in all our 
public offices just and good men, that our country may be preserved, her best interests 
advanced, and her institutions, free in reality as in name, handed down to the latest pos- 
'terity." 

Is not the love of God and man ingrained in every line of this Trriting? 
Yet let us see how it was received by the most Christian (?) body in 
this city. 

I need hardly say that my father's mind had been largely impressed, from 
earliest manhood, with the higliest subject human thought can touch. His 
library records his wide religious reading; but he could not see an honest 
path towards the profession of any definite views till 1836. The change 
wrought in him then, can best be gathered from his own simple words 
(under date, 1842) written in a fly-leaf of "The Unitarian Miscclhmy :" 
"Though I humbly trust that God made my trials in 1836 the means of 
bringing me to true repentance, yet I have kept these books as monuments 
of what I once was, and to remind me how grateful I should be to Him 
for having snatched me a§ a ' brand from the burning.' " Such a faith as 
this, born of the spiritual travail of years, what a life it always has for the 
heart that forms it ! It tells not of a persuasion, but of a conviction ; a 
disproof of skepticism through the gathered forces of the soul ; a struggle, 
through epochs of doubt and dismay, into an attitude of positive vital faith. 
Its process is the only one that gives real right to ultimate peace. In 
comparison with the method and measure of such a conviction, what 
matters its specific form? Self-truth is the jx)int, — the fact for starting, the 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 7-M 

line for guiding; and as for result, this lonely and solemn rally on the 
deepest within us, as it is continuously unfolded, must lead to a <«-lad and 
solemn union with the Highest without us. Who ean know luifailiur 
inward energy except through this new birth ? It proved an ever-1'resh 
spring of vigor to my fother, and because of it he was chosen, in 1839, i)resi- 
dent of "The Philadelphia Bible tSoeiety." What changes were wrougjit in 
the policy of the Society, what numerous plans were devised and executed 
for multiplying its operations, how it was made a cordial alliance of all 
denominations, will presently appear. This is now to be said: that, after 
filling his office for five years, he found that his Anti-slavery testimony had 
engendered in the managers a bitterness that would seize the address of 18-14 
for pretext, and make retaliation in his sacrifice. Thankful, for the 
thousandth time, to be a sacrifice for the cause he loved, he sent in his re^i^i-- 
nation in a letter full of Christian kindness and sorrow. A short extract will 
show its tone : 

" Oae whose great heart wishes the best for humanity calls to us from the West: 
' When your Society propose to put a Bible into every family, and yet omit all reference 
to the slaves ; and when, giving an account of the destitution of the land, they make no 
mention of two and a half millions of people perishing in our midst without the Scriptures, 
can we help feeling that something is dreadfully wrong?' This, brethren, is a most solemn 
question. It is a question which I verily believe the American Bible Society, so far as 
they may have yielded, directly or indirectly, openly or silently, to a corrupt public senti- 
ment on this subject, will have to answer at the bar of Him who has declared, that, 'If 
ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin ;' and that ' Inasmuch as ye did it not to one 
of the least of these, ye did it not to me.' The spirit of Christianity is a spirit of universal 
love and philanthropy. She looks down with pity, and, if she could, she would look 
with scorn upon all the petty distinctions that exist among men. She casts her be- 
nignant eye abroad over the earth, and, wherever she sees man, she sees him as man, 
as a being made in the image of God, whether an Indian, an African, or a Caucasian 
sun may shine upon him. She stoops from heaven to raise the fallen, to bind up the 
broken-hearted, to release the oppressed, to give liberty to the captive, and to break the 
fetters of those that are bound. She is marching onward with accelerated step, and, 
•wherever she leaves the true impress of her heavenly influence, the moral wilderness is 
changed into the garden of the Lord. May it never be ours to do what may seem to 
be even the slightest obstacle to her universal sway. * * 

" But I have already written more than I intended. In bringing this communication to 
a close, allow me to express to you individually, and as a Board, my most sincere Chris- 
tian attachment. Whatever course any members may have taken in relation to this 
matter, I must believe that they have acted from what has seemed to them a sense of 
duty. Far be it from me to impeach their motives. Time, the great test of truth, may 
show them their course in a very different light from that in which they now view it. I 
may, as a Christian, lament that their views of duty are not more in unison with my own. 
I may, as a man, feel heart-sickened at the diseased, the deplorably diseased state of the 
public mind, in relation to two and a half millions of my fellow-men in bondage. I may, 
as a citizen of a Free state, blush at the humiliating fact, that not only the tyranny, but 
the ubiquity of the slave power is everywhere so manifest ; that it has insinuated itself 
into our free domain to such a degree that there seems to be as much mental Slavery in 
the Free states, as there is personal in the Slave states. I may feel all this, but I must 
not impeach the motives by which others have been governed." 



732 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

There were twenty-one managers present at the reading of this letter, and, 
at its conclusion, a noble friend of the slave moved that the resignation be 
uot accepted ; the motion was lost by a vote of fourteen against seven. It 
was then moved that it be accepted * with regret :' this was carried by the 
same vote ! But 'with regret' was not an empty form for easing this action 
to its recipient; how much it meant is seen in the resolution that was 
added by .unanimous acceptance : " Resolved, — That this Board are mainly 
indebted to Professor C. D. Cleveland for the prominent and influential 
position it has attained in the regards of this Christian community, and that 
they bear an earnest testimony to the sound judgment and unwearied zeal 
which have ever characterized the discharge of his duties in his responsible 
office." Let this tribute, coming from the bitterest personal opposition that 
ever man encountered, measure the work that extorted it. Looking at it, 
it will be difficult for the reader to believe that a sacrifice was made of 
the man to w'hom it refers by a representative Christian body, and merely to 
sate for a time the inhuman slave-greed ; yet it is only one fact out of many 
that might be adduced, and I have brought it forward because it is, in my 
father's words, " a fair exponent of the position of the Ciiristian Church at 
that time upon the subject of Slavery." Henceforward, lie ceased not to 
rain blows, not only at his own (the Presbyterian) denomination, but at all 
the organized expressions of Christian purpose, — the Sunday-School Union, 
the Tract Society, etc. 

AVhile w^orking thus by voice and pen, he was incessantly busy in personal 
rescue of the slave. Especially was this the case when it became the duty 
of every lover of his kind to defy the Fugitive Slave Law. How eagerly 
he then sprang to aid the escape of those against whom a law of the land 
impotently tried to bar the law of our common humanity! During the 
years that followed the passage "of this infamous bill, the position he had 
attained here was of particular service. Recognized as one, who, being a 
sort of standing sacrifice, might as well continue to battle in tlie front; 
trusted implicitly even by his bitterest foes; with such a broad philanthropy 
to back Ills appeals; pushing straight into every breach where work was 
needed; blind to everything but his one light of moral instinct; — he 
became an organ for the charities of those whose softer natures longingly 
whisjiercd the cry, but could not do the cut and thrust work, of deliverance. 
Dr. Furncss held the same j)osition, and others who, like him, refused to be 
enrolled in tlie ' Underground Committee,' or in any definite Anti-Slavery 
organization. These men knew that they were of greater service to tlie 
cause by being its body-guard, by stinding between it and the public, by 
making the appeals and taking the blows, and by affording access, pecuniary 
and other, of each to each. 

Thus the times moved on — growing hotter, more difficult and dangerous, 
but always working these two results: redoubling the labors of this noble 



CHARLES D. CLEVELAXD.. 733 

band, and sliaking the city from letharo;y into ferment. Men were compelled 
to take sides, and but one result could follow, (the result whi(.'h always follows 
when human nature is stung and quickened to find its highest instincts,) the 
Party of Right steadily moved to triumph. 



For a lesson to us in courage, it is worth while to ask, how these 
Apostles of Freedom stood the terrible strain put upon them for so many 
years. I can answer for the two of whom I write, and do not doubt that 
the answer is true of the rest : This self-forgetful ness was made easy by 
a love that filled and overfilled all their moral energies — the simple love 
of man, as God's highest creation, and of his natural rights, as God's best 
gift. Their work was not a mere result of will, not an outcome of faculty, 
not an unsupported impulse of heart. It was character living itself out, an 
utterance of its entire unity, something drawn from the solemn depths of 
those life-convictions which all the personal and impersonal powers of a 
man, aglow and welded, unite in producing. Hence, their work was not 
apart from them, even so far as to be called ahead of them ; nor parallel with 
them; it was one with them by a necessary spiritual inclusion. Will and 
Duty ceased to be separate powers ; they were transfused through the whole 
breadth of their human sympathies, adding to their warmth a fixity of pur- 
pose that bore them without a falter, through thirty years of such bitter 
obloquy, as, in these latter days, only the early Anti-Slavery disciples have 
had to endure. These men never said, in reference to the Anti-slavery cause, 
I ought or I will, hecan^ie they never needed to say them. The sun shines 
without them, and life expands without them ; and here were souls as 
unconsciously beneficent as the one, as spontaneous in growth and shaping 
as the other. Theirs was not a force that moved mechanically in right lines, 
with limited objects before it. It did, indeed, sweep with arrowy swiftness 
of assail on every point that offered; but when I remember that it more 
often pleaded than stormod, that it penetrated into every secret recess that 
mercy casually opened, and gently stirred into fuller life those roots of human 
feeling that can be numbed by apathy but not killed even by hate, I know- 
that it was persuasive, diffusive, inbreathing force, an influence vital in 
others because an effluence vitalized from themselves. 

So they stood, self-consecrated, envelope.'! by the love of God, permeated 
by the love of man, — twin Perfect Loves that cast out all dream of fear. 
And so they walked, calm as if a thousand stabs of personal insult never 
brought them one of personal pain, passing through all as if nothing but 
> the serenest skies were above them. And, as I have said, right there is one 
I explanation of the anomaly ; there loere the serenest skies above them — 
heaven's love perpetually shining. Why should it not shine? all the powers 
of the men were dedicated to rescuino; the imai^e of God on this earth, — 



734 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

not man as he suffered physically, but the moral instinct threatened with 
annihilation. It was sacred to them, this soul so sacred to redeemino" love, 
but too brutalized to find its way to it. Nor merely the slave. Their love 
embraced, with yet more pitying fervor, the master compelling his spiritual 
nature into death, and the northern apologist letting his die ; and this over- 
mastering love of saving spiritual integrity, was one power that made them 
and heart-ease hold unfailing friends through the obloquy of those days ; 
the other must be found in the fact mentioned, — that neither resolve nor 
impulse was their spur, but personal character moving from its depths. 

From such a motive-power as this can come no parade of results. The 
nature that works, proceeds from the necessary laws and forces of its being, 
and is as simple and unconscious as any other natural law or force. Hence 
there are no startling epochs to record in my father's history, no supreme 
efforts ; in filling the measure of daily opportunity lay his chief work. I 
cannot measure it by our ten fingers' counting. I can only show a life 
unfolding, and, by the essential laws of its growth, embracing the noblest 
cause of its time. But if action means vivifying public sentiment decaying 
under insidious poison; if it includes the doing of this amid a storm of 
odium that would quickly have shattered any soul irresolute for an instant; 
if it means incessant toil quietly performed, vast sums collected and dis- 
bursed, time sacrificed, strength spent ; if it means holding up a great 
iniquity to loathing by a powerful ]:)en, and nailing moral cowardice where- 
ever it showed ; if it be risking livelihood by introducing the cause of the 
slave into every literary work, and by mingling the school-culture of fifty 
future mothers, year by year, with hatred of the sin ; if it means one's life 
in one's hand, friendships yielded, society defied, and position in it cheer- 
fully renounced ; above all, if action means a M'calth of goodness overliving 
all scorns, compelling respect from a community rebuked, fellowship from a 
Church charged with ungodliness, and acknowledgment of unstained repute 
from a public eager to blacken with scandal ; if to do thus, and bear thus, 
and live thus, is action, then my father did act to the full purpose of life in 
the struggle that freed the slave. 

S. M. C. 



^L. 



WILLIAM WUIPFER. 70.-. 



WILLIAM WHIPPER. 

The locality of Columbia, where Mr. Whipper resided for many vears, 
was, as is well-known, a place of ranch note as a station on the Under- 
ground Rail Road. The firm of Smith and Wliipper (lumber merchants), 
was likewise well-known throughout a wide range of country. AVlio, 
indeed, amongst those familiar with the history of public matters connected 
with the colored people of this country, has not heard of William Whipper? 
For the last thirty years, as an able business man, it has been very generally 
admitted, that he hardly had a superior. 

Although an unassuming man, deeply engrossed with business — Anti- 
slavery papers, conventions, and public movements having for their aim 
the elevation of the colored man, have always commanded Mr. Wl!ii)per's 
interest and patronage. In the more important conventions which liave 
been held amongst the colored people for the last thirty years, perhaps no 
other colored iiian has Been so often called on to draft resolutions and pre- 
pare addresses, as the modest and earnest William Whi[)per. He has worked 
effectively in a quiet way, although not as a public speaker. He is self- 
made, and well read on the subject of the reforms of the day. Having been 
highly successful in his business, he is now at the age of seventy, in posses- 
sion of a handsome fortune ; the reward of long years of assiduous labor. 
He is also cashier of the Freedman's Bank, in Philadelphia. For the lost 
I few years he has resided at New Brunswick, New Jersey, although liis 
property and business confine him mainly to his native State, Pennsylvania. 

Owing to a late affliction in his family, compelling him to devote the most 
of his time thereto, it has been impossible to obtain from him the material 
for completing such a sketch as was desired. Prior to this affliction, in 
answer to our request, he furnished some reminiscences of his labors as con- 
ductor of the Underground Rail Road, and at the same time, promised other 
facts relative to his life, but for the reason assigned, they were not worked 
up, which is to be regretted. 

New Brunswick, N. J., December 4, LS71. 

Mr. William Still, Dear Sir: — I sincerely regret the absence of 
statistics that would enable me to furnish you with many events, that would 
assist you in describing the operations of the Underground Rail Road. I 
never kept any record of those persons passing through my hands, nor did 
I ever anticipate that the history of that perilous period would ever be 
written. I can only refer to the ])art I took in it from memory, and if I 
could delineate the actual facts as they occurred they would savor so much 
of egotism that I should feel ashamed to make them public. I willingly 



736 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

refer to a few incidents which you may select and use as you may think 
proper. 

You are perfectly cognizant of the fact, that after the decision in York, 
Pa., of the celebrated Prigg case, Pennsylvania was regarded as free terri- 
tory, which Canada afterwards j)rovcd to be, and that the Susquehanna river 
was the recognized northern boundary of the slave-holding empire. The 
borough of Columbia, situated on its eastern bank, in the county of Lancas- 
ter, was the great depot where the fugitives from Virginia and Maryland 
first landed. The long bridge connecting Wrightsville with Columbia, was 
the only safe outlet by which they could successfully escape their pursuers. 
When they had crossed this bridge they could look back over its broad 
silvery stream on its western shore, and say to the slave power : " Thus far 
shalt thou come, and no farther." Previous to that period, the line of fugi- 
tive travel was from Baltimore, by the way of Havre de Grace to Philadel- 
phia ; but the difficulty of a safe passage across the river, at that place 
caused the route to be changed to York, Pa., a distance of fifty-eight miles, 
the fare being forty dollars, and thence to Columbia, in the dead hour of 
the night. My house was at the end of the bridge, and as I kept the 
station, I was frequently called up in the night to take 'charge of the 
passengers. 

On their arrival they were generally hungry and penniless. I have 
received hundreds in this condition ; fed and sheltered from one to seven- 
teen at a time in a single night. At this point the road forked ; some I sent 
west by boats, to Pittsburgh, and others to you in our cars to Philadelphia, 
and the incidents of their trials form a portion of the history you have com- 
piled. In a period of three years from 1847 to 1850, I passed hundreds to 
the land of freedom, Avhile others, induced by high wages, and the feeling 
that they were safe in Columbia, w^orked in the lumber and coal yards of 
that place. I always persuaded them to go to Canada, as I had no faith in 
their being able to elude the grasp of the slave-hunters. Indeed, the mer- 
chants had the confidence of their security and desired them to remain ; 
several of my friends told me that I was injuring the trade of the place by 
persuading the laborers to leave. Indeed, many of the fugitives themselves 
looked upon me with jealousy, and expressed their indignation at my efforts 
to have them removed from peace and plenty to a laud that was cold and 
barren, to starve to death. 

It was a period of great prosperity in our borough, and everything passed 
on favorably and successfully until the passage of the fugitive slave bill in 
1850. At first the law was derided and condemned by our liberty-loving 
citizens, and the fugitives did not fear its operations because they asserted 
that they could protect themselves. This fatal dream was of short dura- 
tion. A prominent man, by the name of Baker, was arrested and taken to 
Philadelphia, and given up by the commissioner, and afterwards purchased 



WILLIAM WHIPPER. 737 

by our citizens; another, by the name of Smith, was shot dead in one of 
our lumber yards, because he refused to surrender, and his pursuer permitted 
to escape without arrest or triah Tliis produced not only a shock, but a 
crisis in the affairs of our little borough. It made the stoutest hearts quail 
before the unjust sovereignty of the law. The white citizens fearing the 
danger of a successful resistance to the majesty of the law, began to talk of 
the insecurity of these exiles. The fugitives themselves, whose fiiith and 
hope had been buoyed up by the promises held up to them of ])rotection, 
began to be apprehensive of danger, and talked of leaving, while otliers, 
more bold, were ready to set the dangers that surrounded them at defuince, 
and if necessary, die in the defence of their freedom and the homes they had 
acquired. 

At this juncture private meetings were held by the colored people, and 
the discussions and resolves bore a peculiar resemblance in sentiment and 
expression to the patriotic outbursts of the American revolution. 

Some were in favor, if again attacked, of killing and slaying all within 
their reach ; of setting their own houses on fire, and then going and burning 
the town. It was the old spirit which animated the Russians at Moscow, 
and the blacks of Hayti. At this point my self-interest mingled with my 
sense of humanity, and I felt that I occupied a more responsil>le position 
I than I shall ever attain to again. I, therefore, determined to make the most 
of it. I exhorted them to peace and patience under their present difficulties, 
and for their own sakes as well as the innocent sufferers, besought them to 
leave as early as they could. If I had advocated a different course I 
could have caused the burning of the town. The result of our meeting 
produced a calm that lasted only for a few days, when it was ainiounced, 
one evening, that the claimants of a Methodist preacher, by the name of 
Dorsey, were in the borough, and that it was expected that they would 
attempt to take him that night. 

It was about nine o'clock in the evening when I went to his house, but 
was refused admittance, until those inside ascertained who I was. There 
were several men iu the house all armed with deadly weapons, awaiting the 
approach of the intruders. Had they come the whole party would have 
been massacred. I advised Dorsey to leave, but he very pointedly refused, 
saying he had been taken up once before alive, but never would be again. 
The men told him to stand his ground, and they would stand by him and 
defend him, they had lived together, and w^ould die together. I told them 
that they knew the strength of the pro-slavery feeling that surrounded 
them, and that they would be overpowered, and perhaps many lives lost, 
which might be saved by his changing his place of residence. He said, 
he had no money, and would rather die with his family, than be killed 
on the road. I said, how much money do you want to start with, and we 
will send you more if you need it. Here is one hundred dollai-s iu gold. 
47 



738 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD. 

*' That is not enough." " Will two hundred dollars do ?" " Yes." I .shall 
l)ring it to you to-morrow. I got the money the next morning, and when I 
came with it, he said, he could not leave unless his family was taken care 
of. I told him I would furnish his family with provisions for the next six 
months. Then he said he had two small houses, worth four hundred and 
seventy-five dollars. My reply was that I will sell them for you, and give 
the money to your family. He then gave me a power of attorney to do so, 
and attended to all his affairs. He left the next day, being the Sabbath, 
and has never returned since, although he has lived in the City of Boston 
ever since, except about six months in Canada. 

I wish to notice this case a little further, as the only one out of many to 
which I will refer. About the year 1831 or 1832, Mr. Joseph Purvis, a 
younger brother of Robert Purvis, about nineteen or twenty years of age, 
was visiting Mr. Stephen Smith, of Columbia, and while there the claimants 
of Dorsey came and secured him, and had proceeded about two miles with 
him on the way to Lancaster. Young Purvis heard of it, and his natural 
and instinctive love of freedom fired up his warm southern blood at the very 
recital. He was one of nature's noblemen. Fierce, fiery, and impulsive, he 
was as quick to decide as to perform. He demanded an immediate rescue. 
Though he was advised of the danger of such an attempt, his spirit and 
determination made him invincible. He proceeded to a place where some 
colored men were working. With a firm and determined look, and a her- 
culean shout, he called out to them, " To arms, to arms ! boys, we must 
rescue this man ; I shall lead if you will follow." " We will," was the 
immediate response. And they went and overtook them, and dispersed his 
claimants. They brought Dorsey back in triumph to Columbia. 

He then gave Dorsey his pistol, with the injunction that he should use it 
and die in defence of his liberty rather than again be taken into bondage. 
He promised he would. I found him with this pistol on his table, the night 
I called on him, and I have every reason to believe that the promise gave 
to Mr. Purvis was one of the chief causes of his obstinacy. The lesson be 
had taught him had not only become incorporated in his nature, but had 
become a part of his religion. 

The history of this brave and noble effort of young Purvis, in rescuing 
a fello\v-being from the jaws of Slavery has been handed down, in Columbia, 
to a generation that was born since that event has transpired. He always 
exhibited the same devotion and manly daring in the cause of the flying 
bondman that inspired his youthful ardor in behalf of freedom. The youngest 
of a family distinguished for their devotion to freedom, he was without 
superiors in the trying hour of battle. Like John Brown, he often dis- 
carded theories, but was eminently practical. He has passed to another 
sphere. Peace to his ashes ! I honor his name as a hero, and friend of man. 
I loved him for the noble characteristics of his nature, and above all for his 



WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 739 

noble daring in defense of the right. As a friend I admired him, and owe his 
memory this tribute to departed worth. 

At this point a conscientious regard for truth dictates that I should state 
that my disposition to make a sacrifice for tlie removal of Dorsey and some 
other leading spirits was aided by my own desire for self-preservation. 

I knew that it had been asserted, far down in the slave region, that 
Smith &, Whipper, the negro lumber merchants, were engaged in secretin*'- 
fugitive slaves. And on two occasions attempts had been made to set fire to 
their yard for the purpose of punisliing them for such illegal acts. And I 
felt that if a collision took place, we should not only bo made to suffer the 
penalty, but the most valuable property in the village be destroyed, besides 
a prodigal waste of human life be the consequence. In such an event I felt 
that I should not only lose all I had ever earned, but peril the hopes and 
property of others, so that I would have freely given one thousand dollars 
to have been insured against the consequences of such a riot. I then bor- 
rowed fourteen hundred dollars on my own individual account, and assisted 
many others to go to a laud where the virgin soil was not polluted by the 
foot-prints of a slave. 

The colored population of the Borough of Columbia, in 1850, was nine 
hundred and forty-three, about one-fifth the \ylii)le population, and in five 
years they were reduced to four hundred and eighty-seven by emigration to 
Canada. 

In the summer of 1853, I visited Canada for the purpose of ascertaining 
the actual condition of many of those I had assisted in reaching a land of 
freedom ; and I was much gratified to find them contented, prosperous, and 
happy. I was induced by the prospects of the new emigrants to purchase 
lands on the Sydenham River, with the intention of making it my future 
home. 

In the spring of 1861, when I was preparing to leave, the war broke out, 
and with its progress I began to realize the prospect of a new civilization, 
and, therefore, concluded to remain and share the fortunes of my hitherto 
ill-fated country. 

I will say in conclusion that it would have been fortunate for us if 
Columbia, being a port of entry for flying fugitives, had been also the seat 
of great capitalists and freedom-loving inhabitants; but such was not the 
case. There was but little Anti-slavery sentiment among the whites, yet 
there were many strong and valiant friends among them who contributed 
freely; the colored population were too poor to render much aid, except in 
feeding and secreting strangers. I was doing a prosperous business at that 
time and felt it my duty to contribute liberally out of my earnings. Mu.-ii 
as I loved Anti-slavery meetings I did not feel that I could afford to attend 
tliem, as my immediate duty was to the flying fugitive. 

Now, my fr'end, I have extended this letter far beyond the limits in- 

/ 



740 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tended, not with the expectation tliat it will be published, but for your 
own private use to select any matter that you might desire to use in your 
history. I have to regret that I am compelled to refer so often to my own 
exertions. 

I know that I speak witliin bounds when I say that directly and indirectly 
from 1847 to 1860, I have contributed from my earnings one thousand dol- 
lars annually, and for the five years during the war a like amount to put 
down the rebellion. 

Now the slaves are emancipated, and we are all enfranchised, after strug- 
gling for existence, freedom and manhood — I feel thankful for having had 
the glorious privilege of laboring with others for the redemption of my race 
from oppression and thraldom ; and I would prefer to-day to be penniless in 
the streets, rather than to have withheld a single hour's labor or a dollar 
from the sacred cause of liberty, justice, and humanity. 

I remain yours in the sacred cause of liberty and equality, 

W3I. Whipper. 

ISAAC T. HOPPER. 

The distinctive characteristics of this individual were so admirably por- 
trayed in the newspapers and other periodicals published at the time of his 
death, that we shall make free use of them without hesitation. He was 
distinguished from his early life by his devotion to the relief of tlie oppressed 
colored race. He was an active member of the old Pennsylvania Abolition 
Society, and labored zealously with Dr. Banjamin Rush, Dr. Rogers, Dr. 
Wistar, and other distinguished philanthropists of the time. No mm at 
that day, not even eminent judges and advocates, was better acquainted with 
the intricacies of law questions connected with slavery. His accurate legal 
knowledge, his natural acuteness, his ready tact in avoiding dangerous cor- 
ners and slipping through unseen loop-holes, often gave him the victory in 
cases that seemed hopeless to other minds. In many of these cases, physical 
courage was needed as much as moral firmness ; and he possessed these 
qualities in a very unusual degree. 

Being for many years an inspector of the public prisons, his practical 
sagacity and benevolence were used with marked results. His enlarged 
sympathies had always embraced the criminal and the imprisoned, as well 
as the oppressed ; and the last years of his life were especially devoted to the 
improvement of prisons and prisoners. In this department of benevolence 
he manifested the same zealous kindness and untiring diligence that had so 
long been exerted for the colored people, for whose welfire he labored to 
the end of his days. 

He possessed a wonderful wisdom in furnishing relief to all who were m 
difficulty and embarrassment. This caused a very extensive demand upon 



ISAAC T. HOPPER. 74 1 

his time and talents, which were rarely withheld when honestly sought, and 
seldom applied in vain. 

Mrs. Kirkland prepared, under the title of "The Helping Hand," a small 
volume, for the beuefit of " The Home " for discharged female convicts, 
containing a brief description of the institution, and a detail of facts ilhis- 
trating the happy results of its operation. Its closing chapter is appropri- 
ately devoted to the following well-deserved tribute to the vetonin 
philanthropist, to whose zeal and discretion that and so many other similar 
institutions owe their existence, or to a large degree their prosperity. 

" Not to inform the public what it knows very wx'U already, nor to fore- 
stall the volume now preparing by Mrs. Child, a kindred spirit, but to 
gratify my own feelings, and to give grace and sanctity to this little book, I 
wish to say a few words of Mr. Hopper, the devoted friend of the prisoner 
as of the slave ; one whose long life, and whose last thoughts, were given to 
the care and succor of human weakness, error, and suffering. To make 
even the most unpretending book for the benefit of ' The Home,' without 
bringing forward the name of Isaac T. Hopper, and recognizing the part 
he took in its affiiirs, from the earliest moment of its existence until the close 
of his life, would be an unpardonable omission. A few words must be said 
where a volume would scarcely suffice. 

" ^ The rich and the poor meet together, and the Lord is the Father of 
them all,' might stand for the motto of Mr. Hopper's life. That the most 
remote of these two classes stood on the same level of benevolent interest in 
his mind, his whole career made obvious; he was the last man to represent 
as naturally opposite those whom God has always, even to the end of tlie 
world, made mutually dependent. He told the simple truth to each witli 
equal frankness; helped both with equal readiness. The palace owed him 
no more than the hovel suggested thoughts of superiority. Nothing human, 
however grand, or however degraded, was a stranger to him. In the light 
that came to him from heaven, all stood alike children of the Great Father ; 
earthly distinction disappearing the moment the sinking soul or the suffer- 
ing body was in question. No amount of depravity could extinguish his 
liOj)e of reform ; no recurrence of ingratitude could paralyze his efforts. 
Early and late, supported or unsupported, praised or ridiculed, he went for- 
ward in the great work of relief, looking neither to the right hand, nor to 
the left ; and when the object was accomplished, he shrank back into modest 
obscurity, only to wait till a new necessity called for his reap])earance. Who 
can number the poor, aching, conscious, despairing hearts that have felt new 
life come to them from his kind words, his benignant smile, his helping 
hand. If the record of his long life could be fully written, which it can 
never be, since every day and all day, in company, in the family circle, with 
children, with prisoners, with the insane, S'irtue went out of him' that no 
human observation could measure or describe, what touching interest would 



742 THE UXDERGROUXD BAIL BO AD. 

he atlded to the history of our poor and vicious popuhition for moi'o than 
lialf a century j)ast; what new honor and blessing would surround the ven- 
erated name of our departed friend and leader! 

" But he desired nothing of this. Without claiming for him a position 
above humanity, which alone would account for a willingness to be wholly 
unrecognized as a friend of the afflicted, it is not too much to say that no 
man was ever less desirous of public praise or outward honor. He was 
even unwilling that any care should be taken to preserve the remembrance 
of his features, sweet and beautiful as they -svere, though lie was brought 
reluctantly to yield to the anxious wish of his children and friends that tlie 
coimtenance on which every eye loved to dwell, should not be wholly lost 
when the grave should close above it. He loved to talk of interesting cases 
of reform and recovery, both because those things occupied his mind, and 
because every one loved to hear him; but the hearer who made these dis- 
closures the occasion for unmeaning compliment, as if he fancied a craving 
vanity to have prompted them, soon found himself rebuked by the straight- 
forward and plain-spoken patriarch. Precious indeed were those seasons of 
outpouring, when one interesting recital suggested another, till the listener 
seemed to see the whole mystery of prison-life and obscure wretchedness 
laid open before him with the distinctness of a picture. For, strange as it 
may seem, our friend had under his plain garb — unchanged in form since 
the days of Franklin, to go no further back — a fine dramatic talent, and 
could not relate the humblest incident without giving it a picturesque or 
dramatic .turn, speaking now for one character, now for another, with a 
variety and discrimination very remarkable. This made his company 
greatly sought, and as his strongly social nature readily res|X)nded, his 
acquaintance was very large. To every one that knew him personally, I 
can appeal for the truth and moderation of these views of his character aud 
manners. 

" A few biographical items will close what I venture to offer here. 

" Isaac T. Hopper was born December 3, 1771, in the township of Dept- 
fonl, Gloucester county, New Jersey, but spent a large portion of his life in 
Philadelj)hia, where he served his apprenticeship to the humble calling of a 
tnilor. But neither the necessity for constant occupation nor the temptations 
of youthful gaiety, prevented his commencing, even then, the devotion of a 
portion of his time, to the care of the poor and needy. He had scarcely 
reached man's estate when we find iiira an active member of a benevolent 
association, and his volume of notes of cases, plans and efforts, date back to 
that early period. To that time also, we are to refer the beginning of his 
warm Anti-slavery sentiment, a feeling so prominent and effective through- 
out his life, and the source of some of his noblest efforts and sacrifices. For 
many years he served as inspector of prisons in Philadelphia, and tiius, by 
I'jng and constant practical observation, was accumulated that knowledge oi 



ISAAC T. HOPPER. 743 

the human heart in its darkest windings, tluit often astonished the objects 
of liis care, when they thought tliey had been able cunningly to blind his 
eyes to their real character and intentions. After his removal to New York, 
and when the occasion for his personal labors in the cause of the slave had 
in some measure, ceaged or slackened, he threw his whole heart into the 
Prison Association, whose aims and plans of action were entirely in accord- 
ance with his views, and indeed, in a great degree, based on his experience 
and advice. The intent of the Prison Association is threefold : first to pro- 
tect and defend those who ai'e arrested, and who, as is well known, often 
sulfer greatly from want of honest and intelligent counsel ; secondly, to 
attend to the treatment and instruction of convicts while in prison ; and 
thirdly, on their discharge to render them such practical aid as shall enable 
the repentant to return to society by means of the pursuit of some honest 
calling. The latter branch occupied Mr. Hopper's time and attention, and he 
devoted himself to it with an affectionate and religious earnestness that 
ceased only with his life. No disposition was too perverse for his efforts at 
reform ; no heart was so black that he did not at least try the balm of heal- 
ing upon it ; no relapses could tire out his patience, which, without weak 
waste of means still apostolically went on * hoping all things,' while even a 
dying spark of good feeling remained. 

Up to February last did this venerable saint continue his abundant 
labors; when a severe cold, co-operating with the decay of nature, brouglit 
him his sentence of dismissal. He felt that it was on the way, and witii the 
serious grace that marked everything he did, he began at once to gatlier his 
earthly robes about him and prepare for the great change whic;h no one 
could dread less. It was hard for those who saw his ruddy cheek and 
sparkling eye, his soft brown hair, and sprightly movements to feel that the 
time of his departure was drawing nigh : but he knew and felt it, with more 
composure than his friends could summon. It might well be said of this 
our beloved patriarch, that his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated. 
To the last of his daily journeyings through the city, for which he generally 
used the rail road, he would never allow the drivers to stop for him to get 
on or off the car, feeling, as he used smilingly to observe, ' very jealous on 
-that point.' Few ever passed him in the street without asking who lie was; 
for not only did his primitive dress, his broad-brimmed hat, and his antique 
shoe buckles attract attention, but the beauty and benevolence of his face was 
sure to fix the eye of ordinary discernment. He was a living temi)erance 
lecture, and those who desire to preserve good looks could not ask a more 
infallible receipt, than that sweet temjier and out-flowing benevolence which 
made his countenance please every eye. Gay and cheerful as a boy, he had 
ever some pleasant anecdote or amusing turn to relate, and in all ]ierhaps 
not one without a moral bearing, not thrust forward, bnt left to be picked 
out by the hearer at his leisure. He seemed born to show how great strict- 



744 ^^^^' UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

ness in essentials could exist without the least asceticism in trifles. Anything 
but a Simeon Stylites in his sainthood, he could *go among ' publicans and 
sinners ' without the least fear of being mistaken by them for one of them- 
selves. An influence radiated from him that made itself felt in every com- 
pany, though he would very likely be the most modest man present. More 
gentlemanly manners and address no court in Christendom need require ; his 
resolute simplicity and candor, always under the guidance of a delicate taste, 
never for a moment degenerated into coarseness or disregard even of the 
prejudices of others. His life, even in these minute particulars, showed how 
the whole man is harmonized by the sense of being 

'Ever in the Great Taskmaster's eye.' 

" Ho died on the 7th of May, 1852, in his eighty-first year, and a public 
funeral in the Tabernacle brought together thousands desirous of showing 
respect to his memory." 

Mrs. Child has written a full, and in many respects, an exceedingly in- 
teresting biography of the subject of this memoir, towards the close of which 
she says : 

"From the numerous notices in papers of all parties and sects, I will 
merely quote the following. ' The New York Observer ' thus announces his 
death : 

" ' The venerable Isaac T. Hopper, whose 'placid, benevolent face has so 
long irradiated almost every public meeting for doing good, and whose name, 
influence, and labors, have been devoted with an apostolic simplicity and 
constancy to humanity, died on Friday last, at an advanced age. He was a 
Quaker of that early sort illustrated by such philanthropists as Anthony 
Benezet, Thomas Clarkson, Mrs. Fry, and the like. 

" 'He was a most self-denying, ])atient, loving friend of the poor, and the 
suffering of every kind; and his life was an unbroken history of beneficence. 
Thousands of hearts will feel a touch of grief at the news of his death; for 
few men have so large a wealth in the blessings of the poor, and the grateful 
remembrance of kindness and benevolence, as he.' 

" ' The New York Times ' contained the following : 

" ' Most of our readers will call to mind, in connection with the name of 
Isaac T. Hopper, the compact, well-knit figure of a Quaker gentleman, 
apparently about sixty years of age, dressed in drab or brown clothes of the 
plainest cut, and bearing on his handsome, manly face the impress of that 
benevolence with which his whole heart was filled. 

"'He was twenty years older than he seemed. The fountain of benevo- 
lence within freshened his old age with its continuous flow. The step of 
the octogenarian was elastic as that of a boy, his form erect as a mountaui 
pine. 

" * His whole physique was a splendid sample of nature's handiwork. We 



ISAAC 7! HOPPER. 745 

see him now with our mind's eye, but with the eye of flesh we sliall see him 
no more. Void of intentional oifence to God or man, his spirit has joined 
its happy kindred in a worhl where there is neither sorrow nor perplexity.' 

'' I sent the following communication to ' The New York Tribune ' : 

" In this world of shadows, few things strengthen the soul like seeing the 
calm and cheerful exit of a truly good man; and this has been my privilege 
by the bedside of Isaac T. Hopper. 

"He was a man of remarkable endowments, both of licad and heart. His 
clear discrimination, his unconquerable will, his total unconsciousness of fear, 
his extraordinary tact in circumventing plans he wished to frustrate, would 
have made him illustrious as the general of an army ; and these qualities 
might have become faults, if they had not been balanced by an unusual de- 
gree of conscientiousness and benevolence. He battled courageously, not 
from ambition, but from an inborn love of truth. He circumvented as 
adroitly as the most practiced politician ; but it was always to defeat the 
plans of those who oppressed God's poor; never to advance his own self- 
interest. 

" ' Few men have been more strongly attached to any religious society 
than he was to the Society of Friends, which he joined in the days of its 
purity, impelled by his own religious convictions. But when the time came 
that he must either be faithless to duty in the cause of his enslaved brethren, 
or part company with the Society to which he was bound by the strong and 
sacred ties of early religious feeling, this sacrifice he also calmly laid on the 
altar of humanity. 

" ' During nine years that I lived in his household, my respect and affec- 
tion for him continually increased. Never have I seen a man who so com- 
pletely fulfilled the Scripture injunction, to forgive an erring brother, 'not 
only seven times, but seventy times seven.' I have witnessed relapse after 
relapse into vice, under circumstances which seemed like the most heartless 
ingratitude to him ; but he joyfully hailed the first symptom of repentance, 
and was always ready to grant a new probation. 

" ' Farewell, thou brave and kind old Friend ! The prayers of ransomed 
ones ascended to Heaven for thee, and a glorious company have welcomed 
thee to the Eternal City.' " 



746 THE UXDERGBOUXD RAIL ROAD. 

SAMUEL D. BURRIS, 

Referred to by John Hunn, was also a brave conductor on the Undcr- 
gruund Rail Road leading down into Maryland (via Hunn's place). Mr. 
Burris was a native of Delaware, but being a free man and possessing more 
than usual intelligence, and withal an ardent love of liberty, he left "slavo- 
doni " and moved with his family to Philadelphia. Here his abhorrence of 
Slavery was greatly increased, especially after becoming acquainted with tiie 
Anti-slavery Office and the Abolition doctrine. Under whose auspices or bv 
what influence he was first induced to visit the South with a view of aiding 
slaves to escape, the writer does not recollect; nevertheless, from personal 
knowledge, prior to 1851, he well knew that Burris was an accredited agent 
on the road above alluded to, and that he had been considered a safe, wise, 
and useful man in his day and calling. Probably the simple conviction that 
he would not otherwise be doing as he would be done by actuated him in 
going down South occasionally to assist some of his suffering friends to get 
the yokes off their necks, and with him escape to freedom. A number were 
thus aided by Burris. But finally he found himself within the fatal *snare; 
the slave-holders caught him at last, and Burris was made a prisoner in 
Dover jail. His wife and children were thereby left without their protector 
and head. The friends of the slave in Philadelphia and elsewhere deoj)ly 
sympathized with him in this dreadful hour. Being able to use the 
pen, although he could not write without having his letters inspected, he 
kept up a constant correspondence with his friends both in Delaware and 
Philadelphia. John Hunn and Thomas Garrett were as faithful to him as 
brothers. After lying in prison for many months, his trial came on and 
Slavery gained the victory. The court decided that he must be sold in or 
out of the State to serve for seven years. No change, pardon or relief, could be 
ex})ccted from the spirit and power that held sway over Delaware at that time. 

The case was one of great interest to Mr. McKim, as indeed to the entire 
Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, who felt 
constrained to do all they could to save the poor man from his threatened fate, 
although they had not advised or encouraged him in the act for which he was 
condemned and about to suffer. In viewing his condition, but a faint ray of 
hope was entertained from one single direction. It was this: to raise money 
privately and have a man at the auction on the day of sale to ])urchase him. 

John Hunt! and Thomas Garrett were too well known as Abolitionists to 
undertake this mission. A friend indeed, was desirable, but none other 
would do than such an one as would not be suspected. Mr. McKim thought 
that a man who might be taken for a negro trader would be the right kind 
of a man to send on this errand. Garrett and Hunn being consulted 
heartily acquiesced in this plan, and after much reflection and inquiry, Isaac 
S. Flint, an uncompromising abolitionist, living in Wilmington, Delaware, 



SAMUEL D. BUREIS. 747 

was elected to buy Burris at the sale, providing that he was not run up to a 
fiirure exceedino- the amount in hand. 

Flint's abhorrence of Slavery conibinorl with his fearlessness, cool bnarisiir 
and perfect knowledge from what ho had read of the usa"-es of traders wt 
slave sales, without question admirably fitted him to play the part ol" a 
trader for the time being. 

When the hour arrived, the doomed man was placed on the auction-bloclc. 
Two traders from Baltimore were known to be present; how many others the 
friends of Burris knew not. The usual opportunity was given to traders 
and speculators to thoroughly examine the property on the block, and nu>4 
skillfully was Burris examined from the soles of his feot to the crown of hi.s 
head ; legs, arms and body, being handled as horse-jockies treat horses. 
Flint watched the ways of the traders and followed for effect their example. 
The auctioneer began and soon had a bid of five hundred dollars. A Baltimore 
trader was now in the lead, when Flint, if we mistake not, bought off the 
trader for one hundred dollars. The bids were thus suddenly checked, and 
Burris was knocked down to Isaac S. Flint (a strange trader). Of course he 
had left his abolition name at home and had adopted one suited to the occa- 
sion. When the crier's hammer indicated the last bid, although liurris had 
borne up heroically throughout the trying ordeal, he was not by any means 
aware of the fact that he had fallen into the hands of friends, but, on the 
contrary, evidently labored under the impression that his freedom was gone. 
But a few moments were allowed to pass ere Flint had the bill of sale for 
his property, and the joyful news was whispered in the ear of Burris that all 
was right ; that he had been bought with abolition gold to save him from 
going south. Once more Burris found himself in Philadelphia with his 
wife and children and friends, a stronger opponent than ever of Slavery. 
Having thus escaped by the skin of his teeth, he never again ventured South. 

After remaining a year or two in Philadelphia, about the year 1852 he 
went to California to seek more lucrative employment than he had hitherto 
found. Becoming somewhat satisfactorily situated he sent for his family, 
who joined him. In the meanwhile, his interest in the cause of freedom 
did not falter ; he always kept posted on the subject of the Underground 
Eail Road and Anti-slavery questions; and after the war, when appeals 
were made on behalf of contrabands who flocked into Washington daily in 
a state of utter destitution, Burris was among the first to present the matter 
"to the colored churches of San Francisco, with a view of raising means to 
aid in this good work, and as the result, a handsome collection was taken 
up and forwarded to the proper committee ih Washington. 

About three years ago, Samuel D. BuTris died, in the city of San Fran- 
cisco, at about the age of sixty years. To the slave he had been a true 
friend, and had labored faithfully for the improvement of his own mind as 
well as the general elevation of his race. 



748 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



MARIAXX, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS. 

Near Kimberton, in Cliester county, Pa., was the birth-place, and, till 
within a few years, the home of three sisters, Mariann, Grace Anna and 
Elizabeth R. Lewis, who were among the most faithful, devoted, and quietly 
efficient workers in the Anti-slavery cause, including that department of it 
which is the subject of this volume. 

Birth-right members of the Society of Friends, they were born into more 
than the traditional Anti-slavery faith and feeling of that Society. A deep 
abhorrence of slavery, and an earnest will to put that feeling into act, as op- 
portunitv should serve, were in the very life-blood which they drew from 
father and mother both. 

Left fatherless at an early age, they were taught by their mother to re- 
member that their father, on his visits to their maternal grandfather, living 
then in Maryland, was wont, as he expressed it, to feel the black shadow of 
slavery over his spirit, from the time he entered, till he left, the State ; and 
that, on his death-bed, he had regretted having let ill-health prevent his 
meeting with, and joining one of the Anti-slavery Societies of that day. Of 
the mother's share in the transmission of their hereditary feeling, it jis 
enough, to all acquainted with the history of Anti-slavery work in Pennsyl- 
vania, to say that she was sister, not by blood alone, but in heart and soul, 
to that early, active, untiring abolitionist. Dr. Bartholomew Fussell. 

It is easy to see that the children of such parents, growing up under the 
influence of such a mother, needed no conversion, no sacrifices of prejudice 
or hostile opinions, to make them Anti-slavery ; but were ready, simply as 
a matter of course, to work for the good cause whenever any way apjieared 
in which their work could serve it. What was called " modern abolition- 
ism," as distinguished from the less aggressive form of opposition to slavery, 
which preceded the movement pioneered by Garrison, they at once accepted, 
as soon as it was set before them, through the agents of the American Anti- 
Slavery»Society, in the campaign in Pennsylvania, begun in 1836. Regard- 
ing it but as the next step forward in the way they had already entered, 
they instinctively fell into line with the new movement, assisted in forming 
a society auxiliary to it, in their own neighborhood, and were constant 
to the end in working for its advancement. 

Auxiliary to the influences already mentioned, was a very early recollection 
of seeing a colored man, Henry, bound with ropes and carried off to slavery. 
Grace Anna, not more than four or five years old at the time, declared that 
the man's face of agony is before her now ; nor is it likely that her sisters 
were impressed less deeply. Of natures keenly sensitive, they hated slavery, 
from that hour, as only children of such natures can ; and — as yet too young 
and immature for that charily to have been developed in them, which can 



\ 





fJKAOE ANNK LEWIS. 



Seu 11. 74.S. 



MKS. FRANCl.S K. W. liAIU'KR. 



Saa p. 7o$. 




JOHN NKKDLKS 



EARNEST IN THE CAUSE. 



MARIANN, GRACE A., AND ELIZABETH E. LEWIS. 749 

see a brother even in the evil-doer, and pity while condemning Jiim, they 

even more intensely hated, while they feared, the actors in the oiitrao;o, and 
despised the girl who had betrayed the victim. Ever after, any one of thcin 
conld be trusted to be fliithful to the hunted fugitive, though tin army of kid- 
nappers might surround her. 

Another of their early recollections was of a white handkerchief which was 
to be waved from a back window, as a signal of danger, to a colored man at 
work in a wood near by. And, all tlie while, the feelings aroused by such 
events were kept alive by little Anti-slavery poems, which they were wont to 
learn by heart and recite in the evenings. Grace Anna, on her first visit to 
Philadelphia, when nine years old, bought a copy of one of these, entitled 
"Zambo's Story," pleased to recognize in it a favorite of her still earlier 
childhood. 

By means like these they were unconsciously preparing themselves for 
the predestined tasks of their after-life ; and if there were danger that such 
a strain upon their sympatliies, as they often underwent, might prove un- 
healthful, it was fully counteracted by ball-playing, and all kinds of active 
out-door amusements of childhood, so that it was never known to result in 
harm. 

'As time passed on, their home, always open to fugitives, became an im- 
portant centre of Underground Rail Road operations for the region extending 
from Wilmington, Del., into Adams cou^ity. Pa.; and they, grown to woman- 
hood, had glided into the management of its very considerable business. 
They received passengers from Thomas Garrett, and sometimes others, per- 
haps, of Wilmington, when it was thought unsafe to send them thence directly 
through Philadelphia; from Wm. and Phebe Wright, in Adams county, and 
from friends, more than we have room to name, in York, Columbia, and the 
southeun parts of Lancaster and Chester counties ; the several lines, from 
Adams county to Wilmington, converging upon the house of John Vickers, 
of Lionville, whose wagon, laden apparently with innocent-looking earthen 
ware from his pottery, sometimes conveyed, unseen beneath the visible load, 
a precious burden of Southern chattels, on their way to manhood. 

[At a later period, the trains from Adams county generally took another 
course, going to Harrisburg, and on to Canada, by way of the Susciuehanna 
Valley ; though still, when pursuit that way was apprehended, the former 
course was taken.] 

••/These passengers, the Lewises forwarded in diverse ways ; usually, in the 
earlier times, by wagon or carriage, to Richard Moore, of Qnakertown, in 
Bucks county, about thirty miles distant; but later, when abolitionists were 
more numerous, and easier stages could be safely made, either diroctly to 
the writer, or to one or other of ten or twelve stations which had become 
established at places less remote, in the counties of Chester and ^^ontgonlery. 
During portions of the time, their married sister Rebecca, and her husband, 



750 THE UXDERGROUXD RAILROAD. 

E'.lwiu Fussel!, mici their uncle, Dr. B. Fussell, uaJ, after h\n\, his brother 
William, lived on farms adjoining theirs, and were their active helpers in this 
work. 

The receiving and passing on of fugitives, was not all they had to do. 
Often it was necessary to fit out whole families with clothing suitable for the 
journey. In cases of emergency they would sometimes gather a sewing- 
circle from such neighboring families as could be trusted; and, with its 
help, accomplish rapidly the needed work. One instance is remembered, 
of a woman, with her little boy, whom they put into girls' attire; and, 
changing also the woman's dress, sent botli, by cars, to Canada, accom- 
panied by a friend. In this kind of work, too, they had generous aid from 
friends at neighboring stations. From Lawrenceville and Limerick, and 
Pottstown and Pughtown, came contributions of clothing; at one time a 
supply which filled compactly three three-bushel bags, and of which a small 
remainder, still on hand when slavery was abolished, was sent South to the 
freed men. 

The prudence, skill, and watchful care with which the business was eon- 
ducted, are well attested by the fact that, so far as can be remembered, during 
all the many years of their connection with the Underground Rail Road, not 
a plan miscarried, and not a slave that reached their station was retaken ; 
although amous; their neifrhbors there were bitter adversaries of the Anti- 
slavery cause, eager to find occasion for hostile acts against any abolitionist; 
and, at times, especially vindictive against the noble sisters, because of their 
effective co-operation with other friends of Temperance, in preventing the 
licensing of a liquor-selling tavern in the neighborhood. On one occasion, 
when, within a week, they had passed on to freedom no less than forty 
fugitives, eleven of whom had been in the house at once, they were amused 
at hearing a remark by some of their pro-slavery neighbors, to the effect 
that "there used to be a pretty brisk trade of running off niggers, but there 
was not much of it done now." 

Thougii parties of four, five or six sometimes arrived in ojien day, they 
seldom scut any away till about nightfall or later, and, whenever the danger 
was greater than usual, the coming was also at night. The fugitives, in 
attempting to capture whom, Gorsuch was killed, near Christiana, were 
brought to them at midnight, by Dr. Fussell ; and in this case such caution 
was observed, that not even the hired girl knew of the presence of persons not 
of the family. 

For one reason or another, — perhaps to let a hot pursuit go by; perhaps 
to allow opportunity for recovering from fatigue and recruiting exhausted 
strength, or for earning means to pursue the journey by the common rail- 
roads, — it was often thought advisable that passengers should remain 
Avitli them for a considerable ]ieriod; and numbers of those were, at different 
times, employed as laborers in some capacity. Grace Anna testifies that some 



I 



MAIIIAKN, GRACE A., AND ELIZABETH 7?. LEWIS. 7^1 

of the best assistants they ever had in tlie house or on the farm, were these 
escaped slaves; that in general they were thrifty and eeonoinical, one man, for 
instance, who spent several years witli them, having accumulated five hninhvd 
dollars before he went on to Canada; and another, enough to furnish an ^M 
coat with a full set of buttons, each of which was a goKlen haif-eacle covered 
with cloth, and firmly sewed on, besides an amj)]e supply of good clothiu"- 
for himself and his wife; and that, almost without exception, they were 
honest and loyal to their benefactors, and only too happy to find opportuni- 
ties of showing their gratitude. One man sent back to the sisters a letter of 
thanks, through a gentleman in England, whither he had gone. And once, 
when Grace Anna was passing an elegant mansion in Philadelphia, a colored 
woman rushed out upon her with such an impetuous demonstration of alfec- 
tion, joy, and thankfulness — all thought of fitness of time and place s\vei)t 
away by the swell of strong emotion — as might well have amused, or slightly 
astonished, the passers in the street, who knew not that in her arms the wo- 
man's child had died. But it is no marvel that to her the memory of that 
poor runaway slave-woman's true affection is more than could have been the 
warmest welcome from her educated and refined mistress. 

One case, of which the sisters for a time had charge, seems worthv of a 
somewhat more extended mention. In the fiill of 1855 a slave named John- 
son, who, in fleeing from bondage, had come as fi,ir as "Wilmington, thinking 
he saw his master on the train by which he was journeying northward, 
sprang from the car and hurt his foot severely. The Ivennett abolitionists 
having taken him in hand, and fearing that suspicious eyes were on him in 
their region, felt it necessary to send him onward without waiting for his 
wound to heal. He was therefore taken to the Lewises, suffering very much 
m liis removal, and arriving in a condition which required the most assidu- 
ous care. For more than four months he remained with them, patient and 
gentle in his helplessness and suffering, and very thankful for the ministra- 
tions of kindness he received. He was nursed as tenderly as if his own si>- 
ters had attended him, instead of strangers, and was so carefully concealed 
that the nearest neighbors knew not of his being with them. Their cousin, 
Morris Fussell, who lived near, being a physician, they had not to depend 
for even medical advice upon the outside world. 

As the sufferer's wound, in natural course, became offensive, the care cf it 
could not but have been disagreeable as well as toilsome; and the fecMe 
health of one of the sisters at that time must have made heavier the burden 
to be borne. But it was borne with a cheerful constancy. In a letter whicji 
Grace Anna wrote after she had attended for some time in person to the pa- 
tient, with the care and sympathy which his condition demanded, and begun 
to feel her strength unequal to the task, in addition to her household duties, 
she asked a friend in Philadelphia to procure for her a trusty colored woman 
fit to be a helper in the work, offering higher wages than were common iu 



752 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

that region for the services required, and adding that, indeed, they eould not 
stand upon the amount of pay, but must have help, if it could be obtained, 
though not in a condition to bear undue expenditure. But, she said, the 
man " is unable to be removed ; and if he were not, I know of no place 
where the charge would not be equally severe." So, in perfect keeping with 
her character, she just quietly regarded it as a matter of course that it should 
still continue where it was. And there it did continue until spring, when the 
man, now able to bear removal, was conveyed to the writer, and, after a 
time, went thence to Boston. There his foot, pronounced incurable, was 
amputated, and the abolitionists supplied him with a wooden limb. He 
then returned and spent another winter with the Lewises, assisting in the 
household work, and rendering services invaluable at a time when it was al- 
most impossible to obtain female help. The next spring, hoping vainly to 
recover in a warmer climate from the disease induced by the drain his 
wounded foot had made upon his system, he went to Hayti, and there died ; 
happy, we may well believe, to have escaped from slavery, though only to 
have won scarely two years of freedom as an invalid and a cripple. 

The sisters were so thoroughly united in their work, as well as in all the 
experiences of life, that this brief sketch has not attempted what indeed it 
could not have achieved — a separation of their spheres of beneficent activity. 
Yet they had each her individual traits and adaptations to their common 
task; " diversities of gifts, but the same spirit." Elizabeth, although for 
many years shut out by feeble health from any part requiring much bodily 
exertion, was ever a wise counsellor, as well as ready with such help as her 
state of health would warrant. Though weak in body, in spirit she was 
strong and calm and self-reliant, with a clear, discriminating intellect, a keen 
sense of right, and a certain solidity and balanced symmetry of the spiritual 
nature which made her an appreciable power wherever she was known. Of 
Mariann, Grace Anna says, that if a flash of inspiration was required, it usu- 
ally came from her. Taught by her love for others, and by a sensitiveness 
almost preternaturally quick, "she always knew exactly the right thing to 
do," and put all the poetry of a nature exquisitely fine into her efiPorts to 
diffuse around her purity and peace and happiness. Her constant, utterly 
unselfish endeavors to this end contributed in ample measure to the blessed- 
ness of a delightful home, rich in the virtues, charities and graces which 
make home blessed. Veiled by her modest and retiring disposition, to few 
beyond the circle of her home were known the beauty and beneficence of her 
noiseless life ; but those who did look in upon it testified her worth in terms 
so strong as showed how deeply it impressed them. "Just the best woman 
I ever knew," said a young man for whom she had long cared like a mother. 
" I cannot remember," said another, " ever hearing from her one ungentle 
word ;" and it may be safely doubted whether she was ever heard to utter 
such. And one who "knew her every mood" cannot recall an instance of 



CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE. 753 

selfishness In her, even when a child. " The most womanly woman I ever 
knew," declared a friend long closely intimate with her, "ami siicii as would 
have been adored, if found by any man worthy of her." 

The ideal element in her was chastened by sound sense and blended with 
a quick sagacity ; but her shrinking sensitiveness, too keen to be quite healthy, 
and an extreme of self-forgetfulness, amounting possibly to a defect in one 
sojourning amid this world's diverse dispositions and experiences, rendered 
her, on the whole, less balanced and complete than her younger sisters, and 
not well fitted for rough encounter with life's trials. So it' became Grace 
Anna's province, especially after their mother's death, to stand a shelter be- 
tween her and whatever would unpleasantly affect her by its contact ; to be 
in some sort as a brother to her, seeing there M'as no brother in the house. 
But from this it must not be inferred that Grace Anna is less gifted with the 
distinctive qualities of her sex. For the native fineness of her sj)iritual tex- 
ture, her gentle dignity and feminine delicacy and grace, mark her as "every 
inch" a true and noble woman. In her combine in happy union the calm 
strength of soul and self-reliance of her younger, with the poetic ideality and 
a just degree of the quick sensibility of her elder sister, with better health 
than either, making her foremost of the three in that executive efficiency 
which did so much to give their plans the uniform success already mentioned. 
Kindness and warm affection, clearness of moral vision, and purity of heart, 
with a lively relish for quiet intellectual pleasures, for society and books 
adapted to refine, improve and elevate, were among the characteristics com- 
mon to them all. 

Mariann and Elizabeth, having lived to see the triumph of the Right, in 
the Presidential Proclamation of Freedom to the slaves, have gone from 
their earthly labors to their heavenly rest; which, we may well believe, is 
that whereof the poet speaks : 

"Eest in harmonious action like the stars, 
Doing the deeds which make heaven musical, 
The earth a heaven, and brothers of us all." 

Grace Anna still continues here, working for human welfare in such fields 
as still demand the laborer's toil; and finding mental profit and delight in 
the pursuit of natural science. 

CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE. 

BY MISS GRACE A. LEWIS. 

Among the many fugitives whose stories were full of interest, was that of 
a woman named Rachel. She was tall, muscular, slight, with an extremely 
sensitive nervous organization, a brain of large size, and an expression of 
remarkable stigacity and quickness. She was living in West Chester, 
Ohester county, Pa., when attempts were made to retake her to Slavery. 
48 

I 



754 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

With wonderful swiftness and adroitness she eluded pursuit, and was soon 
hurried away. Speedily reaching our house, she hid herself away during 
the day, and in the evening, as a place of greater safety, she was transferred 
to the house of our uncle. Dr. Fusscll, then residing on an adjoining farm. 
As was his wont, this kind-hearted man soon entered into a conversation 
with her, and in a few minutes discovered that she had once been a pupil of 
his during his residence in Maryland many years before. 

At the moment of recognition she sprang up, overwhelming him with her 
manifestations of delight, crying : " You Dr. Fussell ? You Dr. Fussell ? 
Don't you remember me? I'm Rache — Cunningham's Rache, down at Bush 
River Neck." Then receding to view him better, "Lord bless de child! 
how he is grown !" 

Her tongue once loosened, she poured forth her whole history, expressing 
in every lineament her concentrated abhorrence of her libertine master, 
" Mort Cunningham." Over that story, it is needful to pass lightly, simply 
saying, she endured all outraged nature could endure and survive. For the 
sake of humanity we may trust there were few such fiends even among 
southern masters as this monster in human shape. Cunningham finally sold 
her to go further South, with a master whose name cannot now be recalled. 
This man was in ill health, and after a time he and his wife started north- 
ward, bringing Rache with them. On the voyage the master grew worse, 
and one night when he was about to die, a fearful storm arose, which Rache 
devoutly believed was sent from Heaven. In describing this scene, she 
impersonated her surroundings with wonderful vividness and marvollons 
power. At one moment she was the howling wind; at another the tumul- 
tuous sea — then the lurching ship — the bellowing cow frightened by the 
storm — the devil, who came to carry away her master's soul, and finally the 
weak, dying man, as he passed to eternity. 

They proceeded on their voyage and landed at their place of destination. 
Hache sees the cow snuffing the land breeze and darting off through the 
crowd. The captain of the vessel points to the cow and motions her to 
follow its example. She needs nothing more. Again she is acting — she is 
now the cow ; but human caution, shrewdness, purpose, arc lent to animal 
instinct. She looks around her with wary eye — scents the air — a flash, and 
she is hidden from the crowd which you see around her — she is free! 
Making her way northward, she finally arrived at the house of Emraer 
Kimber, Kimbcrton, Chester county, Pa., and proving a remarkably ca})able 
woman, she remained a considerable time in his family, as a cook. She 
finally married, and settled in West Chester, where the pair prospered and 
were soon surrounded by the comforts of a neat home. After several years 
of peaceful life there, she was one day alarmed, not by the heirs of her dead ' 
master, but by the loathed "Mort Cunningham," who, without the shadow 
of legal right, had come to carry her back to Slavery. Fear lent her wings. 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 755 

She darted into a hatter's shop and out through the back buildings, springing 
over a dye kettle in her way, and cleared a board fence at a bound. On her 
way to a place of safety she looked back to see, with keen enjoyment, *' Mort 
Cunningham " falling backward from the fence she had leaped. Secure in 
a garret, she looked down into the streets below, to see his vacant, dazed 
look as he sought, unable to find her. Her rendering of the expression of his 
face at this time, was irresistibly ludicrous, as was that of his whole bcarini-- 
while searching for her. "Mort Cunningham " did not get her, but whether 
or not she ever returned to the enjoyment of her happy home, in West 
Chester, we never knew, as this sudden flight was the last we ever hoard of 
her. She was one of the most wide-awake of human beings, and the world 
certainly lost in the uneducated slave, au actor of great dramatic power. 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 

The narratives and labors of eminent colored men such as Banneker, 
Douglass, Brown, Garnet, and others, have been written and sketched very 
fully for the public, and doubtless with advantage to the cause of freedom. 
But there is not to be found in any written work portraying the Anti-Slavery 
struggle, (except in the form of narratives,) as we are aware of, a sketch of 
the labors of any eminent colored woman. We feel, therefore, not only 
glad of the opportunity to present a sketch not merely of the leading colored 
poet in the United States, but also of one of the most liberal contributors, 
as well as one of the ablest advocates of the Underground Rail Road and 
of the slave. 

No extravagant praise of any kind, — only simple facts are needed t% por- 
i tray the noble deeds of this faithful worker. 

The want of space forbids more than a brief reference to her early life. 

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (Watkins being her maiden name) was 
•born in the City of Baltimore in 1825, not of slave parentage, but sub- 
^ jected of course to the oppressive influence which bond and free alike cn-- 
dured under slave laws. Since reaching her majority, in loojcing back, the 
following sentences from her own pen express the loneliness of her 
childhood days. " Have I yearned for a mother's love? The grave was 
my robber. Before three years had scattered their blight around my path, 
death had won my mother from me. Would the strong arm of a brotlicr 
have been welcome? I was my mother's only child." Thus she fell into 
the hands of an aunt, M'ho watched over her during these early helpless years. 
Rev. William Watkins, an uncle, taught a school in Baltimore for free co- 
lored children, to which she was sent until she was about tliirtoeii yonrs of 
age. After this period, she was put out to work to earn her own living. 



75o THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

She had many trials to endure which she would fain forget; but in the midst 
of them all she had an ardent thirst for knowledge and a remarkable talent 
for composition, as she evinced at the age of fourteen in an article which 
attracted the attention of the lady in whose family she was employed, and 
others. In this situation she was taught sewing, took care of the chil- 
dren, &c.; and at the same time, through tlie kindness of her employer, her 
greed for books was satisfied so far as was possible from occasional half-hours 
of leisure. She was noted for her industry, rarely trifling away time as 
most girls are wont to do in similar circumstances. Scarcely had she 
reached her majority ere she had written a number of prose and poetic 
pieces which were deemed of sufficient merit to publish in a small volume 
called " Forest Leaves." Some of her productions found their way into 
newspapers and attracted attention. The ability exhibited in some of 
her j)roductions was so remarkable that some doubted and others denied 
tiieir originality. Of this character w'e here copy an extract from one of 
her early prose productions: 

CHKISTIANITT. 

"Christianity is a system claiming God for its author, and the welfare of man for its 
object. It is a system so uniform, exalted and pure, that the loftiest intellects have ac- 
knowledged its influence, and acquiesced in the justness of its claims. Genius has bent 
from his erratic course to gather fire from her altars, and pathos from the agony of Geth- 
semane and the sufferings of Calvary. Philosophy and science have paused amid their 
speculative researches and wondrous revelations to gain wisdom from her teachings and 
knowledge from her precepts. Poetry has culled her fairest flowers and wreathed her 
softest to bind her Author's ' bleeding brow.' Music has strung her sweetest lyrps and 
breathed her noblest strains to celebrate his fame ; whilst Learning has bent from her 
lofty heights to bow at the lowly cross. The constant friend of man, she has stood by 
him in his hour of greatest need. She has cheered the prisoner in his cell, and strength- 
ened the martyr at the stake. She has nerved the frtul and shrinking heart of woman for 
high affd holy deeds. The worn and weary have rested their fainting heads upon her 
bosom, and gathered strength from her words and courage from her counsels. She has 
been the staff of decrepit age and the joy of manhood in its strength. She has bent over 
the form of lovely childhood, and suffered it to have a place in the Redeemer's arms. She 
has stood by the bed of the dying, and unveiled the glories of eternal hfe, gilding the 
darkness of the tomb with the glory of the resurrection," 

Her mind being of a strictly religious caste, the effusions from her pen all 
savor of a highly moral and elevating tone. 

About the year 1851 she left Baltimore to seek a home in a Free State, 
and for a short time resided in Ohio, where she was engaged in teaching. 
Contrary to her expectations, her adopted home and calling not proving 
satisfu-tory, she left that State and came to Pcnn.^ylvania as a last resort, • 
and again engaged in teaching at IJttle York. Here she not only had to 
encounter the trouble of dealing with imruly children, she was sorely 
oppressed with the thought of the condition of her people in Maryland. 
Not unfrequently she gave utterance to such expressions as the following: 



FMANCES ELLEN WATKINS HAItPER. 757 

"Not that we have not a right to breathe the air as freely as anybody 
else here (in Baltimore), but we are treated worse than aliens among a people 
whose language we speak, whose religion we profess, and whose bl(juJ 
flows and mingles in our veins. * * * Homeless in the land of our 
birth and worse off than strangers in the home of our nativity." Duriii"- 
her stay in York she had frequent opportunities of seeing passengers on the 
Underground Rail Road. In one of her letters she tiius alluded to a travel- 
er: "1 saw a passenger 'per the Underground Rail Road yesterday; did Jie 
arrive safely? Notwithstanding that abomination of the nineteenth century 
— the Fugitive Slave Law — meu still determine to be free. Notwithstand- 
ing all the darkness in which they keep the slaves, it seems that somehow 
light is dawning upon their minds. * * These poor fugitives arc a 

property that can walk. Just to think that from the rainbow-crowned Ni- 
agara to the swollen waters of the Mexican Gulf, from the restless nnn-mur 
of the Atlantic to the ceaseless roar of the Pacific, the poor, half-starved, fly- 
ing fugitive has no resting-place for the sole of his foot!" 

Whilst hesitating whether or not it would be best to continue teaching, 
she wrote to a friend for advice as follows: "What would you do if you 
were in my place? W^ould you give up and go back and work at your 
trade (dress-making)? There are no people that need all the benefiLs re- 
sulting from a well-directed education more than we do. The condition 
of our people, the wants of our children, and the welfare of our race 
demand the aid of every helping hand, the God-s2)eed of every Christian 
heart. It is a work of time, a labor of patience, to become an effective 
school teacher; and it should be a work of love in which they who engage 
should not abate heart or hope until it is done. And after all, it is one of 
woman's most sacred rights to have the privilege of forming the symmetry 
and rightly adjusting the mental balance of an immortal mind." "I have 
written a lecture on education, and I am also writing a small book." 

Thus, whilst filling her vocation as a teacher in Little York, was she 
dee))ly engrossed in thought as to how she could best j)romote the welfare 
of her race. But as she was devoted to the work in hand, she soon found 
that fifty-three untrained little urchins overtaxed her naturally delicate 
physical powers; it also happened just about this time that she was further 
moved to enter the Anti-Slavery field as a lecturer substantially by the 
following circumstance: About the ypar 1853, Maryland, her native State, 
had enacted a law forbidding free people of color from the North from coming 
into the State on pain of being imprisoned and sold into slavery. A free 
man, who had unwittingly violated this infamous statute, had recently been 
sold to Georgia, and had escaped thence by secreting himself behind the 
wheel-house of a boat bound northward ; but before he reached the desired 
haven, he was discovered and remanded to slavery. It was reported that 
he died soon after from the effects of exposure and suffering. In a letter to 



758 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

a friend referring to this outrage, Mrs. Harper thus wrote: "Upon that 
grave I pledged myself to the Anti-Slavery cause." 

Having thus decided, she wrote in a subsequent letter, "It may be that 
God himself has written upon both my heart and brain a commission to use 
time, talent and energy in the cause of freedom." In this abiding faith she 
came to Philadelphia, hoping that the way would open for usefulness, 
and to publisli her little book (above referred to). She visited the Anti- 
Slavery Office and read Anti-Slavery documents with great avidity; in the 
mean time making her home at the station of the Underground Rail Road, 
whei'e she frequently saw passengers and heard their melting tales of suffer- 
ing and wrong, which intensely increased her sympathy in their behalf. 
Although anxious to enter the Anti-Slavery field as a worker, her modesty 
j)revented her from pressing her claims; consequently as she was but 
little known, being a young and homeless maiden (an exile by law), no 
especial encouragement was tendered her by Anti-Slavery friends in 
Philadelphia. 

During her stay in Philadelphia she published some verses entitled, 
" Eliza Harris crossing the River on the Ice." It was deemed best to delay 
the issuing of the book. 

After spending some weeks in Philadelphia, she concluded to v^isit Boston. 
Here she was treated with the kindness characteristic of the friends in the 
Anti-Slavery Office whom she visited, but only made a brief stay, after 
which she proceeded to New Bedford, the "hot-bed of the fugitives" in 
Massachusetts, where by invitation she addressed a public meeting on the 
subject of Education and the Elevation 'of the Colored Race. 

The occasion and result of the commencement of her public career was 
thus given by her own pen in a letter dated August, 1854 : 

" Well, I am out lecturing, I have lectured every night this week ; besides addressed 
a Sunday-school, and I shall speak, if nothing prevent, to-night. My lectures have met 
wilh success. Last night I lectured in a white church in Providence. Mr. Gardener was 
present, and made the estimate of about six hundred persons. Never, perhaps, was a 
speaker, old or young, favored with a more attentive audience. * * * My voice is 
not wanting in strength, as I am aware of, to reach pretty well over the house. The 
church was the Roger Williams ; the pastor, a Mr. Furnell, who appeared to be a kind i 
and Christian man. * * * My maiden lecture was Monday night in New Bedford on 
the Elevation and Education of our People. Perhaps as intellectual a place as any I waa 
ever at of its size." 

Having thus won her way to a favorable position as a lectur(!i', the fol- 
lowing month she was engaged by the State Anti-Slavery Society of !Maine, 
with what success appears from one of her letters bearing date — Bucks- 
town Centre, Sept. 28, 1854: 

"The agent of the State Anti-Slavery Society of Maine travels with me, and she is a 
pleasant, dear, sweet lady. I do like her so. We travel together, eat together, and sleep 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 759 

together. (She is a white woman.) In fact I have not been in one colored person's house 
since I left Massachusetts; but I have a pleasant time. My life reminds me of a beauti- 
ful dream. What a difference between this and York 1**1 have met with some of 
the kindest treatment up here that I have ever received. * * I have lectured three 
times this week. After I went from Limerick, I went to Springvale ; there I spoke on 
Sunday night at an Anti-Slavery meeting. Some of the people are Anti-Slavery, Anti- 
rum and Anti-Catholic ; and if you could see our Maine ladies,— some of them among the 
noblest types of womanhood you have ever seen ! They are for putting men of Anti-Slavery 
principles in office, * * to cleanse the corrupt fountains of our government by sending 
men to Congress who will plead for our down-trodden and oppressed brethren, our crushed 
and helpless sisters, whose tears and blood bedew our soil, whose chains are clanking 'neath 
our proudest banners, whose cries and groans amid our loudest pseans rise." 

Everywhere in this latitude doors opened before her, and her gifts were 
universally recognized as a valuable acquisition to the cause. In the letter 
above referred to she said : " I spoke in Boston on IMonday night. * * * 
Well, I am but one, but can do something, and, God helping me, I will try. 

Mr. Brister from Lowell addressed the meeting ; also Kev. . Howe. 

We had a good demonstration." 

Having read the narrative of Solomon Northrup (12 years a slave), she 
•was led to embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a 
letter dated at Temple, Maine, Oct. 20, 1854, after expressing the interest 
she took in the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of that state, 
she remarked : 

"I spoke on Free Produce, and now by the way I believe in that kind of Abolition. 
Oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter, I have commenced 
since I read Solomon Northrup. Oh, if Mts. Stowe has clothed American slavery in the 
graceful garb of fiction, Solomon Northrup comes up from the dark habitation of Southern 
cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations 
that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he re- 
veals were not so. Oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from re- 
luctant fingers? Oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne? 
I have read somewhere, if I remember aright, of a Hindoo being loth to cut a tree be- 
cause being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had 
passed into it. * * * Oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane 
can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? I have reason to be thankful that 
I am able to give a little more for a Free Labor dress, if it is coarser. I can thank God 
that upon its warp and woof I see no stain of blood and tears ; that to procure a little 
finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from 
the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of God to 
witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton I was nerving 
oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. If the liberation of the slave demanded 
it, I could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do 
him any good." 

After having thus alluded to free labor, she gave a short journal of the 
different places where she had recently lectured from the 5th of Sei)tembcr to 
the 20th of October, which we mention here simply to show the per- 



760 THE UNDERGROLND RAiL ROAD. 

severance which characterized her as an advocate of her enslaved race, and 
at the same time show how doors everywhere opened to her: Portland, 
IVroumouth Centre, North Berwick, Limerick (two meetings), Springvale, 
Portsmouth, Elliott, Waterborough (spoke four times), Lyman, Succaraj)po, 
Moderation, Steep Falls (twice). North Buxton, Gorara, Gardner, Litchfield, 
twice, Monmouth Ridge twice, Monmouth Centre three times, Litchfield sec- 
ond time, AVest Waterville twice, Livermore Temple. Her ability and la- 
bors were everywhere appreciated, and her meetings largely attended. In 
a subsequent letter referring to the manner that she was received, she wrote, 
" A short while ago when I was down this way I took breakfast with the 
then Governor of Maine." 

For a year and a half she continued in the Eastern States, speaking in most 
or all of them with marked success; the papers meting out to her full com- 
mendation for her efforts. The following extract clipped from the Portland 
Daily Press, respecting a lecture that she was invited to deliver after the war 
by the jNIayor (Mr. Washburne) and others, is a fair sample of notices from 
this source : 

" She spoke for nearly an hour and a half, her subject being * The Mission of the War, 
and the Demands of the Colored Race in the Work of Reconstruction ;' and we have sel- 
dom seen an audience more attentive, better pleased, or more enthusiastic. Mrs. Harper 
has a splendid articulation, uses chaste, pure language, has a pleasant voice, and allows 
no one to tire of hearing her. We shall attempt no abstract of her address; none that 
we could make would do her justice. It was one of which any lecturer might feel proud, 
and her reception by a Portland audience was all that could be desired. We have seen 
no praises of her that were overdrawn. We have heard Miss Dickinson, and do not hesi- 
tate to award the palm to her darker colored sister." 

In 1856, desiring to see the fugitives in Canada, she visited the Upper 
Province, and in a letter dated at Niagara Falls, Sept. 12th, she unfolded 
her mind in the following language: 

" Well, I have gazed for the first time upon Free Land, and, would you believe it, trars 
sprang to my eyes, and I wept. Oh, it was a glorious sight to gaze for the first time on 
a land where a poor slavp flying from our glorious land of liberty would in a moment find 
his fetters broken, his shackles loosed, and whatever he was in the land of Washington, 
• beneath the shadow of Bunker Hill Monument or even Plymouth Rock, here he becomes 
a man and a brother. I have gazed on Harper's Ferry, or rather the rock at the Ferry ; 
I have seen it towering up in simple grandeur, with the gentle Potomac gliding peacefully 
at its feet, and felt that that was God's masonry, and my soul had expanded in gazing on 
its sublimity. I have seen the ocean singing its wild chorus of sounding waves, and ec- 
stacy has thrilled upon the living chords of my heart. I have since then seen the rainbow- 
crowned Niagara chanting the choral hymn of Omnipotence, girdled with grandeur, and 
robed with glory; but none of these things have melted me as the first sight of Free Land. 
Towering mountains lifting their hoary summits to catch the first faint flush of day when 
the sunbeams kiss the shadows from morning's drowsy face may expand and exalt your 
soul. The first view of the ocean may fill you with strange delight. Niagara — the great, 
the glorious Niagara — may hush your spirit with its ceaseless thunder ; iL may charm you 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G1 

with its robe of crested spray and rainbow crown; but the land of Freedom was a lesson 
of deeper significance than foaming waves or towermg mounts." 

While in Toronto she lectured, and was listened to with great interest- 
but she made only a brief visit, thence returning to Philadelphia, her adopted 
home. 

With her newly acquired reputation as a lecturer, from 1856 to 1859 she 
continued her labors in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, ttc. 
In the meantime she often came in contact with Underground Kail lload 
passengers, especially in Philadelphia. None sympathized with them more 
sincerely or sliowed a greater willingness to render them material aid. She 
contributed apparently with the same liberality as though tiicy were her 
own near kin. Even when at a distance, so deep was her interest in the 
success of the Road, she frequently made it her business to forward dona- 
tions, and carefully inquire into the state of the treasury. The Chairman 
of the Committee might pnblish -a volume of interesting letters from her 
pen relating to the Underground Rail Road and kindred topics ; but a few 
extracts must suffice. We here copy from a letter dated at Rushsylvania, 
Ohio, Dec. I5th : " I send you to-day two dollars for the Underground 
Rail Road. It is only a part of what I subscribed at your meeting. May 
God speed the flight of the slave as he .speeds through our Republic to 
gain his liberty in a monarchical land. I am still in the lecturing field, 
though not very strong physically. * * * Send me word what I can 
do for the fugitive." 

From Tiffin, Ohio, March 31st, touching the news of a rescue in Phila- 
delphia, she thus wrote : 

" I see by the Cincinnati papers that you have had an attempted rescue and a failure. 
That is sad ! Can you not give me the particulars ? and if there is anything that I can do 
for them in money or words, call upon me. This is a common cause; and if there is any 
burden to be borne in the Anti-Slavery cause — anything to be done to weaken our hateful 
chains or assert our manhood and womanhood, I have a right to do my share of the work. 
The humblest and feeblest of us can do something; and though I may be deficient in many 
of the conventionalisms of city life, and be considered as a person ol good impulses, but un- 
liuished, yet if there is common rough work to be done, call on me." 

Mrs. Harper was not content to make speeches and receive plaudits, but 
was ever willing to do the rough work and to givp material aitl wiicrcver 
needed. 

From another letter dated Lewis Centre, Ohio, we copy the following 
characteristic extract : 

" Yesterday I sent you thirty dollars. Take five of it for the rescuers (who were in 
prison), and the rest pay away on the books. My offering is not large; but if you need 
more, send me word. Also how comes on the Underground Rail Road? Do you need 
anything for that? You have probably hejird of the shameful outrage of a colored man 
or boy named Wagner, who was kidnapped in Ohio and carried across the river and sold 



7G2 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

for a slave. * * * Ohio has become a kind of a negro hunting ground, a new Coi go's 
coast and Guinea's shore. A man was kidnapped ahuost under the shadow of our capital. 
Oil, was it not dreadful? * * * Oh, may the living God prepare me for an earnest 
and faithful advocacy of the cause of justice and right!" 

In those days the blows struck by the hero, John Brown, were agitating 
the nation. Scarcely was it possible for a living soul to be more deeply 
affected than this female advocate. Nor did her sympathies end in mere 
words. She tendered material aid as well .as heartfelt commiseration. 

To John Brown's wife * ghe sent through the writer the following letter : 

LETTER TO JOHN BEOWN'S WIFE. 

Farmer Centre, Ohio, Nov. 14th. 

Mt dear Madam : — In an hour like this the common words of sympathy may seera 
like idle words, and yet I want to say something to you, the noble wife of the hero of the 
nineteenth century. Belonging to the race your dear husband reached forth his hand to 
assist, I need not tell you that my sympathies are with you. I thank you for the brave 
words you have spoken. A republic that produces such a wife and mother may hope for 
better days. Our heart may grow more hopeful for humanity when it sees the subhme 
sacrifice it is about to receive from his hands. Not in vain has your dear husband periled 
all, if the martyrdom of one hero is worth more than the life of a million cowards. From 
the prison comes forth a shout of triumph over that power whose ethics are robbery of 
the feeble and oppression of the weak, the trophies of whose chivalry are a plundered cra- 
dle and a scourged and bleeding woman. Dear sister, I thank you for the brave and no- 
ble words that you have spoken. Enclosed I send you a few dollars as a token of my 
gratitude, reverence and love. 

Yours respectfully, Frances Ellen Watkins. 

Post Office address : care of William Still, 107 Fifth St., Philadelphia, Penn. 

May God, our own God, sustain you in the hour of trial. If there is one thing on earth 
I can do for you or yours, let me be apprized. I am at your service. 

Not forgetting Brown's comrades, who were then lying in prison under 
sentence of death, true to tlie best impulses of her generous heart, she thus 
wrote relative to these ill fated prisoners, from Montpelier, Dec. 12th: 

" I thank you for complying with .my request. (She had previously ordered a box of 
things to be forwarded to them.) And also that you wrote to them. You see Brown 
towered up so bravely that these doomed and fated men may have been almost overlooked, 
and just think that I am able to send one ray through the night around them. And as 
their letters came too late to answer in time, I am better satisfied that you wrote. I hope 
the things will reach them. Poor doomed and fated men! Why did you not send them 
more things ? Please send me the bill of expense. * * Send me word what I can do 
for the fugitives. Do you need any money ? Do I not owe you on the old bill (pledge)? 
Look carefully and see if I Gave paid all. Along with this letter I send you one for Mr. 
Stephens (one of Brown's men), and would ask you to send him a box of nice things every 
week till he dies or is acquitted. I understand the balls have not been -extracted from him. 
Has not this suffering been overshadowed by the' glory that gathered around the brave old 

* Mrs. Il.arpcr passed two weeks with Mrs. Brown nl the house of the writer while she was await- 
ing the execution of her husband, and symjiathized with her most deeply. 



FBANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7(33 

man? * * * Spare no expense to make the last hours of his (Stephens') life as bri-ht 
as possible with sympathy. * * * Now, my friend, fulfil this to the letter. Oh, is it 
not a privilege, if you are sisterless and lonely, to be a sister to the human race, and to 
place your heart where it may throb close to down-trodden humanity ?" 

On another occasion in writing from tlie lecturing field hundreds of niilos 
away from Philadelphia, the sympathy she felt for the fugitives found ex- 
pression in the following language : 

"How fared the girl who came robed in male attire? Do write me every time vou 
write how many come to your house ; and, my dear friend, if you have that much in hand 
of mine from my books, will you please pay the Vigilance Committee two or three dollars 
fpr me to help carry on the glorious enterprise. Now, please do not write back that you 
are not going to do any such thing. Let me explain a few matters to you. In the firit 
place, I am able to give somethmg. In the second place, I am willing to do so. * * * 
Oh, life is fading away, and we have but an hour of time! Should we not, therefore, en- 
deavor to let its history gladden the earth? The nearer we ally ourselves to the wants 
and woes of humanity in the spirit of Christ, the closer we get to the great heart of God ; 
the nearer we stand by the beating of the pulse of universal love." 

Doubtless it has not often been found necessary for persons desirous of 
contributing to benevolent causes to first have to remove anticipated objec- 
tions. Nevertheless in some cases it would seem necessary to admonish her 
not to be quite so liberal ; to husband with a little more care her hurd-earned 
income for a " rainy day," as her health was not strong. 

" My health," she wrote. at that time, "is not very strong, and I may have to give up 
before long. I may have to yield on account of my voice, which I thfnk, has become 
somewhat affected. I might be so glad if it was only so that I could go home among my 
own kindred and people, but slavery comes up like a dark shadow between me and the 
home of my childhood. Well, perhaps it is my lot to die from home and be buried among 
strangers ; and yet I do not regret that I have espoused this cause; perhaps 1 have been 
of some service to the cause of human rights, and I hope the consciousness that I have 
not lived in vain, will be a halo of peace around my dying bed; a heavenly sunshine light- 
ing up the dark valley and shadow of death." 

Notwithstanding this yearning for home, she was far from desiring at her 
death, a burial in a Slave State, as the following clearly expressed views 
show : 

" I have Hved in the midst of oppression and wrong, and I am saddened by every 
captured fugitive in the North ; a blow has been struck at my freedom, in every hunted 
and down-trodden slave in the South ; North and South have both been guilty, and they 
that sin must suffer." 

Also, in harmony with the above sentiments, came a number of verses ap- 
propriate to her desires in this respect, one of which we here give as a 

sample : 

" Make me a grave where'er you will. 
In a lowly plain, or a lofty hill, 
Make it among earth's humblest graves, 
But not in a land where men are slaves." 



764 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

In the Stole of Maine the papers bronglit to her notice the capture of 
Margaret Garner, and the tragic and bloody deed connected therewith. 
And she writes : 

"Rome had her altars where the trembling critninal, and the worn and weary slave 
might fly for an asylum — Judea her cities of refuge; but Ohio, with her Bibles and 
churches, her baptisms and prayers, had not one temple so dedicated to human rights, one 
altar so consecrated to human liberty, that trampled upon and down-trodden innocence 
knew that it could find protection for a night, or shelter for a day." 

In the fall of 1860, in the city of Cincinnati, Mrs. Harper was married to 
Fenton Harper, a widower, and resident of Ohio. It seemed obvious that 
this change would necessarily take her from the sphere of her former useful- 
ness. The means she had saved from the sale of her books and from her 
lectures, she invested in a small farm near Columbus, and in a short time 
after her marriage slie entered upon house-keeping. 

Xotwithstonding her family cares, consequent upon married life, she only 
ceased from her literary and anti-slavery labors, when compelled to do so by 
other duties. 

On the 23d of May, 1864, death deprived her of her husband. 

Whilst she could not give so much attention to writing as she could have 
desired in her household days, she, nevertheless, did then produce some of 
her best productions. Take the following for a sample, on the return 
from Cleveland, Ohio, of a poor, ill-fated slave-girl, (under the Fugitive 
Slave Law) : • 

TO THE ITNIGN SAVERS OP CLEVELAND. 

Men of Cleveland, had a vulture 

Sought a timid dove for prey, 
Would you not, with human pity, 

Drive the gory bird away? 

Had you seen a feeble lambkin, 

Shrinking from a wolf so bold, . 
Would ye not to shield the trembler, 

In your arms have made its fold? 

But when she, a hunted sister. 

Stretched her hands that ye might save, 

Colder far than Zembla's regions 
Was the answer that ye gave. 

On the Union's bloody altar, 

Was your hapless victim laid ; 
Mercy, truth and justice shuddered, 

But your hands would give no aid. 

And ye sent her back to torture, 

Robbed of freedom and of right. 
Thrust the wretched, captive stranger. 

Back to slavery's gloomy night. 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G5 

Back where brutal men may trample, 

On her honor and her fame ; 
And unto her lips so dusky, 

Press the cup of woe and shame. 

There is blood upon your city, 

Dark and dismal is the stain ; 
And your handa would fail to cleanse it, 

Though Lake Erie ye should dram. 

There's a curse upon your Union, 

Fearful sounds are in the air; 
As if thunderbolts were framing, 

Answers to the bondsman's prayer. 

Ye may offer human victims, 

Like the heathen priests of old; 
And may barter manly honor 

For the Union and for gold. 

But ye can not stay the whirlwind, 

When the storm begins to break; 
And our God doth rise in judgment, 

For the poor and needy's sake. 

y 

And, your sin -cursed, guilty Union, 

Shall be shaken to its base, 
Till ye learn that simple justice. 

Is the right of every race. 

Mrs. Harper took the deepest interest in the war, and looked witli extreme 
anxiety for the results; and she never lost an opportunity to write, speak, 
or serve the cause in any way that she tliought woidd hest promote the 
freedom of the slave. On the proclamation of General Fremont, the 
passages from her pen are worthy to be long remembered : 

" Well, what think you of the war? To me one of the most interesting features is Fre- 
mont's Proclamation freeing the slaves of the rebels. Is there no ray of hope in that? I 
should not wonder if Edward M. Davis breathed that into his ear. His proclamation 
looks like real earnestness ; no mincing the matter with the rebels. Death to the traitors 
and contiscation of their slaves is no child's play. I hope that the boldness of his stand 
will inspire others to look the real cause of the war in the face and inspire the government 
with uncompromising earnestness to remove the festering curse. And yet I am not un- 
easy about the result of this war. We may look upon it as God's controversy with the 
nation; His arising to plead by fire and blood the cause of His poor and needy people. 
Some time since Breckinridge, in writing to Sumner, asks, if I rightly remember. What is 
the fate of a few negroes to me or mine? Bound up in one great bundle of humanity our 
fates seem linked together, our destiny entwined with theirs, and our rights are interwo- 
ven together." 

Finally when the long-looked-for Emancipation Proclamation came, al- 
though Mrs. Harper was not at that time very well, she accepted an invita- 



76G THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

tion to afldress a public meeting in Columbus, Ohio, an allusion to which we 
find in a letter dated at Grove City, O., which we copy with the feeling that 
many who may read this volume will sympathize with every word uttered 
relative to the Proclamation: 

"I spoke in Columbus on the President's Proclamation. * * But was not such an 
event worthy the awakening of every power — the congratulation of every faculty ? What 
hath God wrought ! We may well exclaim how event after event has paved the way for 
freedom. In the crucible of disaster and defeat God has stirred the nation, and permitted 
no permanent victory to crown her banners v.'hile she kept her hand upon the trembling 
slave and held him back from freedom. And even now the scale may still seem to oscil- 
late between the contending parties, and some may say, Why does not God give us full 
and quick victory ? My friend, do not despair if even deeper shadows gather around the 
fate of the nation, that truth will not ultimately triumph, and the right be established 
and vindicated; but the deadly gangrene has taken such deep and almost fatal hold upon 
the nation that the very centres of its life seem to be involved in its eradication. Just 
look, after all the trials deep and fiery through which the nation has waded, how mourn- 
fully suggestive was the response the proclamation received from the democratic triumphs 
which followed so close upon its footsteps. Well, thank God that the President did not 
fail us, that the fierce rumbling of democratic thunder did not shake from his hand the 
bolt he leveled against slavery. Oh, it would have been so sad if, after all the desolation 
and carnage that have dyed our plains with blood and crimsoned our borders with war- 
fare, the pale young corpses trodden down by the hoofs of war, the dim eyes that have 
looked their last upon the loved and lost, had the arm of Executive power failed us in the 
nation's fearful crisis! For how mournful it is when the unrighted wrongs and fearful 
agonies of ages reach their culminating point, and events solemn, terrible and sublime 
marshal themselves in dread array to mould the destiny of nations, the hands appointed 
to hold the helm of affairs, instead of grasping the mighty occasions and stamping them 
with the great seals of duty and right, permit them to float along the current of circum- 
stances without comprehending the hour of visitation or the momentous day of opportuni- 
ty. Yes, we may thank God that in the hour when the nation's life was convulsed, and 
fearful gloom had shed its shadows over the land, the President reached out his hand 
through the darkness to break the chains on which the rust of centuries had gathered. 
Well, did you ever expect to see this day ? I know that all is not accomplished ; but we 
may rejoice in what has been already wrought, — the wondrous change in so short a time. 
Just a little while since the American flag to the flying bondman was an ensign of bond- 
age; now it has become a symbol of protection and freedom. Once the slave was a de- 
spised and trampled on pariah; now he has become a useful ally to the American govern- 
ment. From the crimson sods of war springs the white flower of freedom, and songs of 
deliverance mingle with the crash and roar of war. The shadow of the American array 
becomes a covert for the slave, and beneath the American Eagle he grasps the key of know- 
ledge and is lifted to a higher destiny." 

This letter we had intended should complete the sketch of Mrs. Harper's 
Anti-Slavery labors; but in turning to another epistle dated Boston, April 
19th, on the Assassination of the President, we feel that a part of it is too 
interesting to omit : 

" Sorrow treads on the footsteps of the nation's joy. A few days since the telegraph 
thrilled and throbbed with a nation's joy. To-day a nation sits down beneath the shadow 



J I 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7^7 

of its mournful grief Oh, what a terrible lesson does this event read to us ! A few years 
since slavery tortured, burned, hung and outraged us, and the nation passed by and said, 
they had nothing to do with slavery where it was, slavery would have something to do 
with them where they were. Oh, how fearfully the judgments of Ichabod have pressed 
upon the nation's life I Well, it may be in the providence of God this blow was needed 
to intensify the nation's hatred of slavery, to show the utter fallacy of basing national re- 
construction upon the votes of returned rebels, and rejecting loyal black men ; making 
(after all the blood poured out like water, and wealth scattered like chaff) a return to the 
old idea that a white rebel is better or of more account in the body politic than a loyal 
black man. * * Moses, the meekest man on earth, led the children of Israel over the 
Red Sea, but was not permitted to see them settled in Canaan, Mr. Lincoln has led up 
through another Red Sea to the table land of triumphant victory, and God has seen fit to 
summon for the new era another man. It is ours then to bow to the Chastener and let 
our honored and loved chieftain go. Surely the everlasting arms that have hushed him 
so strangely to sleep are able to guide the nation through its untrod future ; but in vain 
should be this fearful baptism of blood if from the dark bosom of slavery springs such ter- 
rible crimes. Let the whole nation resolve that the whole virus shall be eliminated from 
its body ; that in the future slavery shall only be remembered as a thing of the past that 
shall never have the faintest hope of a resurrection." 

Up to this point, we have spoken of Mrs. Harper as a laborer, battling 
for freedom under slavery and the war. She is equally earnest in laboring 
for Equality before the law — education, and a higher manhood, especially 
in the South, among the Freedraen. 

For the best part of several years, since the war, she has traveled very 
extensively through the Southern States, going on the plantations and 
amongst the lowly, as well as to the cities and towns, addressing schools. 
Churches, meetings in Court Houses, Legislative Plalls, &c., and, .sometimes, 
under the most trying and hazardous circumstances; influenced in her 
labor of love, wholly by the noble impuLses of her own heart, working her 
way along unsustained by any Society. In this mission, she has come in 
contact with all classes — the original slaveholders and the Freedmcn, before 
and since the Fifteenth Amendment bill was enacted. Excepting two of 
the Southern States (Texas and Arkan.sas), she has traveled largely overall 
the others, and in no instance has she permitted herself, through fear, to dis- 
appoint an audience, when engagements had been made for her to ,'^peak, 
although frequently admonished that it would be dangerous to venture in 
so doing. 

We first quote from a letter dated Darlington, S. C, May 13, 18(37 : 
" You will see by this that I am in the sunny South. * * * I here read and 
see human nature under new lights and phases. I meet with a people eager to hear, ready 
to listen, as if they felt that the slumber of the ages had been broken, and that they were 
to sleep no more. * * * I am glad that the colored man gets his freedom and suffrage 
together ; that he is not forced to go through the same condition of things here, that has 
inclined him so much to apathy, isolation, and indiflerence, in the North. You, perhap.s, 
wonder why I have been so slow in writing to you, but if you knew how busy I am, just 
working up to or past the limit of my strength. Traveling, conversing, addressing day 
and Sunday-schools (picking up scraps of information, takes up a large portion of my time), 



768 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

besides -what I give to reading. For my andionces I have both white and colored. On the 
cars, some find out that I am a lecturer, and then, again, I am drawn into conversation. 
' What are you lecturing about?' the question comes up, and if I say, among other topics 
politics, then I may look for an onset. There is a sensitiveness on this subject, a dread, it 
may be, that some one will ' put the devil in the nigger's head/ or exert some influence in- 
imi ;al to them ; still, I get along somewhat pleasantly. Last week I had a small congre- 
gation of listeners in the cars, where I sat. I got in conversation with a former slave 
dealer, and we had rather an exciting time. I was traveling alone, but it is not worth 
while to show any signs of fear. * * * Last Saturday I spoke in Sumter ; a number 
of white persons were present, and 1 had been invited to speak there by the Mayor and 
editor of the paper. There had been some violence in the district, and some of my friends 
did not wish me to go, but I had promised, and, of course, I went. * * * * I am in 
Darlington, and spoke yesterday, but my congregation was so large, that I stood near the 
door of the church, so that I might be heard both inside and out, for a large portion, per- 
haps nearly half my congregation were on the outside ; and this, in Darlington, where, about 
two years ago, a girl was hung for making a childish and indiscreet speech. Victory 
was perched on our banners. Our army had been through, and this poor, ill-fated girl, 
almost a child in years, about seventeen years of age, rejoiced over the event, and said 
that she was going to marry a Yankee and set up housekeeping. She was reported as 
having made an incendiary speech and arrested, cruelly scourged, and then brutally hung. 
Poor child ! she had been a faithful servant — her master tried to save her, but the tide of 
fury swept away his efforts. * * * Oh, friend, perhaps, sometimes your heart would 
ache, if you were only here and heard of the wrongs and abuses to which these people 
have been subjected. * * * Things, I believe, are a little more hopeful ; at least, I 
believe, some of the colored people are getting better contracts, and, I understand, that 
there's less murdering. While I am writing, a colored man stands here, with a tale of 
wrong — he has worked a whole year, year before last, and now he has been put off with 
fifteen bushels of corn and his food ; yesterday he went to see about getting his money, and 
the person to whom he went, threatened to kick him off, and accused him of stealing. I 
don't know how the colored man will vote, but perhaps many of them will be intimidated 
at the polls." 

From a letter dated Cheraw, June 17th, 18G7, the following remarks are 
taken : 

" Well, Carolina is an interesting place. There is not a state in the Union I prefer to 
Carolina. Kinder, more hospitable, warmer-hearted people perhaps you will not find any- 
where. I have been to Georgia ; but Carolina is my preference. * * The South is to 
be a great theatre for the colored man's development and progress. There is brain-power 
here. If any doubt it, let him come into our schools, or even converse with some of our 
Freedmen either in their homes or by the way-side," 

A few days later she gave an account of a visit she liad just made in Flo- 
rence, where our poor soldiers had been prisoners ; saw some of the huts where 
they were exposed to rain and heat and cold with only the temporary slieltcr 
they made for themselves, which was a sad sight. Then she visited the 
grave-yards of some thousands of Union soldiers. Here in " eastern South 
Carolina " she was in " one of the worst parts of the State " in the days of 
Slavery ; but under the new order of things, in.stead of tlie lash, .she ,sa\v 
.school books, and over tJie ruins of slavery, education and free speech spring- 
ing u]), at which she was moved to exclaim, "Thank God for the wonderful 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G9 

change! I have lectured several ijights this M'eck, and the weather is quite 
warm; but I do like South Carolina. No state in the Union as tar as co- 
lored people are concerned, do I like better — the land of warm welcomes 
and friendly hearts. God bless her and give her great peace !" 

At a later period she visited Charleston and Columbia, and was well re- 
ceived in both places. She spoke a number of times in the different Frced- 
men schools and the colored churches in Charleston, once in the Legislative 
Hall, and also in one of the colored churches in Columbia. She received 
special encouragement and kindness from Hon. H. Cadoza, Secretary of 
State, and his family, and regarded him as a wise and upriglit lender of his 
race in that state. 

The following are some stirring lines which she wrote upon the Fifteenth 
Amendment : 

FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 

Beneath the burden of our joy 

Tremble, wires, from East to West ! 
Fashion with words your tongues of fire, 

To tell the nation's high behest. 

Outstrip the winds, and leave behind 

The murmur of the restless waves ; 
Nor tarry with your glorious news, 

Amid the ocean's coral caves. 

Ring out ! ring out I your sweetest chimes, 

Ye bells, that call to praise ; 
Let every heart with gladness thrill, 

And songs of joyful triumph raise. 

Shake oflF the dust, rising race ! 

Crowned as a brother and a man ; 
Justice to-day asserts her claim, 
• And from thy brow fades out the ban. 

With freedom's chrism upon thy head, 

Her precious ensign in thy hand, 
Go place thy once despised name 

Amid the noblest of the land. 

ransomed race ! give God the praise. 

Who led thee through a crimson sea, 
And 'mid the storm of fire and blood, 

Turned out the war-cloud's light to thee. 

Mrs. Harper, in writing from Kingstree, S. C, July 11th, 1867, in 
midsummer (laboring almost without any pecuniary reward), gave an 
account of a fearful catastrophe which had just occurred there in the 
burning of the jail with a number of colored prisoners in it. " It was a very 
sad affliir. There was only one white prisoner and he got out. I believe 
49 



770 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

there was some eflPort made to release some of the prisoners ; but the smoke 
was such that the effort proved ineffectual. Well, for the credit of our com- 
mon human nature we may hope that it was so. * * * Last night I 
had some of the *rebs' to hear me (part of the time some of the white 
folks come out). Our meetings are just as quiet' and as orderly on the whole 
in Carolina as one might desire. * * I like General Sickles as a Mili- 
tary Governor. 'Massa Daniel, he King of the Carolinas.' I like his Mas- 
tership. Under him we ride in the City Cars, and get first-class passage on 
the railroad." At this place a colored man was in prison under sentence of 
death for " participating in a riot ;" and the next day (after the date of her 
letter) was fixed for his execution. With some others, Mrs. Harper called 
at General Sickles' Head Quarters, hoping to elicit his sympathies whereby 
the poor fellow's life might be saved ; but he was not in. Hence they were 
not able to do anything. 

" Next week," continued Mrs. Harper, " I am to speak in a place where 
one of our teachers was struck and a colored man shot, who, I believe, gave 
offence by some words spoken at a public meeting. I do not feel any par- 
ticular fear." 

Her Philadelphia correspondent had jestingly suggested to her in one of 
his letters, that she should be careful not to allow herself to be " bought by 
the rebels." To which she replied : 

" Now, in reference to being bought by rebels and becoming a Johnsonite I hold that 
between the white people and the colored there 13 a community of interests, and the soon- 
er they find it out, the better it will be for both parties; but that community of interests 
does not consist in increasing the privileges of one class and curtailing the rights of the 
other, but in getting every citizen interested in the welfare, progress and durability of the 
state. I do not in lecturing confine myself to the political side of the question. While I 
am in favor of Universal suffrage, yet I know that the colored man needs something more 
than a vote in his hand : he needs to know the value of a home life ; to rightly appreciate 
and value the marriage relation; to know how and to be incited to leave behind him the 
old shards and shells of slavery and to rise in the scale of character, wealth and influenbe. 
Like the Nautilus outgrowing his home to build for himself more ' stately temples ' of so- 
cial condition. A man landless, ignorant and poor may use the vote against his interests; 
but with intelligence and land he holds in his hand the basis of power and elements of 
strength." 

While contemplating the great demand for laborers, in a letter from Athens, 
February 1st, 1870, after referring to some who had been " discouraged 
from the field," she wisely added that it was "no time to be discouraged." 

* * If those who can benefit our peo- 
ple will hang around places where they are not needed, they may expect to be dis- 
couraged. * * Here is ignorance to be instructed ; a race who needs to be helped up 
to higher planes of thought and action ; and whether we are hindered or helped, we should 
try to be true to the commission God has written upon our souls. As far as the colored 
people are concerned, they are beginning to get homes for themselves and depositing 
money in Bank. They have hundreds of homes in Kentucky. There is progress in 
Tennessee, and even in this State while a number have been leaving, some who stay seem 
to be getting along prosperously. In Augusta colored persons are m the Revenue Office 
and Post Office. I have just been having some good meetings there. Some of ray meet- 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 77 1 

ings pay me poorly ; but I have a chance to instruct and visit among the people and tali; 
to their Sunday-schools and day-schools also. Of course I do not pretend iliat all are 
saving money or getting homes. I rather think from what I hear that the interest of 
the grown-up people in getting education has somewhat subsided, owing, perhaps, in a 
measure, to the novelty having worn oflf and the absorption or rather direction of the mind 
to other matters. Still I don't think that I have visited scarcely a place since last Au"ust 
where there was no desire for a teacher; and Mr. Fidler, who is a Captain or Colonel 
thought some time since that there were more colored than white who were Icarnin" or 
had learned to read. There has been quite an amount of violence and trouble in the State ■ 
but we have the military here, and if they can keep Georgia out of the Union about a 
year or two longer, and the colored people continue to live as they have been doing, from 
what I hear, perhaps these rebels will learn a little more sense. I have been in Atlanta 
for some time, but did not stay until the Legislature was organized; but I was there 
when colored members returned and took their seats. It was rather a stormy time in the 
House; but no blood was shed. Since then there has been some 'sticking; ' but I don't 
think any of the colored ones were in it." 

In the neighborhood of Eufaula, Ala., in December, 1870, Mrs. Harper 
did a good work, as may be seen from the following extract taken from a 
letter, dated December 9th : 

Last evening I visited one of the plantations, and had an interesting time. Oh, how 
warm was the welcome ! I went out near dark, and between that time and attending my 
lecture, I was out to supper in two homes. The people are living in the old cabins of 
slavery; some of them have no windows, at all, that 1 see ; in fact, I don't remember of 
having seen a pane of window-glass in the settlement. But, humble as their homes were, 
I was kindly treated, and well received ; and what a chance one has for observation among 
these people, if one takes with her a manner that unlocks other hearts. I. had quite a 
little gathering, after less, perhaps, than a day's notice ; the minister did not know that 1 
was coming, till he met me in the afternoon. There was no fire in the church, and so they 
lit fires outside, and we gathered, or at least a number of us, around the fire. To-night I 
am going over to Georgia to lecture. In consequence of the low price of cotton, the people 
may not be able to pay much, and I am giving all my lectures free. You speak of things 
looking dark in the South ; there is no trouble here that I know of — cotton is low, but the 
people do not seem to be particularly depressed about it; this emigration question has been 
on the carpet, and I do not wonder if some of them, with their limited knowledge, lose 
hope in seeing full justice done to them, among their life-long oppressors ; Congress has 
been agitating the St. Domingo question; a legitimate theme for discussion, and one that 
comes nearer home, is how they can give more security and strength to the government 
which we have established in the South — for there has been a miserable weakness in the 
security to human life. The man with whom I stopped, had a son who married a wliite 
woman, or girl, and was shot down, and there was, as I understand, no investigation by 
the jury ; and a number of cases have occurred of murders, for which the punishment has 
been very lax, or not at all, and, it may be, never will be ; however, I rather think things 
are somewhat quieter. A few days ago a shameful outrage occurred at this place — some 
men had been out fox hunting, and came to the door of a colored woman and demanded 
entrance, making out they wanted fire ; she replied that she had none, and refused to open 
the door; the miserable cowards broke open the door, and shamefully beat her. I am 
going to see her this afternoon. It is remarkable, however, in spite of circumstances, how 
some of these people are getting along. Here is. a woman who, with her husband, at the 
surrender, had a single dollar ; and now they have a home of their own, and several acrr-H 
attached — five altogether ; but, as that was rather small, her husband has contracted iV.r 
two hundred and forty acres more, and has now gone out and commenced operations." 



I IJ. 



THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 



From Columbiana, February 20th, she wrote concerning her work, and 
presented the " lights and shades " of aflFairs as they came under her notice. 

" I am almost constantly either traveling or speaking, I do not think that I have 
missed more than one Sunday that I have not addressed some Sunday-school, and 1 have 
not missed many day-schools either. And as I am giving all my lectures free the pro- 
ceeds of the collections are not often very large ; still as ignorant as part of the people are 
perhaps a number of them would not hear at all, and may be prejudice others if I charged 
even ten cents, and so perhaps in the long run, even if my work is wearing, I may be of 
some real benefit to my race. * * I don't know but that you would laugh 

if you were to hear some of the remarks which my lectures call forth : ' She is a man,' 
,again ' She is not colored, she is painted.' Both white and colored come. out to hear me, 
and I have very fine meetings ; and then part of the time I am talking in between times, 
and how tired I am some of the time. Still I am standing with my race on the thresh- 
old of a new era, and though some be far past me in the learning of the schools, yet 
to-day, with my limited and fragmentary knowledge, I may help the race forward a little. 
Some of our people remind me of sheep without a shepherd." 

PRIVATE LECTURES TO FREEDWOMEN. 

Desiring to speak to women who have been the objects of so much wrong 
and abuse under Slavery, and even since Emancipation, in a state of igno- 
rance, not accessible always to those who would or could urge the proper 
kind of education respecting their morals and general improvement, Mrs. 
Harper has made it her business not to overlook this all important duty 
to her poor sisters. 

The following extract taken from a letter dated " Greenville, Georgia, 
March 29th," will show what she was doing in this direction : 

" But really my hands are almost constantly full of work ; sometimes I speak twice a 
day. Part of my lectures are given privately to women, and for them I never make any 
charge, or take up any collection. But this part of the country reminds me of heathen 
ground, and though my work may not be recognized as part of it used to be in the North, 
yet never perhaps were my services more needed ; and according to their intelligence and 
means perhaps never better appreciated than here among these lowly people. I am now 
going to have a private meeting with the women of this place if they will come out. I 
am going to talk with them about their daughters, and about things connected with the 
welfare of the race. Now is the time for our women to begin to try to lift up their 
heads and plant the roots of progress nnder the hearthstone. Last night I spoke in a 
school-house, where there was not, to my knowledge, a single window glass; to-day I 
write to you in a lowly cabin, where the windows in the room are formed by two aper- 
ttires in the wall. There is a wide-spread and almost universal appearance of poverty in 
this State where I have been, but thus far I have seen no, or scarcely any, pauperism. I 
am not sure that I have seen any. The climate is so fine, so little cold that poor people 
can live off of less than they can in the North. Last night my table was [adorned with 
rose<5. although I did not get one cent for my lecture. * * * * 

"The political heavens are gettin? somewhat overcast. Some of this old rebel element, 
I think, are in favor of taking away the colored man's vote, and if he loses it now it 
mav be grenerations before he gets it again. Well, after all perhaps the colored man gen- 
erally is not really developed enou^rh to value his vote and equality with other races, so 
he gets enough to eat and drink, and be comfortable, perhaps the loss of his vote would 



i 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 773 

not be a serious grievance to many ; but his children diilerently educated and trained by 
circumstances might feel political inferiority rather a bitter cup." 

" After all whether they encourage or discourage me, I belong to this race, and when it 
is down I belong to a down race ; when it is up I belong to a risen race." 

She writes thus from Montgomery, December 29th, 1870: 

" Did you ever read a little poem commencing, I think, with these words : 
A mother cried, Oh, give me joy, 
For I have born a darling boy ! 
A darling boy ! why the world is full 
Of the men who play at push and pull. 

.Well, as full as the room was of beds and tenants, on the morning of the twenty-second, 
there arose a wail upon the air, and this mundane sphere had another inhabitant, and my 
room another occupant. I left after that, and when I came back the house was fuller than 
it was before, and my hostess gave me to understand that she would rather I should be 
somewhere else, and I left again. How did I fare? Well, I had been stopping with one 
of our teachers and went back ; but the room in which I stopped was one of those southern 
shells through which both light and cold enter at the same time ; it had one window and 
perhaps more than half or one half the panes gone. I don't know that I was ever more 
conquered by the cold than I had been at that house, and I have lived parts of winter 
after winter amid the snows of New England ; but if it was cold out of doors, there was 
warmth and light within doors ; but here, if you opened the door for light, the cold would 
also enter, and so part of the time I sat by the fire, and that and the crevices in the house 
supplied me with light in one room, and we had the deficient window-sash, or perhaps 
it never had had any lights in it. You could put your finger through some of the aper- 
tures in the house ; at least I could mine, and the water froze down to the bottom of the 
tumbler. From another such domicile may kind fate save me. And then the man asked 
me four dollars and a half a week board. 

One of the nights there was no fire in the stove, and the next time we had fires, one 
stove might have been a second-hand chamber stove. Now perhaps you think these peo- 
ple very poor, but the man with whom J stopped has no family that 1 saw, but himself 
and wife, and he would make two dollars and a half a day, and she worked out and kept 
a boarder. And yet, except the beds and bed clothing, I wouldn't have given fifteen dol- 
lars for all their house furniture. I should think that this has been one of the lowest 
down States in the South, as far as civilization has been concerned. In the future, until 
these people are educated, look out for Democratic victories, for here are two materials 
with which Democracy can work, ignorance and poverty. Men talk about missionary 
work among the heathen, but if any lover of Christ wants a field for civilizing work, here 
is a field. Part of the time I am preaching against men ill-treating their wives. I have 
heard though, that often during the war men hired out their wives and drew their pay. 
********** 

" And then there is another trouble, some of our Northern men have been down (his 
way and by some means they have not made the best impression on every mind here. 
One woman here has been expressing her mind very freely to me about some of our 
Northerners, and we are not all considered here as saints and angels, and of course m 
their minds I get associated with some or all the humbugs that have been before me. 
But I am not discouraged, my race needs me, if I will only be faithful, and in spite of 
suspicion and distrust, I will work on ; the deeper our degradation, the louder our call for 
redemption. If they have little or no faith in goodness and earnestness, that is only one 
reason why we should be more faithful and earnest, and so I shall probably stay here in 
the Soutli all winter. I am not making much money, and perhaps will hardly clear ex- 



774 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

penses this winter; but after all what matters it when I am in my grave whether I have 
been rich or poor, loved or hated, despised or respected, if Christ will only own me to His 
Father, and I be permitted a place in one of the mansions of rest." 

Col. J. W. Forney, editor of" The Press," published July 12, 1871, with 
the brief editorial heading by his own hand, the document appended : 

The following letter, written by Mrs. F. E. W. Harper, the well-known colored orator, 
to a friend, Mr. Wm. Still, of Philadelphia, will be read with surprise and pleasure by all 
classes ; especially supplemented as it is by an article from the Mobile (Alabama) Register, 
referring to one of her addresses in that city. The Register is the organ of the fire-eaters 
of the South, conducted by John Forsyth, heretofore one of the most intolerant of that 
school. Mrs. Harper describes the manner in which the old plantation of Jefferson Davis 
in Mississippi was cultivated by his brother's former slave, having been a guest in the 
Davis mansion, now occupied by Mr. Montgomery, the aforesaid slave. She also draws 
a graphic picture of her own marvellous advancement from utter obscurity to the plat- 
form of a public lecturer, honored by her own race and applauded by their oppressors. 
While we regret, as she says, that her experience and that of Mr. Montgomery is excep- 
tional, it is easy to anticipate the harvest of such a sowing. The same culture — the same 
courage on the part of the men and women who undertake to advocate Kepublican doc- 
trines in the South — the same perseverance and intelligence on the part of those who are 
earning their bread by the cultivation of the soil, will be crowned with the same success. 
Violence, bloodshed, and murder cannot rule long in communities where these resistless 
elements are allowed to work. No scene in the unparalleled tragedy of the rebellion, or 
in ihe drama which succeeded that tragedy, can be compared to the picture outlined by 
Mrs. Harper herself, and filled in by the ready pen of the rebel editor of the Mobile 

Ret/isicr : 

Mobile, July 5, 1871. 

Mr Dear Friend : — It is said that truth is stranger than fiction; and if ten years since 
some one had entered my humble log house and seen me kneading bread and making but- 
ter, and said that in less than ten years you will be in the lecture field, you will be a wel- 
come guest under the roof of the President of the Confederacy, though not by special invi- 
tation from him, that you will see his brother's former slave a man of business and influ- 
ence, that hundreds of colored men will congregate on the old baronial possessions, that a 
school will spring up there like a well in the desert dust, that this former slave will be a 
magistrate upon that plantation, that labor will be organized upon a new basis, and that 
under the sole auspices and moulding hands of this man and his sons will be developed a 
business whose transactions will be numbered in hundreds of thousands of dollars, would 
you not have smiled incredulously ? And I have lived to see the day when the planta- 
tion has passed into new hands, and these hands once wore the fetters of slavery. Mr. 
Montgomery, the present proprietor by contract of between five and six thousand acres of 
land, has one of the most interesting families that I have ever seen in the South. They 
are building up a future which if exceptional now I hope will become more general here- 
after. Every hand of his family is adding its quota to the success of this experiment of a 
colored man both trading and farming on an extensive scale. Last year his wife took on 
her hands about 130 acres of land, and with her force she raised about 107 bales of cotton. 
She has a number of orphan children employed, and not only does she supervise their 
labor, but she works herself. One daughter, an intelligent young lady, is postmistress 
and I believe assistant book-keeper. One son attends to the planting interest, and 
another daughter attends to one of the stores. The business of this firm of Montgomery 
& ."^ons has amounted, I understand, to between three and four hundred thousand dollars 
in a year. I stayed on the place several days and was hospitably entertained and kindly 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 775 

treated. When I come, if nothing prevents, I will tell you more about them. Now for 
the next strange truth Enclosed 1 send you a notice from one of the leading and repre- 
sentative papers of rebeldom. The editor has been, or is considered, one of the represen- 
tative men of the South. I have given a lecture since this notice, which brought out 
some of the most noted rebels, among whom was Admiral Serames. In my speech I re- 
ferred to the Alabama sweeping away our comm -ce, and his son sat nnar liim and seemed 
to receive it with much good humor. I don't know what the papers will say to-day ; 
perhaps they will think that I dwelt upon the past too much. Oh, if you had seen the 
rebs I had out last night, perhaps you would have felt a little nervous for me. However, 
I lived through it, and gave them more gospel truth than perhaps some of them have 
heard for some time. 

A LECTtJEE. 

We received a polite invitation from the trustees of the State-street African Methodist 
Episcopal Zion Church to attend a lecture in that edifice on Thursday evening. Being 
told that the discourse would be delivered by a female colored lecturer from Maryland, 
curiosity, as well as an interest to see how the colored citizens were managing their own 
institutions, led us at once to accept the invitation. We lound a very spacious church, 
gas-light, and the balustrades of the galleries copiously hung with wreaths and festoons 
of flowers, and a large audience of both sexes, which, both in appearance and behaviour, 
was respectable and decorously observant of the proprieties of the place. The services 
were opened, as usual, with prayer and a hymn, the latter inspired by powerful lungsi 
and in which the musical ear at once caught the negro talent for melody. The lecturer 
was then introduced as Mrs. F. E. W. Harper, from Maryland. Without a moment's 
hesitation she started off in the flow of her discourse, which rolled smoothly and uninter- 
ruptedly on for nearly two hours. It was very apparent that it was not a cut and dried 
speech, for she was as fluent and as felicitous in her allusions to circumstances immedi- 
ately around her as she was when she rose to a more exalted pitch of laudation of the 
" Union," or of execration of the old slavery system. Her voice was remarkable — as sweet 
as any woman's voice we ever heard, and so clear and distinct as to pass every syllable to 
the most distant ear in the house. 

Without any effort at attentive listening we followed the speaker to the end, not dis- 
cerning a single grammatical inaccuracy of speech, or the slightest violation of good taste 
in manner or matter. At times the current of thoughts flowed in eloquent and poetic 
expression, and often her quaint humor would expose the ivory in half a thousand 
mouths. We confess that we began to wonder, and we asked a fine-looking man before 
us, " What is her color? Is she dark or light?" He answered, " She is mulatto ; what 
they call a red mulatto." The ' red ' was new to us. Our neighbor asked, " How do you 
like her ? " We replied, " She is giving your people the best kind and the very wisest of 
advice." He rejoined, " I wish I had her education." To which we added, " That's 
just what she tells you is your great duty and your need, and if you are too old to get it 
yourselves, you must give it to your children." 

The speaker left the impression on our mind that she was not only intelligent and edu- 
cated, but— the great end of education— she was enlightened. She comprehends perfectly 
the situation of her people, to whose interests she seems ardently devoted. The main 
theme of her discourse, the one string to the harmony of which all the others were at- 
tuned, was the grand opportunity that emancipation had afforded to the black race to lift 
itself to the level of the duties and responsibilities enjoined by it. "You have muscle 
power and brain power," she said ; " you must utilize them, or be content to remain for- 
ever the inferior race. Get land, every one that can, and as fast as you can. A landless 
people must be dependent upon the landed people. A few acres to till for food and a roof, 
however humble, over your head, are the castle of your independence, and when you have 



776 TUB UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, 

it you are fortified to act and vote independently whenever your interests are at stake." 
That part of her lecture (and there was much of it) that dwelt on the moral duties and 
domestic relations of the colored people was pitched on the highest key of sound morality. 
She urged the cultivation of the " home life," the sanctity of the marriage state (a happy 
contrast to her strong-minded, free-love, white sisters of the North), and the duties of 
mothers to their daughters. " Why," said she in a voice of much surprise, " I have ac- 
tually heard since I have been South that sometimes colored husbands positively beat 
their wives ! I do not mean to insinuate for a moment that such things can possibly 
happen in Mobile. The very appearance of this congregation forbids it; but I did hear of 
one terrible husband defending himself for the unmanly practice with " Well, I have got 
to whip her or leave her." 

There were parts of the lecturer's discourse that grated a little on a white Southern ear, 
but it was lost and forgiven in the genuine earnestness and profound good sense with 
which the woman spoke to her kind in words of sound advice. 

On the whole, we are very glad we accepted the Zion's invitation. It gave us much 
food for new thought. It reminded us, perhaps, of neglected duties to these people, and 
it impressed strongly on our minds that these people are getting along, getting onward, 
and progress was a star becoming familiar to their gaze and their desires. Whatever the 
negroes have done in the path of advancement, they have done largely without white 
aid. But politics and white pride have kept the white people aloof from offering that 
earnest and moral assistance which would be so useful to a people just starting from in- 
fancy into a life of self-dependence. 

In writing from Columbiana and Demopolis, Alabama, about the first of 
March, 1871, Mrs. Harper painted the state of affairs in her usually graphic 
manner, and diligently was she endeavoring to inspire the j)eople with hope 
and encouragement. 

" Oh, what a field there is here in this region I Let me give you a short account of this 
week's work. Sunday I addressed a Sunday-school in Taladega: on Monday afternoon a 
day-school. On Monday I rode several miles to a meeting; addressed it, and came back 
the same night. Got back about or after twelve o'clock. The next day I had a meeting 
of women and addressed them, and then lectured in the evening in the Court- House to 
both colored and white. Last night I spoke again, about ten miles from where I am now 
stopping, and returned the same night, and to-morrow evening probably I shall speak 
again. I grow quite tired part of the time. * * * And now let n^e give you an 
anecdote or two of some of our new citizens. While in Taladega I was entertained and 
well entertained, at the house of one of our new citizens. He is living in the house of his 
former master. • He is a brick-maker by trkde, and I rather think mason also. He was 
worth to his o\.ner, it was reckoned, fifteen hundred or about that a year. He worked 
with him seven years ; and in that seven years he remembers receiving from him fifty 
cents. Now mark the contrast ! That man is now free, owns the home of his former 
master, has I think more than sixty acres of land, and his master is in the poor house. 
1 heard of another such case not long since: A woman was cruelly treated once, or more 
than once. She escaped and ran naked into town. The villain in whose clutch she found 
herself was trying to drag her downward to his own low level of impurity, and at last she 
fell. She was poorly fed, so that she was tempted to sell her person. Even scraps thrown 
to the dog .she was hunger-bitten enough to aim for. Poor thing, was there anything in 
the future for her? Had not hunger and cruelty and prostitution done their work, and 
left her an entire wreck for life ? It seems not. Freedom came, and with it dawned a 
new era upon that poor, overshadowed, and sin-darkened life. Freedom brought oppor- 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 777 

tunity for work and wages combined. She went to work, and got ten dollars a month. 
She has contrived to get some education, and has since been teaching school. While her 
former mistress has been to her for help. 

" Do not the mills of God grind exceedingly fine? And she has helped that mistress, 
and so has the colored man given money, from what I heard, to his former master. After 
all, friend, do we not belong to one of the best branches of the human race? And yet, 
how have our people been murdered in the South, and their bones scattered at the grave's 
mouth ! Oh, when will we have a government strong enough to make human life safe? 
Only yesterday I heard of a murder committed on a man for an old grudge of several 
years' standing. I had visited the place, but had just got away. Last summer a Mr. 
Luke was hung, and several other men also, I heard." 

While surrounded with this state of affairs, an appeal reached her throut^h 
the columns of the National Standard, setting forth a state of very o-reat suf- 
fering and want, especially on the part of the old, blind and decre})it Frecd- 
men of the District of Columbia. After expressing deep pity for these un- 
fortunates, she added : '' Please send ten dollars to Josephine Griffing for me 
for the suffering poor of the District of Columbia. Just send it by mail, 
and charge to my account." 

Many more letters written by Mrs. Harper are before us, containing high- 
ly interesting information from. Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, North Caro- 
lina, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and even poor 
little Delaware. Through all these States she has traveled and labored ex- 
tensively, as has been already stated ; but our space in this volume will 
admit of only one more letter : 

" I have been traveling the best part of the day. * * Can you spare a little time 
from your book to just take a peep at some of our Alabama people? If you would see 
some instances of apparent poverty and ignorance that I have seen perhaps you would not 
wonder very much at the conservative voting in the State. A few days since I was about 
to pay a woman a dollar and a quarter for some washing in ten cent (currency) notes, 
when she informed me that she could not count it ; she must trust to my honesty — she 
could count forty cents. Smce I left Eufaula I have seen something of plantation life. 
The first plantation I visited was about five or six miles from Eufaula, and I should think 
that the improvement in some of the cabins was not very much in advance of what it was 
in Slavery. The cabins are made with doors, but not, to ray recollection, a single window 
pane or speck of plastermg; and yet even in some of those lowly homes I met with hos- 
pitality. A room to myself is a luxury that I do not always enjoy. Slill I live through 
it, and find life rather interesting. The people have much to learn. ThcirCondition of the 
women is not very enviable in some cases. They have had some of them a terribly hard 
time in Slavery, and their subjection has not ceased in freedom. * * One man said of 
some women, that a man must leave them or whip them. * * Let me introduce you 
to another scene: here is a gathering; a large fire is burning out of doors, and here are 
one or two boys with hats on. Here is a little girl with her bonnet on, and there a little 
boy moves off and commences to climb a tree. Do you know what the gathering means? 
It is a school, and the teacher, I believe, is paid from the school fund. He says he is 
from New Hampshire. That may be. But to look at him and to hear him teach, you 
would perhaps think him not very'lately from the North; at least I do not think he is a 
model teacher. They have a church ; but somehow they have burnt a hole, I understand, 
in the top, and so I lectured inside, and they gathered around the fire outside. Here is 



778 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

another — what skall I call it? — meeting-place. It is a brush arbor. And what pray is 
that ? Shall I call it an edifice or an improvised meeting-house ? Well, it is called a 
brush arbor. It is a kind of brush house with seats, and a kind of covering made partly, 
I rather think, of branches of trees, and an humble place for pulpit. I lectured in a place 
where they seemed to have no other church ; but I spoke at a house. In Glenville, a lit- 
tle out-of-the-way place, I spent part of a week. There they have two unfinished churches. 
One has not a single pane of glass, and the same aperture that admits the light also gives 
ingress to the air; and the other one, I rather think, is less finished than that. I spoke 
in one, and then the white people gave me a hall, and quite a number attended. * * * 
I am now at Union Springs, where I shall probably room with three women. But amid 
all this roughing it in the bush, I find a field of work where kindness and hospitality have 
thrown their sunshine around my way. And Oh what a field of work is here I How 
much one needs the Spirit of our dear Master to make one's life a living, loving force to 
help men to. higher planes of thought and action. I am giving all my lectures with free 
admission; but still I get along, and the way has been opening for me almost ever since I 
have been South. Oh, if some more of our young women would only consecrate their 
lives to the work of upbuilding the race I Oh, if I could only see our young men and wo- 
men aiming to build up a future for themselves which would grandly contrast with the past 
— with its pain, ignorance and low social condition." 

It may be well to add that Mrs. Harper's letters from which we have 
copied were simply private, never intended for publication ; and while 
they bear obvious marks of truthfulness, discrimination and impartiality, 
it becomes us to say that a more strictly conscientious woman we have 
never known. 

Returning to Philadelphia after many months of hard labor in the South, 
Mrs. Harper, instead of seeking needed rest and recreation, scarcely 
allows a day to pass without seeking to aid in the reformation of the outcast 
and degraded. The earnest advice which she gives on the subject of tem- 
perance and moral reforms generally causes some to reflect, even among 
adults, and induces a number of poor children to attend day and Sabbath- 
schools. The condition of this class, she feels, appeals loudly for a 
remedy to respectable and intelligent colored citizens; and whilst not 
discouraged, she is often quite saddened at the supineness of the better 
class. During the past summer when it was too warm to labor in the South 
she spent several months in this field without a farthing's reward. She as- 
sisted in organizing a Sabbath-school, and accepted the office of Assistant Su- 
perintendent uuder the auspices of the Young Men's Christian Association. 

Mrs. Harper reads the best magazines and ablest weeklies, as well as 
more elaborate works, not excepting such authors as De Tocqueville, Mill, 
Ruskin, Buckle, Guizot, &c. In espousing the cause of the oppressed as a 
poet and lecturer, had she neglected to fortify her mind in the manner she 
did, she would have been weighed and found wanting long since. Before 
friends and foes, the learned and the unlearned. North and South, Mrs. 
Harper has pleaded the cause of her race in a manner that has commanded 
the greatest, respect; indeed, it is hardly too much to say, that during 



FRANCES ELLEN WATKLNS HARPER. 779 

seventeen years of public labor she has made thousands of speeches without 
doing herself or people discredit iu a single instance, but has accomplished 
a great deal in the way of removing prejudice. May we not hope that 
the rising generation at least will take encouragement by her example and 
find an argument of rare force in favor of mental and moral cqualitv, and 
above all be awakened to see how prejudices and difficulties may be sur- 
mounted by continual struggles, intelligence and a virtuous character? 

Fifty thousand copies at least of her four small books have been sold to 
those who have listened to her eloquent lectures. One of those productions 
entitled " Moses " has been used to entertain audiences with evening readings 
in various parts of the country. With what effect may be seen from the two 
brief notices as follows : 

"Mrs. F. E. W. Harper delivered a poem upon 'Moses' in Wilbraham to a large and 
delighted audience. She is a woman of high moral tone, with superior native powers 
highly cultivated, and a captivating eloquence that hold her audience in rapt attention 
from the beginning to the close. She will delight any intelligent audience, and those who 
wish first-class lecturers cannot do better than to secure her services." — Zlon's Herald, 
Boston. 

" Mrs. Frances E. W. Harper read her poem of ' Moses ' last evening at Rev. Mr. Har- 
rison's church to a good audience. It deals with the story of the Hebrew Moses from his 
finding in the wicker basket on the Nile to his death on Mount Nebo and his burial in an 
unknown grave; following closely the Scripture account. It contains about 700 lines, be- 
ginning with blank verse of the common measure, and changing to other measures, but 
always without rhyme ; and is a pathetic and well-sustained piece. Mrs. Harper recited 
it with good effect, and it was well received. She is a lady of much talent, and always 
speaks well, particularly when her subject relates to the condition of her own people, in 
whose welfare, before and since the war, she has taken the deepest interest. As a lecturer 
Mrs. Harper is more effective than most of those who come before our lyceums; with a 
natural eloquence that is very moving." — GalesLurgh Register, 111. 

Grace Greenwood, in the Independent in noticing a Course of Lectures in 
which Mrs. Harper spoke (in Philadelphia) pays this tribute to her : 

" Next on the course was Mrs Harper, a colored woman ; about as colored as some of 
the Cuban belles I have met with at Saratoga, She has a noble head, this bronze muse; 
a strong face, with a shadowed glow upon it, indicative of thoughtful fervor, and of a na- 
ture most femininely sensitive, but not in the least morbid. Her form is delicate, her 
hands daintily small. She stands quietly beside her desk, and speaks without notes, with 
gestures few and fitting. Her manner is marked by dignity and composure. She is 
never assuming, never theatrical. In the first part of her lecture she was most impres- 
sive in her pleading for the race with whom her lot is cast. There Avas something touch- 
ing in her attitude as their representative. The woe of two hundred years sighed through 
her tones. Every glance of her sad eyes was a mournful remonstrance against injustice 
and wrong. Feeling on her soul, as she must have felt it, the chilling weight of caste, 
she seemed to say : 

'I lift my heavy heart up solemnly, 
As once Electra her sepulchral urn.' 

* * * As I listened to her, there swept over me, in a chill wave of horror, the reali- 



780 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. 

zation that this noble woman had she not been rescued from her mother's condition mi^ht 
have been sold on the auction-block, to the highest bidder-her intellect, fancy, eloquence 
the flashing wit, that might make the delight of a Parisian saloon, and her pur^ Christian 
character all thrown in-the recollection that women like her could be dLged out of 
public conveyances an our own city, or frowned out of fashionable churchefby Anglo- 
oaxon saints. ' ^ -"-"giu 



627 ^^, 



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